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Full text of "Library of fathers of the Holy Catholic Church, Anterior to the Division of the East and West Volume 13: Historical Tracts of S Athanasius, translated, with notes and indices."

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The  Works  of  which  this  Volume  is  composed,  being  of 
an  historical  character,  naturally  require  a  Chronological 
Table  of  the  principal  events  recorded  in  them;  but  the 
difficulties  of  forming  any  satisfactory  statement,  during  the 
period  to  which  they  belong,  are  so  great,  that  any  arrange- 
ment can  be  but  hypothetical,  and  must  be  accompanied 
with  some  notice  of  the  difficulties  themselves,  and  the  various 
expedients  which  have  been  adopted  with  the  view  of  over- 
coming them.  Though  such  notice  will  be  necessarily  very 
imperfect,  it  shall  here  be  attempted. 

1.  Interposition  of  Pope  Julius  in  the  affairs  of  the  East. 

It  is  certain,  that  both  the  Eusebians  and  the  Egyptian 
Bishops  had  recourse  to  Rome ;  that  Athanasius  went  thither ; 
that  a  synodal  judgment  was  passed  there ;  and  that  Legates 
went  from  S.  Julius  to  Antioch;  but  the  order  and  dates 
of  these  events  are  variously  determined.  For  the  sake 
of  perspicuity,  it  will  be  necessary  in  the  first  place  to  take  a 
view  of  the  transactions  to  which  dates  are  to  be  assigned ; 
though  it  is  impossible  to  do  so,  without  prejudging  some 
of  the  questions  in  dispute. 

It  appears  then,  that  shortly  after  the  return  of  S.  Atha- 
nasius to  Alexandria  from  his  exile  in  Gaul,  the  Eusebian 
party  brought  charges  against  him  before  the  three  Emperors, 
(infr.  pp.  18,  226,)  and  the  Pope,  (p.  37.)  Their  embassy  or 
legation  to  the  latter  consisted  of  Macarius,  Martyrius,  and 

a  2 

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Hesychius,  (pp.  42,  47.)  and  they  were  met  by  a  counter 
deputation  from  S.  Athanasius,  (pp.  44,  226,)  supported, 
(p.  48,)  or  preceded,  (p.  43,)  by  letters  from  many  Catholic 
Bishops,  (pp.  47,  70,)  and  by  a  letter  to  the  Pope,  (p.  38,) 
which  an  Alexandrian  Council  of  from  eighty,  (p.  61,)  to  one 
hundred  Bishops,  (p.  14,)  had  written  in  his  favour,  (pp.  14, 17, 
and  48.)  The  discussions  which  ensued  at  Rome  perhaps  were 
held  before  a  Council  of  Bishops  then  present,  (p.  46,)  and 
ended  in  the  defeat  of  the  Eusebian  legates,  (p.  43,)  one  of 
whom  abruptly  left  the  city  in  consequence,  (p.  44.)  Julius, 
however,  did  not  decide  the  matter  at  once,  but  at  their 
suggestion,  (pp.  39,  42,  226,)  proposed  a  Council,  (p.  11,)  at 
which  both  Eusebians,  (p.  54,)  and  Athanasius  should  attend, 
(p.  40,)  and  the  Alexandrians  have  the  choice  of  place,  (p.  226.) 
Athanasius,  who  was  otherwise  disposed  to  betake  himself  to 
Rome,  in  consequence  of  the  outrages  of  Gregory  whom  the 
Arian  Council  of  the  Dedication  had  sent  to  Alexandria  in  his 
place,  (p.  227,)  promptly  obeyed  the  call  (p.  49) ;  and  on  his 
arrival  at  Rome,  the  Pope  sent  Elpidius  and  Philoxenus  as 
legates  to  Antioch,  (p.  39,)  with  a  letter  to  the  Eusebians, 
(p.  46,)  repeating  the  invitation  to  a  Council,  (p.  41,)  and  fixing 
the  day,  (pp.  45,  227.)  There  they  were  detained  over  the 
time,  ibid,  and  at  length  came  back  with  a  refusal  on  the  part 
of  the  Orientals  to  attend  (pp.  40, 46, 47) ;  though  the  Eusebian 
legates  had  not  only  been  the  originators  of  the  measure,  but 
had  gone  so  far  as  to  offer  to  submit  the  question  to  the 
arbitration  of  the  Pope,  (p.  39.)  Upon  this  Julius  proceeded 
to  hold  a  Council  of  fifty  Bishops,  (pp.  14, 39,  230,)  at  which 
Athanasius  and  others  were  pronounced  innocent  and  admitted 
to  communion,  ibid,  and  in  the  name  of  which,  (pp.  39, 46,)  the 
Pope,  eighteen  months  from  the  date  of  Athanasius's  arrival, 
(p.  49,)  proceeded  to  address  a  letter  of  remonstrance  to  the 
Orientals,  who  had  written  to  him  from  Antioch. 

This  is  a  sketch  of  the  history,  and  now  to  proceed  to  its 
chronology.  The  only  date  which  is  known  for  certain  is 
that  of  the  Eusebian  Council  of  Antioch  held  A.D.  341. 

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This  we  learn  from  Athanasius,  de  Syn.  §.  25.  "  Ninety 
Bishops,"  he  says,  "  met  at  the  Dedication  under  the  Con- 
sulate of  Marcellinus  and  Probinus,  in  the  14th  of  the 
Indiction;"  L.  F.  vol.  8,  p.  109.  As,  in  dating  by  the  In- 
dication, the  new  year  began  in  September,  the  Council  must 
have  assembled  during  the  spring  or  summer  of  341 ;  nay,  it 
would  appear,  in  the  first  months  of  it,  if  Gregory,  who  was 
appointed  in  it  to  the  See  of  Alexandria,  began  his  per- 
secution at  Alexandria  in  that  year.  Gregory  entered  Alex- 
andria during  Lent,  (infr.  p.  7.)  that  is,  either  in  Lent  841 
while  the  Council  was  still  sitting,  or  the  Lent  following. 
Upon  Gregory's  coming,  Athanasius  left  Alexandria  for 
Rome,  that  is,  after  Easter ;  thus  Athanasius's  visit  to  Rome 
commences  in  the  spring  of  341  or  342;  unless  indeed 
we  suppose  with  Mansi,  that  Gregory's  invasion  and  Atha- 
nasius's flight  were  prior  to  the  Council  of  the  Dedi- 
cation, viz.  in  340.  He  remained  at  Rome  three  years, 
(p.  158.)  and  in  the  fourth  year  was  called  by  Constans 
to  Milan.  Now  in  the  latter  part  of  345  the  delegates 
of  the  Eusebians  also  came  to  Milan,  Eudoxius,  Marty- 
rius,  and  Macedonius,  (vid.  L.  F.  vol.  8,  p.  111.)  with  the 
Macrostich  or  Long  Confession,  which  had  been  drawn  up 
at  Antioch  in  the  beginning  of  the  year.  They  presented 
themselves  before  a  Council  there,  according  to  a  letter  of 
Liberius,  of  the  date  of  354 ;  which  rejected  them ;  and  that, 
according  to  the  same  letter,  eight  years  before  that  date, 
which  nearly  agrees  with  Athanasius's  account  of  the  publica- 
tion of  the  Macrostich.  It  is  natural  to  connect  this  visit 
of  the  Eusebians  to  Milan  with  the  summons  of  Athanasius 
by  Constans  to  that  city,  and  to  conclude  that  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Council  issued  in  the  resolution  which  the 
Emperor  adopted  at  this  time  to  treat  with  his  brother 
for  the  meeting  of  a  General  Council.  If  so,  the  date  of 
Athanasius's  journey  to  Rome  is  342.  And  it  certainly  seems 
much  more  probable  that  Gregory  should  proceed  to 
Alexandria  the  Lent  after  the  Dedication,  than  that  the  ec* 

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clesiastical  and  military  acts  and  movements*  which  attended 
his  expedition  should  be  despatched  between  January  and 
Lent,  which  the  date  of  341  requires,  i.  e.  did  not  Athanasius's 
words  p.  226.  on  the  other  hand  shew  that  the  Eusebians 
were  very  much  bent  on  the  measure,  and  were  likely  to 
prosecute  it  promptly.  And  Baronius  and  others  date 
the  Councils  of  the  Macrostich  and  of  Milan  at  344,  not 
345,  which  throws  back  the  journey  of  Athanasius  to  341. 
And  moreover  if  the  Anonymus  Maffeianus,  relied  on  by 
Mansi,  be  correct,  the  Council  of  Sardica  was  held  at  the  end 
of  344,  a  date  which  may  just  allow  time  for  a  preliminary 
Council  of  Milan  (in  344.)  between  the  Sardican  Council  and 
the  end  of  three  years  from  May  341.  In  this  uncertainty 
about  the  year  of  Athanasius's  journey  to  Rome,  341  may  be 
more  fitly  taken  than  342  or  340,  as  having  the  suffrages  of 
more  critics  in  its  favour.  But  in  this  question  does  not  consist 
the  main  difficulty  of  the  chronology  on  the  point  before  us, 
which  is  internal  to  the  documents  which  are  to  follow, 
arising  out  of  the  relative  not  the  absolute  dates  which 
they  contain. 

It  appears  that  S.  Athanasius  was  eighteen  months  at 
Rome  before  Pope  Julius's  letter,  (p.  49;)  that  is,  the  Council 
of  Rome,  in  or  upon  which  he  wrote  it,  was  ending  or 
just  ended  eighteen  months  after  Athanasius's  arrival, 
or  in  the  month  of  October  or  rather  November,  since 
he  set  out  for  Rome  after  Easter.  But  the  meeting  of  the 
Council  was  fixed  for  a  day  before  the  January  preceding 
that  November ;  because  the  Pope's  legates  who  were  sent 
into  the  East  upon  Athanasius's  arrival  at  Rome  are  said,  by 
being  kept  at  Antioch  till  January,  to  be  kept  over  the  time 

*  Pagi  after  Schelstrate  contends, 
that  the  Confession  of  faith  and  the 
Canons  preceded  the  cause  of  Athana- 
sius in  the  Council.  Montfaucon  and 
Tillemont,  (with  the  exception  of  the 
Canon,  which  was  expressly  levelled  at 
Athanasius,  and  which  Montf.  does  not 
notice  as  a  Canon,)  place  it  first  of  all. 
If  there  were  at  first  orthodox  Bishops 

at  the  Council,  as  is  said,  we  cannot 
suppose,  that  Athanasius  was  con- 
demned till  after  their  departure.  Schel- 
strate. who  places  matters  of  faith  and 
discipline  first,  in  his  task  of  vindi- 
cating the  Catholicity  of  the  Council,  is 
obliged  to  suppose  its  commencement  in 
340,  in  order  to  gain  time  for  Gregory's 
expedition  by  Lent  341. 

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of  meeting.  Thus  we  have  an  interval  of  eleven  months 
between  the  meeting  and  the  termination.  It  follows  then  that 
the  Council  did  not  meet  at  the  time  proposed,  or  that  it  was 
continued  for  nearly  a  whole  year,  or  that  there  were  two 
Councils,  one  in  December,  the  other  in  November.  Now 
as  to  the  last  supposition,  it  is  most  improbable  that  the  same 
Bishops  of  Italy  should  meet  twice  over  at  so  short  a  period, 
and  Julius  and  Athanasius  speak  distinctly  of  but  one 
synodal  body,  (even  supposing  they  are  not  clear  about  one 
meeting,)  which  both  pronounced  the  innocence  of  Atha- 
nasius and  commissioned  Julius  to  write.  Still  less  is 
it  conceivable  that  the  Council  should  be  prolonged  for 
ten  or  eleven  months.  Nor  can  we  easily  conjecture,  what 
is  at  first  sight  plausible,  a  postponement  of  the  day  of 
meeting,  for  Julius  seems  positively  to  say  that  they  met 
at  the  very  time  for  which  they  had  been  convened,  (p.  46.) 

In  this  difficulty,  which  can  on  no  hypothesis  perhaps  be 
satisfactorily  removed,  some  critics  have  thrown  the  fault,  as 
it  may  be  called,  upon  one  place  in  the  history,  others  on 

The  form  in  which  it  has  been  above  exhibited  is  that 
which  arises  out  of  the  arrangement  of  facts  and  dates 
first  suggested  by  Valesius,  and  adopted  after  him  by 
Schelstrate,  Pagi,  Montfaucon,  Coustant,  Du  Pin,  S.  Bas- 
nage,  and  others.  It  seems  far  more  natural  and  less  open 
to  objections  than  any  other;  and  perhaps  the  readiest 
explanation  of  the  difficulty,  which  has  been  above  described 
as  attaching  to  it,  is  to  consider  the  letter  of  Pope  Julius  to 
be  later  than  the  Italian  Council  by  eleven  months,  and 
written  in  the  ordinary  Autumnal  Synod  (Baron.  342.  34.),  to 
which,  on  occasion  of  the  delay  of  the  Eusebians,  the  Italian 
Council  of  December,  might  naturally  delegate b,  as  to  a  sort 
of  Committee,  the  office  of  concluding  negociations  with  them 
and  issuing  the  Council's  sentence,  whenever  the  legates  of  the 

b  Tillemont  will  be  found  to  make  a   He  supplies  parallel  instances, 
similar  suggestion,  vol.  7.  pp.  706,  7. 

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Pope  should  return.  What  makes  this  the  more  probable  is, 
that  Julius  speaks  of  Athanasius  as  being  among  the  Romans 
eighteen  months.  "  He  continued  here  a  year  and  six  months,.... 
his  presence  overcame  us  all,"  p.  49,  words  which  properly 
belong  to  Bishops  residing  in  the  neighbourhood,  not  to  an 
Italian  Council.  It  is  observable,  moreover,  that  Julius  says, 
"the  sentiments  I  am  expressing  are  not  those  of  myself 
alone,  but  of  all  the  Bishops  throughout  Italy,  and  in  these 
parts"  hv  rovrois  roi$  [ligeo-i,  p.  46.  (Baronius,  however,  adduces 
this  passage  in  order  to  shew  that  S.  Julius's  first  letter  issued 
from  a  Council.)  And  he  proceeds,  "  The  Bishops  now  too, 
xa)  vuv,  assembled  on  the  appointed  day,"  as  if  there  had  been 
a  former  appointment,  and  that  punctually  kept ;  (though  Vale- 
sius  and  Schelstrate  understand  the  words,  "  I  again  write," 
which  follow,  to  refer  to  Julius's  former  communication  with 
the  Eusebians  before  Athanasius's  coming,  as  we  may 
understand  it  still.)  And  that  a  delay  of  some  kind  was  occa- 
sioned in  the  proceedings  at  Rome  by  the  conduct  of  the 
Eusebians,  is  plain,  as  various  critics  observe,  from  Julius's 
words,  p.  40,  "  I,  when  I  had  read  your  letter,  after  much 
consideration,  kept  it  to  myself,  thinking  that  after  all  some 

of  you  would  come  but  when  no  one  arrived,  and  it 

became  necessary  that  the  letter  should  be  produced,  &c." 
This  passage  too  accounts  for  the  long  interval  between  the 
departure  of  the  legates  from  the  Eusebians  in  January, 
and  the  Pope's  Letter  to  them  of  the  November  following  in 

Such  is  the  disposition  of  the  dates  which  is  the  most 
satisfactory  on  the  whole;  but  it  must  not  be  concealed,  that 
names  of  the  greatest  weight  may  be  alleged  in  favour  of 
other  chronological  arrangements.  Such  is  Baronius,  who 
has  been  followed  by  Labbe,  Petavius,  and  others ;  such  are 
Hermant,  Papebroke,  and  Tillemont,  who  adopt  a  third  hypo- 
thesis. Such  again  is  Mansi,  who  follows  an  arrangement  of  his 
own,  founded  on  a  document  which  has  come  to  light  since 
the  time  of  his  predecessors. 

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Baronius  supposes  two  visits  of  Athanasius  to  Rome,  and 
two  Italian  Councils  held  there.  He  refers  to  a  statement  of 
Socrates,  as  apparently  the  basis  of  the  former  of  these 
suppositions ;  though  Socrates  is  so  inextricably  perplexed  in 
his  account  of  the  events  and  even  of  the  names  of  persons 
which  occur  in  the  history,  that  it  is  difficult  to  determine 
what  he  does  and  what  he  does  not  say  on  this  point. 
Baronius  refers  to  Hist.  ii.  11  -  where  no  such  statement  occurs. 
He  may  be  taken,  however,  to  say,  (e.  g.  ii.  15.)  that  Athanasius 
after  his  acquittal  at  Rome  returned  to  Alexandria  before  the 
violent  entrance  of  Gregory,  upon  which  he  retired  to  Rome 
a  second  time.  Accordingly,  Baronius  terminates  the  eighteen 
months  some  time  before  Lent,  342,  which  he  considers  the 
date  of  Gregory's  entrance,  or  towards  the  close  of  341,  and 
places  their  commencement,  that  is,  the  first  journey  of  Atha- 
nasius in  the  early  part  of  340,  and  the  Council  of  Alexandria 
in  339.  Further,  since  the  termination  of  the  eighteen 
months  must  coincide  with  the  date  of  the  Roman  Council, 
which  acquitted  Athanasius,  he  supposes  that  Council  to 
have  been  held  in  341,  before  the  outrages  of  Gregory,  and 
before  the  return  of  the  legates,  whom  he  sends  into  the  East 
in  340,  previous  to  Athanasius'  first  journey,  and  brings  back 
to  Rome  not  till  342,  when  Julius  holds  a  second  Council, 
in  which  he  writes  his  synodal  letter. 

Baronius  urges  in  behalf  of  his  two  Councils  that  Pope  Julius 
notices  in  his  Letter  written  from  the  Council,  the  complaint 
of  the  Eusebians  that  Athanasius  had  been  admitted  to  com- 
munion, which  was  undeniably  the  act  of  the  Council  of  fifty 
Bishops.  Valesius  answers  first  by  denying  that  Julius 
notices  any  such  complaint,  next  by  arguing  that  the  act 
of  the  Council  of  fifty  was  not  mere  admission  into  commu- 
nion, for  Athanasius  had  never  been  out  of  communion, 
and  of  this  the  Eusebians  might  be  complaining,  but 
a  formal  recognition  of  his  being,  and  deserving  to  be,  in 
communion  with  the  Church.  And  hence  Athanasius  says, 
that  they  gave  him  "  the  confirmation  of  their  fellowship," 

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p.  39.  kxvgaxrctv  tjjv  xoimvlav.  As  to  the  question,  which  has 
been  raised,  whether  the  Pope  suspended  communion  with 
Athanasius,  it  is  treated  of  by  Tillemont,  vol.  8.  p.  673. 

Tillemont,  though  he  agrees  with  Baronius  in  supposing 
two  journeys  of  S.  Athanasius  to  Rome,  follows  Papebroke 
in  differing  from  him  altogether  in  the  dates  at  which  he 
places  them.  He  argues  that  the  Council  at  Rome  must  be 
dated  shortly  after  the  Council  of  the  Dedication  at  Antioch 
341 ;  after  it,  because  Julius  complains  that  the  Eusebians  had 
anticipated  him b,  (p.  50.)  and  but  shortly  after,  because  they 
pleaded  the  suddenness  of  the  summons  to  Rome  as  a  reason 
for  not  going,  whereas  it  had  been  sent  them  by  the  Pope's 
legates  as  far  back  as  the  foregoing  year.  And  he  considers 
that  the  legates  set  out  in  the  year  340,  because  in  Athana- 
sius's  Encyclical  Letter,  written  in  the  spring  of  341,  mention 
is  made  (p.  11.)  of  an  intention  at  Rome  to  hold  a  Council  for 
settling  the  existing  troubles,  an  intention  moreover  the  news  of 
which  occasioned  the  Eusebians  to  assemble  at  Antioch  in  341. 
Accordingly  he  places  the  Council  of  Rome  in  June  of  that 
year ;  and  this,  in  spite  of  S.  Julius's  express  statement  that 
January,  when  the  legates  were  dismissed  from  Antioch,  was 
about  (because  just  beyond)  the  time  when  the  Council  was 
held,  meeting  the  difficulty  by  an  arbitrary  alteration  of  the 
text,  of  June  for  January.  And  he  supposes  the  Council  to 
continue  by  adjournment  and  representation  till  the  return  of 
the  legates,  when  S.  Julius  wrote  his  letter  to  the  Eusebians. 
Athanasius's  eighteen  months  therefore  terminated  at  this  date, 
i.  e.  in  the  autumn  of  341 ;  but,  as  agreeing  with  Valesius  in 
fixing  Gregory's  arrival  at  Alexandria  in  Lent  of  that  year, 
Tillemont  is  obliged  to  suppose  that  the  eighteen  months  were 
not  consecutive,  even  if  they  were  complete.  He  dates  Atha- 
nasius's first  coming  as  at  the  end  of  339 c ;  considers  that  he 

b  Schelstrate  of  course,  whom  Pagi  c  The  words  piw  Ituutat  in  Atha- 

follows,  will  not  allow  any  intentional  nasius,  infr.  p.  227.  $.11  init.  are  felt 

anticipation  on  the  part  of  the  Council,  as  a  difficulty  both  by  Tillemont  and 

which  he  maintains  to  be  in  its  begin-  Montfaucon ;  by  Montfaucon,  as  if 

nings  Catholic,  and  to  have  assembled  at  shewing  that  his  flight  was  before  Gre- 

the  end  of  340  to  dedicate  the  Aureum  gory's  coming;  by  Tillemont,  as  shewing 

Dominicum.  that  it  was  after  Gregory's  ordination. 

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returned  to  Alexandria  in  the  course  of  340  on  the  rumour 
of  the  Eusebian  movements  at  Antioch,  and  retired  a  second 
time  to  Rome  on  the  forcible  entrance  of  Gregory  during 
the  Lent  following. 

Valesius  argues  against  the  double  journey  of  Athanasius 
from  the  strong  negative  fact  that  Athanasius  no  where 
speaks  of  more  than  one,  (vid.  infr.  pp.  39,  &c.  158,227,  &c.) 
He  considers  too  that  he  could  not  have  returned  to  Alex- 
andria without  formal  Letters  from  Constantius,  which  there 
is  no  appearance  of  his  obtaining. 

Mansi  differs  from  other  critics  in  this,  that  he  rejects  the 
testimony  of  Socrates,  &c.  upon  which  it  rests  that  Gregory's 
appointment  proceeded  from  the  Council  of  the  Dedication, 
and  considers  his  violences  at  Alexandria  to  have  taken 
place  in  Lent  340.  He  argues  from  the  language  of 
Athanasius  in  his  Encyclical  Letter  and  elsewhere  that 
Gregory  certainly  was  not  elected  by  Bishops,  and  therefore 
not  in  a  Council,  (vid.  infr.  pp.  5,  64,  229,  &c.)  Yet  surely, 
according  to  Socrates,  &c.  Athanasius  was  deposed  by  the 
Council "  because  he  had  violated  a  rule  which  they  themselves 
then  passed,"  viz.  that  he  had  exercised  his  episcopal  office 
without  the  formal  leave  of  a  Council  of  Bishops ;  and  it  can 
hardly  be  supposed  that,  when  the  Eusebians  took  the  pains 
to  be  thus  formal,  they  had  already  despatched  Gregory  to 
take  possession  of  the  Alexandrian  See.  And  Pope  Julius's 
letter  too,  p.  50  fin.  implies  that  the  Council  passed  some  act 
against  Athanasius.  Hence  Schelstrate  and  Pagi  maintain  that 
he  was  not  deposed  till  after  the  question  of  faith  and  at  least 
some  canons  had  been  settled.  Mansi,  however,  relies  upon  a 
document  discovered  by  Maffei  in  the  Veronese  Library,  pre- 
sently to  be  mentioned,  which  anticipates  the  date  of  Atha- 
nasius's  return  after  the  Council  of  Sardica  by  some  years, 
placing  it  on  Oct.  21,  346.  and  assigning  six  years  and  six 
months  for  the  length  of  his  exile.  In  consequence  he  fixes 
Athanasius's  flight  from  Gregory  and  journey  to  Rome  at  the 
beginning  of  340,  agreeing  with  Baronius  and  Papebroke 

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in  supposing  that  it  was  preceded,  as  Sozomen  reports 
Hist.  ii.  9.  by  a  time  of  concealment.  He  places  the 
Council  of  Rome  at  the  end  of  the  eighteen  months  after 
Athanasius's  arrival,  i.  e.  towards  the  end  of  341.  And  he 
argues  that  the  Council  of  the  Dedication  was  held  in  the 
month  of  August,  from  the  circumstance  #  of  St.  Jerome's 
assigning  the  Council  in  his  Chronicon  to  the  fifth  year  of 
the  Emperors,  (as  does  Socrates  Hist.  ii.  8.)  while  the 
fourteenth  of  the  Indiction,  which  is  also  its  date,  ended 
with  the  beginning  of  September.  But  the  fifth  year  from 
Constantine's  death  began  on  May  22;  and  from  the  new 
Emperors'  assumption  of  the  title  of  Augustus,  not  in  August 
as  Mansi  states,  (vid.  Suppl.  Cone.  p.  175.)  but  on  Sept  9. 
vid.  Tillem.  Emp.  t.  4.  p.  312.  l'Art  de  verifier  les  Dates, 
t.  1.  p.  392. 

The  mention  of  the  accession  of  the  sons  of  Constantine 
leads  to  the  notice  of  one  date  in  which  Schelstrate,  Pagi,  and 
Montfaucon,  as  well  as  Papebroke,  and  Tillemont,  side  with 
Baronius  against  Valesius,  who  wishes  to  make  337  instead 
of  338  the  year  of  S.  Athanasius's  return  from  Gaul.  Vale- 
sius argues  in  favour  of  337,  from  the  circumstance  that 
Constantine  the  younger  in  his  letter  to  the  Church  of  Alex- 
andria, (infr.  p.  121.)  which  is  dated  June  17,  designates 
himself  as  "  Caesar,"  not  by  the  title  of  Augustus,  which  he 
assumed  with  his  brothers  the  September  after  his  accession, 
i.  e.  Sept.  9,  337.  Valesius  adds,  that  while  the  brothers 
were  but  Caesars,  Constantine  would  have  the  highest  autho- 
rity of  the  three,  as  being  the  eldest ;  as  if  thus  accounting 
for  Constantine's  writing  to  the  Alexandrians,  not  Constantius 
their  sovereign.  Tillemont,  after  Schelstrate  and  Pagi,  urges  in 
reply  the  testimony  of  Theodoret,  who  says  that  Athanasius 
was  two  years  and  four  months  at  Treves  ;  and  as  he  arrived 
there  not  before  the  end  of  335,  (Tillem.  Montf.)  or  in  336, 
(Baron.  Schelstr )  he  did  not  leave  till  338.  Moreover,  Con- 
stantine's letter  was  written  too  soon  after  his  father's  death, 
on  the  supposition  of  its  belonging  to  337,  to  allow  even  of 

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his  hearing  of  that  event,  much  less  of  his  speaking,  as  he  does, 
of  his  father's  wishes  as  regards  Athanasius.  It  appears  too 
that  the  three  brothers  met  in  Pannonia  in  338,  where  Atha- 
nasius tells  us,  (infr.  p.  159,)  he  had  about  this  time  an  inter- 
view with  Constantius,  viz.  at  Viminacium ;  it  is  natural  then 
to  suppose  that  the  letter  of  Constantine  was  the  consequence 
of  the  meetings  then  and  there  held.  And  while  Athanasius, 
(infr.  p.  225,)  expressly  says,  that  his  return  was  the  joint  act 
of  the  three  brothers,  it  is  known  that  Constantius  and 
Constans  were  at  Viminacium  in  June  338,  since  one  of  their 
laws  bears  this  date  and  place ;  not  to  say  that,  according 
to  Epiphanius,  Constantius's  approbation  of  the  return  of 
Athanasius  was  given  when  that  Emperor  was  at  Autioch, 
which  he  is  known  to  have  been  in  October  338.  (vid.  Sehel- 
strate,  Pagi.)  As  to  Valesius's  difficulty  about  Constantine's 
title,  Pagi  solves  it  by  observing  that  Constantine  was  writing 
to  a  Church  under  his  brother's  jurisdiction,  and  in  such  case 
he  would  naturally  drop  the  title  Augustus,  though  he  was  in 
possession  of  it.  He  refers  to  parallel  instances.  And  as  to 
Constantine's  writing  at  all,  it  is  sufficient  to  answer  that 
Treves  where  Athanasius  was  staying  was  within  his  territory. 

Valesius  also  maintains,  that  the  Encyclical  Letter  was 
written  on  occasion  of  the  second  attack  on  the  Alexandrian 
Church,  by  George  in  356,  not  upon  the  first  under  Gregory. 
He  is  misled  by  the  faults  in  the  text  noticed  infr.  p.  1,  which 
Baronius  had  corrected  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  and 
which  Montfaucon  has  been  able  to  set  right  from  one  of  his 
Mss.  To  meet  the  difficulty  which  the  mention  of  Philagrius 
creates,  of  whose  connection  with  Gregory  we  are  informed 
by  Athanasius  himself,  infr.  p.  224,  Pagi,  who,  as  well  as 
Schelstrate,  follows  Valesius  in  this  point,  supposes  that  there 
were  two  Prefects  of  the  name  of  Philagrius,  the  second  the 
son  of  the  first.  He  supports  this  supposition  by  the  mention 
which  occurs,  (ibid.)  of  a  Philagrius,  Vicar  of  Cappadocia,  i.  e. 
under  the  Prefect, and  who  cannot,he  considers,  be  the  man  who 
had  served  the  higher  office  of  Prefect  of  Egypt    In  this  way 

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would  be  explained  the  praise  bestowed  upon  a  Philagrius  by 
Nazianzen,  (vid.  ibid,  note  b.)  whom  he  supposes  to  be  the 
second  of  the  two. 

2.  Tlie  Council  of  Sardica. 

If  any  period  in  the  life  of  S.  Athanasius  might  at  first 
sight  be  considered  free  from  chronological  difficulties,  it 
would  be  that  which  lies  between  his  second  and  his  third 
exiles.  Baronius,  Montfaucon,  and  Tillemont,  whose  dates 
we  have  found  so  discordant  in  the  foregoing  years,  have 
hardly  a  subject  of  difference  in  those  which  follow.  There 
is  a  general  consent  among  them  and  the  critics  which  come 
between  them  concerning  the  date  of  the  Council  of  Sardica, 
the  restoration  of  S.  Athanasius,  and  the  irruption  of  Syrianus 
and  his  flight.  The  great  difficulties  attaching  to  the  Councils 
of  Sirmium  in  these  years  scarcely  fall  into  the  narrative  of 
his  life.  Thus  stands  the  matter,  if  we  confine  ourselves  to 
the  discussions  and  researches  of  the  seventeenth  century. 
But  in  the  course  of  the  eighteenth  a  fresh  source  of  informa- 
tion was  discovered,  which,  while  it  added  perplexity  to  the 
perplexed  period  which  has  already  come  under  review,brought 
into  serious  difficulty  the  hitherto  unquestioned  dates  of  the 
Council  of  Sardica,  and  of  S.  Athanasius's  return  to  Alex- 
andria consequent  upon  it. 

Maffei  published  from  the  Library  of  Verona  a  fragment 
of  the  Latin  Version  of  Annals  of  the  life  of  S.  Athanasius, 
written  apparently  in  Greek  at  Alexandria,  and  not  very  long 
after  the  times  which  it  records.  The  high  value  which  he 
sets  upon  this  document,  is  confirmed  by  the  judgment  of 
Mansi  and  the  Ballerini,  the  latter  of  whom  call  it  an  "  aureum 
opusculum,"  Observ.  in  Noris.  p.  834.  and  the  former  has 
made  it  the  basis  of  a  new  chronological  arrangement d.  That 
it  contains  very  great  historical  misstatements  is  evident  at  first 
sight;  but  it  is  a  question  whether  these  may  not  be  attributed 
to  the  ignorance  of  the  translator,  errors  in  transcription,  e.  g. 
in  numerals,  and  other  causes;  while  on  the  other  hand,  were 
<»  Vid.  also  Vallars.  in  Hieron.  Chron.  p.  793. 

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the  mistakes  even  so  numerous  and  flagrant,  an  apparent 
internal  consistency  as  well  as  plausible  external  support 
may  be  urged  in  behalf  of  those  particular  statements,  on 
which  are  founded  the  corrections  of  the  chronology  of  the 
historical  period  now  under  review. 

In  the  very  passage  which  is  of  main  importance  in  the 
inquiry,  and  with  which  the  fragment  opens,  we  find  a 
glaring  error,  at  variance  too  with  the  account  which  follows. 
"Post  Gregorii  mortem  Athanasius  reversus  est  ex  urbe 

Rom&  et  remansit  quietus  apud  Alexandriam  annis  xvi. 

et  mens,  vi."  whereas  it  is  notorious,  as  the  Annalist  himself 
goes  on  to  say,  that  he  was  driven  into  banishment  again  in 
little  more  than  nine  years. 

In  the  paragraph  that  follows,  the  Author  speaks  of  the 
Consuls  of  the  year  349,  as  Hypatius  and  Catulinus,  instead 
of  Limenius ;  and  of  Eusebius  of  Nicomedia  as  then  alive, 
who  died  in  341  or  342;  and  of  the  murder  of  Hermogenes 
at  Constantinople,  which  took  place  at  the  same  date.  Mansi, 
however,  has  a  very  ingenious  explanation  of  the  mistake  in 
the  Consul's  name. 

Afterwards  he  speaks  of  Constans  for  Constantius,  and 
Gregory  for  George. 

The  statement  in  which  we  are  immediately  concerned 
runs  thus :  "JEt  {actus  est,  post  Gregorii  mortem  Athanasius 
reversus  est  ex  urbe  Roma  et  partibus  Italiae  et  ingressus 
est  Alexandriam,  Phaophi  xxiv.  Consulibus  Constantio  iv. 
et  Constante  iii.  hoc  est  post  annos  vi."  The  Consuls  named 
belong  to  346,  and  the  Egyptian  date,  according  to  Mansi, 
corresponds  to  October  21 ;  whereas  the  received  date  of 
Athanasius's  return  is  349,  and  is  computed  thus : — Sozomen 
Hist.  iii.  12.  places  the  Council  of  Sardica  in  the  Consulate 
of  Rufinus  and  Eusebius,  that  is,  A.D.  347.  From  the 
Council  an  embassy  or  legation  was  sent  by  Constans  to  his 
brother,  consisting  of  Euphrates  and  Vincentius.  What 
happened  to  them  at  Antioch  we  read  infr.  p.  235,  and  it  took 
place  "  at  the  season  of  the  most  holy  Easter,"  which  must 

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be  348,  Easter-Day  being  April  8 ;  now  Gregory  died  "  about 
ten  months  after,"  p.  236 ;  that  is,  in  February  349,  upon  which 
Athanasius  was  restored  to  his  see,  ibid.  But  on  the  other 
hand,  reckoning  backwards,  if  his  restoration  took  place,  as 
the  Annalist  would  have  it,  in  346,  then  Euphrates  and 
Vincentius  were  at  Antioch  at  Easter  345,  and  the  Council 
took  place  in  344. 

In  another  place  the  anonymous  Annalist  speaks  of  the 
irruption  of  Syrianus,  infr.  p.  206.  as  occurring,  "Mechir  xiii. 
die  per  noctem  supervenientem  xiv."  or  February  9,  which 
answers  to  the  received  account  infr.  p.  294.  and  adds, "  Hoc 
factum  est  post  annos  ix,  et  menses  iii,  ac  dies  xix,  quam 
Italia  reversus  est  Episcopus;"  a  period,  which,  reckoning 
according  to  Alexandrian  months  of  thirty  days,  consistently 
answers,  as  Maffei  and  Mansi  observe,  to  the  interval  between 
Oct.  21,  346.  and  Feb.  9,  356.  One  cannot  suppose  then 
the  date  assigned,  whatever  be  its  value,  to  have  been  altered 
in  transcription  or  translation.  It  is  the  date  intended  by 
the  Author.  Now  in  St.  Jerome's  Chronicon,  the  year 
assigned  for  Athanasius's  return,  is  the  tenth  year  of  Constans, 
that  is,  this  very  year  346,  though  the  date  A.D.  is  there 
otherwise  marked,  viz.  as  350  (349).  Theodoret  too  reckons 
the  length  of  Gregory's  usurpation  at  six  years,  which,  how- 
ever treated,  cannot  be  made  to  -reach  to  849.  Moreover,  if 
Euphrates  was  convicted  of  Arianism  in  346,  which  is  the 
date  assigned  to  the  Council  of  Cologne,  he  could  not  have 
been  a  legate  from  the  Council  of  Sardica  to  Constantius  in 
Easter  348 ;  but  this  difficulty,  so  celebrated  in  controversy, 
vanishes,  if  for  348  we  substitute  345,  as  the  date  of  the  visit 
of  Euphrates  to  Antioch.  It  may  be  added,  that  in  Surius's 
Edition  of  the  Council  of  Sardica,  the  Consuls  of  344  are 
named  in  the  title ;  which  is  also  the  case  in  an  ancient  Ms. 
of  the  Collection  of  Mercator  formerly  contained  in  the 
Jesuit  Library  at  Paris,  though  other  chronological  specifi- 
cations are  added  inconsistent  with  this  date. 

What  alterations  in  the  chronology  of  the  period  seem  to  be 

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required  by  this  and  other  notices  contained  in  the  fragment 
under  consideration,  will  be  seen  by  inspecting  Mansi's  table, 
a  specimen  of  which  shall  presently  be  given.  Here  the  dates 
set  down  by  the  Annalist  himself  shall  be  set  before  the  reader. 

Entrance  of  S.  Athanasius  into  Alexandria  on  his  return  from 

Italy.  Oct.  21,346. 

Legation  of  five  Bishops  from  S.  Athanasius  to  Constans 

[Constantiusl  at  Milan.  May  19,  353. 

Montanns  the  Palatine  enters  Alexandria,  four  days  after, 
with  Letters  from  the  Emperor  to  S.  Athanasius  prohi- 
bitory of  his  legation.  May  23,  353. 

Diogenes  the  Notary  comes  to  Alexandria  with  a  view 

of  driving  S.  Athanasius  from  the  city.  end  of  July,  355. 

he  was  there  4  months  from  the  intercalation  (after  July) 
to  Dec.  22. 

Syrianus  enters  Alexandria.  Jan.  5,  356. 

Breaks  into  the  Church  at  night.  Feb.  9,  356. 

George  is  driven  from  Alexandria.  Oct.  2,  358. 

Death  of  S.  Athanasius.  May  3,  373. 

It  does  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  this  Preface  to  enter 
into  the  Chronology  of  the  Councils  of  Milan,  upon  which  so 
much  has  been  written.  On  the  critics  who  have  treated 
the  subject  and  their  respective  judgments,  vid.  Pagi,  ann. 
344.  n.  4. 

3.  Councils  qf  Sirmium. 

Something  was  said  on  the  subject  of  the  Councils  of 
Sirmium,  in  the  eighth  Volume  of  the  Library  of  the 
Fathers,  p.  160,  in  course  of  enumerating  the  Sirmian  and 
other  Confessions.  Mansi,  however,  was  scarcely  referred  to; 
and  Zaccaria  who  has  written  after  him  not  at  all.  A  few 
words  will  be  sufficient  to  supply  the  omission. 

Socrates  and  Sozomen  assign  the  condemnation  of  Pho- 
tinus  at  Sirmium  to  a  Council  held  there  in  351.  Baronius, 
Sirmond,  and  Gothofred,  consider  them  mistaken,  and  fix 
it  in  the  year  357,  towards  or  at  the  end  of  which,  Constan- 
tius  came  to  that  place,  and  remained  there  through  the  greater 


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part  or  whole  of  358,  and  part  of  359,  (Gothofred  in  Philost. 
p.  200.  Mansi,  Suppl.  Cone.  p.  182.  ed.  1748.)  Petavius,  Tille- 
mont,  S.  Basnage,  &c.  speak  of  three  Councils  or  Conferences 
of  Sirmium,  placing  them  respectively  in  851,  857,  and  359. 
Gothofred  three,  in  357, 358,  359.  Mansi  three,  in  358,  359, 
359.  Zaccaria  makes  in  all  five,  viz.  in  349,  (in  which  indeed 
he  follows  Petavius,)  351,  357,  (at  which  Hosius  lapsed,)  357 
(following  Valesius  and  Pagi,)  and  359.  The  main  point  of 
dispute  is,  whether  there  are  two  dates  for  Sirmian  Councils, 
351,  and  357 — 9,  or  but  one,  and  that,  at  the  latter  period, 
the  former  date,  though  assigned  by  Socrates,  being  in  that 
case  impossible ;  and  the  main  argument  in  favour  of  Baronius 
and  Mansi,  who  assert  that  there  was  but  one,  is  the  improba- 
bility, be  it  great  or  be  it  little,  that  there  should  have  been 
two  Councils  or  Conferences  in  that  city,  of  an  ecumenical 
not  local  character,  within  a  few  years  of  each  other.  There 
does  not  seem  much  more  to  be  said  than  this,  against 
Petavius  and  other  advocates  for  351  and  357. 

This  is  evident  from  the  mode  in  which  Mansi  draws  out 
his  argument.  He  urges  that  Socrates  and  Sozomen,  the  two 
writers  who  date  the  Council  at  351,  nevertheless  state,  that 
"  George,  Bishop  of  Alexandria,"  was  present  at  it,  that  is, 
George  of  Cappadocia,  who  was  not  consecrated  till  856, 
and  was  not  driven  from  Alexandria  till  the  end  of  August, 
(or  Oct.  2,  according  to  the  Anonymus,)  358.  The  Council 
then  was  held  towards  the  end  of  that  year,  a  date  at  which  we 
happen  to  know  that  Constantius  was  making  a  long  stay  at 
Sirmium.  Such  seems  the  utmost  of  Mansi's  argument.  Tille- 
mont  had  already  urged  the  mention  of  George  to  shew  that 
there  was  a  Sirmian  Council  at  a  later  date,  but  it  does  follow 
from  thence,  as  Tillemont  well  understands,  that  still  Fhotinus 
was  not  condemned  at  an  earlier  Council  held  in  351.  Now  the 
reasons  for  the  latter  opinion,  with  the  replies  made  to  them, 
are  as  follows:  1.  Socrates  dates  in  this  place  by  naming  the 
Consuls  (of  the  foregoing  year, — there  were  no  Consuls  in  351,) 
and  is  never  wrong,  according  to  Petavius,  when  he  dates  by 

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the  Consuls*  Man  si,  however,  denies  this,  and  Zaccaria  con- 
cedes it,  vid.  also  infr.  p.  xxi.  2.  The  Council  of  Sirmium,  says 
Tillemont,  was  composed  of  Bishops  of  the  East,  yet  held  in 
Illyricum,  all  which  agrees  with  the  date  851,  when  the  West 
was  under  the  power  of  usurpers;  Mansi  accounts  for  the 
fact  by  alleging  that  the  West  had  already  declared  its  judg- 
ment in  two  Councils  held  against  Photinus  at  Rome  and 
Milan.  3.  Basil  of  Ancyra,  who  was  the  life  of  the  Council 
against  Photinus,  opposed  himself  at  Ancyra  to  the  Council 
of  357  or  358 ;  which  obliges  us  to  distinguish  between  the 
two  Councils.  Mansi  explains  by  stating,  what  was  the  fact, 
that  there  were  two  parties,  Arians  and  Semi-Arians,  at  the 
Council,  and  that  when  the  latter,  of  which  Basil  was  the 
leader,  left  it,  the  former  stayed  and  passed  the  Confes- 
sion which  Hosius  subscribed,  and  Basil,  &c.  at  Ancyra  repu- 
diated. 4.  Germinius,  who  succeeded  Photinus  in  the  see 
of  Sirmium,  sat  as  Bishop  as  early  as  the  Council  of  Milan, 
355;  it  is  answered,  that  at  least  he  was  Bishop  of  Cyzicus 
before  the  deposition  of  Photinus.  5.  Theodore,  who 
subscribed  the  formulary  against  Photinus,  was  dead  in  355, 
that  is,  if  the  Theodore  who  subscribed  was  the  Bishop  of 
Heraclea,  and  this  formulary  the  confession  which  Liberius 
signed,  vid.  Hilar.  Fragm.  vi.  7.  6.  Cecropius  of  Nicomedia, 
says  Zaccaria  against  Mansi,  though  not  against  Baronius, 
was  present  at  the  Council,  but  he  was  killed  in  the  earthquake 
in  that  city,  August  28,  358.  7.  Pagi  too  observes,  that  the 
disputation  between  Basil  and  Photinus  was  taken  down, 
according  to  Epiphanius,  Haer.  71.  p.  829.  by  "  Callicrates, 
registrar  of  Rufinus  the  Prefect;"  now  if  Praetorian  Prefect 
be  meant,  Rufinus  was  Prefect  of  Illyricum  349 — 352.  Ex- 
ceptores  or  registrars  were  attached  to  all  judges,  Gothofr. 
Cod.  Theod.  t.  2.  p.  459.  but  they  are  especially  connected 
with  Praetorian  Prefects  by  Gothofred,  ibid.  Pancirollus 
Not.  Dign.  p.  36.  and  Lami  Erud.  Apost.  p.  262. 


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4.  Tlie  year  of  S.  Athanasius's  death. 

Though  there  is  nothing  in  the  following  Treatises  which 
leads  specially  to  a  discussion  of  the  year  of  S  A th aliasing' s 
death ;  yet  since  it  is  one  of  the  principal  points  of  contro- 
versy in  a  history  which,  as  we  have  seen,  abounds  in 
chronological  difficulties,  and  is  closely  connected  with 
passages  which  occur  below,  it  will  not  be  out  of  place  here 
to  set  down  the  opinions  of  various  critics  on  the  subject 
Many  of  them  are  collected  together  in  Fontanini's  Dis- 
sertation appended  to  his  Historia  Literaria  Aquileiensis. 

Socrates  places  his  death  in  the  Consulate  of  Gratian  ii. 
and  Probus,  that  is,  in  371  ;  in  which  he  is  followed  by 
Petavius;  Hermant  in  his  Life  of  S.  Athanasius ;  P.  F.  Chifflet, 
(upon  Ep.  Paulin.  29.)  Paulin.  Illustr.  part.  2.  c.  11.  p.  150; 
Papebroke  in  vit.  Ath.  p.  248 ;  and  Sollerius  (who  answers 
Pagi  and  Montfaucon  in  a  very  disagreeable  tone)  de  Patri- 
archis  Alexandrinis,  Act.  SS.  in  t.  5.  Jun. 

Baronius;  Valesius  (Theod.  Hist.  iv.  22.);  Renaudot,  Hist. 
Patriarch.  Alex.  p.  95 ;  and  Fontanini  supr.  adopt  the  date 
of  372,  from  the  duration  of  his  Episcopate  being  46  years, 
(on  which  there  is  a  general  agreement,)  and  its  commence- 
ment in  326.  Sollerius  too  confesses,  that  of  the  two  he 
should  prefer  372  to  373,  de  Patr.  Alex.  n.  213.  and  it  can 
hardly  be  doubted,  that  this  date  would  have,  what  may  be 
called,  the  second  votes  of  the  advocates  both  of  871  and 
of  873. 

Cardinal  Noris  in  his  Censur.  in  Not.  Garner.  (Opp.  t.  3. 
p.  1178.)  in  correction  of  a  former  statement  in  his  Hist. 
Pelag.  in  which  he  agreed  with  Baronius;  his  Editors  the  Bal- 
lerini  in  their  Obss.  p.  834 ;  Bucherius  (in  Victor.  Can.  Pasch.) ; 
Pagi;  Quesnel  (Leon.  Opp.  t.  2.  p.  1545.  ed.  Bailer.);  Du  Pin, 
making  S.  Athanasius's  Episcopate  "  more  than  48  years ;" 
Oudinus  (in  supplem.  Script.  Eccles.) ;  Tillemont;  Mont- 
faucon; Ceillier  (Hist,  des  Aut.  Eccles.);  S.  Basnage  (Annal.); 
Le  Quien  (Or.  Christ,  t.  2.  p.  400.);  Scip.  Maffei  (Osserv.  Lett. 

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t.  3.);  and  Mansi  in  the  Dissertation  quoted  above,  (though  he 
speaks  respectfully  of  Sollerius's  objections,  in  Pag.  Ann. 
372.  9.)  argue  in  favour  of  373.  This  last  opinion,  which 
Montfaucon  is  considered  to  have  established,  in  his  Vit.  Ath. 
and  a  "  Dissertatio  de  tempore  mortis  Alex.  Ep.  Alex,  ac  de 
anno  ob.  Athan.  M."  (which  has  not  fallen  in  the  way  of  the 
present  writer,)  is  founded  principally  upon  S.  Proterius's 
Paschal  Epistle. 

Little  seems  to  be  adduced  in  favour  of  371,  beyond  the 
circumstance  of  Socrates  mentioning  the  Consuls  of  that  year, 
a  mode  of  dating  which,  according  to  Baronius,  may  ordi- 
narily be  trusted,  (in  Ann.  69.  n.  36.)  that  is,  in  the  case  of 
public  acts  or  contemporary  events,  as  Montfaucon  observes, 
Fontan.  Diss.  p.  444.  Petavius,  however,  says,  Socrates  nun- 
quam  temere,  aut  falso  notas  Consulares  adhibet,  dePhot.  Haer. 
c.  2.  p.  379;  on  this  point,  however,  something  has  occurred 
above,  p.  xix.  After  alleging  the  evidence  of  Socrates,  Solle- 
rius,  who  is  the  latest  of  the  above  advocates  of  the  year 
371,  does  little  more  than  attempt  to  adjust  that  date  with 
other  existing  chronological  data,  and  to  refute  objections. 

The  most  obvious  difficulty  in  his  hypothesis  is,  that 
Socrates  himself,  in  the  very  passage  in  which  he  mentions 
the  Consuls  of  371,  states  that  S.  Athanasius  was  Bishop  for 
46  years,  which,  since  he  did  not  succeed  Alexander  till  326, 
will  bring  the  date  of  his  death  to  372  or  373.  A  contro- 
versy follows,  whether  his  consecration  was  at  the  end  of 
826,  or  at  the  beginning.  S.  Alexander  died,  according  to 
the  Coptite  History,  as  late  as  April  17  (326);  but  according 
to  Athanasius  himself,  infr.  p.  88.  and  Theodoret,  within  five 
months  after  the  reception  of  the  Meletians,  (which  followed 
upon  the  termination  of  the  Nicene  Council,  i.  e.  upon  Aug. 
25,  325,)  and  therefore  in  the  beginning  of  326,  or  the  end 
of  825.  Epiphanius  too  reports,  that  S.  Alexander  died  the 
year  of  the  Nicene  Council,  Haer.  69. 11.  (though  he  adds  what 
invalidates  his  testimony,  or  rather  turns  it  the  other  way ;) 
and  his  Festival  is  fixed  in  the  Roman  Martyrology  on 

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Feb.  26.  Next  comes  the  question  of  the  interval  between 
Alexander's  death  and  Athanasius's  ordination,  which  Solle- 
rius  of  course  wishes  to  curtail  as  much  as  possible.  With 
this  view  he  refers  to  the  words  of  the  Alexandrian  Council,  infr. 
p.  22,  which  he  interprets  to  imply,  that  the  vacancy  in  the 
see  was  immediately  filled,  and  he  maintains,  after  Papebroke, 
that  the  Greek  Feast-Day  of  S.  Athanasius,  Jan.  18,  was 
really  the  day  of  his  consecration,  i.  e.  in  326.  However, 
though  this  be  granted  for  argument's  sake,  even  then  the 
46  years  of  S.  Athanasius's  Episcopate  extend  to  January 
372,  i.  e.  beyond  May  2,  (his  day  of  death,)  371.  Nor  can 
we  suppose,  that  Socrates  merely  uses  round  numbers,  when 
he  speaks  of  46  years,  for  S.  Cyril  expressly  tells  us,  that 
Athanasius's  Episcopate  was  "  46  whole  years  f  and  Theo- 
dore t,  Sozomen,  the  Arabian  writers,  (Renaudot  Hist.  Patr. 
Alex.  p.  96.)  and  others  say  the  same  thing.  Yet  Rufinus, 
who  was  in  Egypt  about  the  time  of  Athanasius's  death, 
certainly  says  only,  that  he  died  in  his  46th  year. 

And  here  at  first  sight  is  an  argument  in  favour  of  372, 
rather  than  373;  Papebroke  and  Fontanini  observe,  that 
S.  Athanasius  would  have  been  Bishop  47  not  46  years  on 
supposition  of  the  latter  date.  But  this  depends  on  the  time 
of  year  at  which  his  Episcopate  commenced.  Sollerius 
maintains  above,  that  it  dates  from  January  18 ;  but  Mont- 
faucon  (in  his  Monitum  in  correction  of  his  Vit.  Athan.)  and 
Tillemont  place  the  death  of  S.  Alexander  on  the  17th  or 
18th  of  April,  following  the  Jacobite  Chronicon  of  Abraham 
Eckellensis,  as  above  cited,  and  other  Coptite,  as  well  as 
Abyssinian  Calendars.  To  the  five  months  spoken  of  above 
by  Athanasius  and  Theodoret,  must  in  this  case  be  added, 
as  indeed  is  reasonable,  the  time  consumed  in  the  return  of 
S.  Alexander  from  Nicssa  to  Alexandria,  and  the  proceedings 
in  reconciliation  of  the  Meletians,  which  will  make  up  the 
whole  interval  between  August  25,  and  the  April  following. 
Again,  S.  Athanasius's  consecration  does  not  seem  to  have 
followed  immediately  upon  the  death  of  his  predecessor,  infr. 

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p.  22.  which  will  carry  down  the  beginning  of  his  Episcopate 
far  into  the  year  326 ;  and  if  we  date  it  from  the  middle  or 
the  end,  and  much  more  if,  as  the  Ballerini  propose,  we  fix 
it  on  Jan.  18,  327,  then  46  years  and  some  months,  or  as  it 
is  natural  that  S.  Cyril  should  express  it,  46  whole  years,  will 
bring  us  to  May  2,  (the  received  day  of  his  death,)  373. 
The  known  duration  then  of  S.  Athanasius's  Episcopate  does 
not  decide  between  -372  and  373,  being  consistent  with  the 
latter  date  as  well  as  with  the  former.  Other  arguments, 
decisive  against  371,  but  available  for  both  372  and  373,  are 
deducible  from  the  date  of  the  coming  of  Valens  to  Antioch, 
where,  as  Socrates  tells  us,  he  was  staying  at  the  time  of 
S.  Athanasius's  death ;  and  of  Melania's  visit  to  Alexandria, 
when  Athanasius  gave  her  Macarius's  sheep-skin, — a  proof, 
says  Montfaucon,  that  Athanasius  was  not  dead  then,  a  proof, 
says  Fontanini,  that  he  was  dying. 

The  direct  evidence  in  favour  of  373  has  been  men- 
tioned above.  It  consists  in  the  Paschal  Epistle  of  S.  Pro- 
terius,  a  contemporary  of  S.  Leo,  which  is  contained  in 
Petavius's  Doctr.  Temp.  t.  2.  who, however,  p.  889.  ed.  1627. 
as  Sollerius  and  Fontanini  after  him,  thinks  the  text  corrupt 
and  untrustworthy,  as  it  evidently  is  in  part.  Sollerius  also 
argues  against  it  as  irrelevant  in  its  context,  and  unmeaning. 
It  is  confirmed  by  S.  Jerome's  Chronicon,  which  places  Atha- 
nasius's death  in  the  10th  year  of  Valens;  and  by  the  Coptite 
History,  which,  by  dating  it  on  a  Thursday,  fixes  it  in  373  ; 
and  especially  by  Maffei's  fragment,  of  which  so  much 
has  been  said  above.  Collateral  evidence  is  gained  from  the 
date  of  the  consecration  of  S.  Basil  370,  who,  when  he  was 
Bishop,  corresponded  with  S.  Athanasius ;  which,  under  the 
circumstances,  could  hardly  have  been  the  case,  had  Atha- 
nasius died  in  372.  Sollerius,  however,  suggests,  that  the 
Athanasius  addressed  by  S.  Basil  was  Athanasius  of  Ancyra, 
at  one  time  an  Arianizer,  though  afterwards  zealous  for 
orthodoxy,  n.  250. 

It  only  remains  to  exhibit  the  historical  events  which  have 

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come  under  review  according  to  the  respective  chronologies 
which  different  critics  have  adopted. 

Dates  according  to  Valesius,  Schelstrate,  Pagi,  Montfaucon, 
Sam.  Basnage. 


S.  Athanasius  returns  from  Gaul  337.  V. 

338.  5.  P.  M.  B. 

leaving  Treves  end  of  June,  M. 
Three  Eusebian  Legates  sent  to  Rome.  339,  V.  S.  P.  M.  B. 

Council  of  Alexandria.  340.  S.P.M.B. 

Council  of  the  Dedication.  341.  V.  S.  P.  M.  B. 

in  beginning  of  Year,  V.  end  of  340,  till  January 

341,  S.  before  Sept.  P.  to  anticipate  Roman, 

Bar,  not  to  anticipate  Roman,  &  P. 
Entrance  of  Gregory  into  Alexandria.  Lent.        341.  V,  P.  M.  B. 
Athanasius  writes  his  Encyclical  Letter.  341.  M. 

in  concealment,  M . 

[in  356  according  to  V.  S.  P.] 
S.  Athanasius  escapes  to  Rome.  341.  V.  S.  P.  M,  B. 

March  or  April,  S.  P.  after  Easter,  (April  19,)  V. 

May  M.  after  Council  of  Dedication,  P. 
Legates  set  out  from  Rome  to  the  Eusebians.      341.  V,  S.  P.  B. 

before  Athanasius  arrives  there,  and  in 

beginning  of  Year,  V. 
after  Athanasius's  arrival,  in  March  or  April, 

S.  P.  May,  M. 
Legates  arrive  at  Antioch.  341.  S.  P. 

in  April  or  May  or  June,  S.  in  June,  P. 
Legates  set  out  from  Antioch.  342.  V.  S.  M.  B. 

January,  S,  B.  M. 

they  return  in  March  or  April,  <S. 
Council  of  Rome,  in  which  Athanasius  is  acquitted.  342.  V.  S.  P.  M.  B. 

October,  S.  B.  or  November,  M. 
The  Pope's  Letter  to  the  Eusebians.  342.  V.  M.  B.  M. 

Baronius  and  Petavius. 
Athanasius  returns  from  Gaul.  338.  B.  P. 

The  three  Eusebian  Legates,  Macarius,  &c.  sent 

to  Rome.  339.  B.  P. 

Council  of  Alexandria.  339.  B. 

The  Legates  sent  from  the  Pope  to  the  Eusebians.  340.  B. 

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Athanasius  comes  to  Rome  (first  time)  beginning  of  340.  B.  P. 
Council  of  the  Dedication  at  Antioch,  341.  B.  P. 

to  anticipate  Roman  Council,  B. 
First  Council  of  Rome,  in  which  Athanasius  is 

acquitted.  341.  B.  P. 

Athanasius  returns  immediately  to  Alexandria,    341.  B.  P, 

end  of  year,  or  beginning  of  next,  B. 
Eusebians  send  back  the  Legates.  341.  B.  P. 

after  the  Council  of  Rome,  B.  before  it,  P. 
Entrance  of  Gregory  into  Alexandria,  Lent         342.  B.  P. 
Athanasius  retreats  from  Alexandria  into  a  place 

of  concealment.  342.  B.  P. 

He  writes  his  Encyclical  Letter.  342.  B* 

The  Pope's  Legates  return  to  Rome.  342.  B, 

Second  Council  of  Rome.  342.  B. 

The  Pope's  Letter  to  the  Eusebians.  342.  B. 

Athanasius  comes  to  Rome  (second  time).  342.  B*  P. 

Papebroke,  Tillemont. 

S.  Athanasius  returns  from  Gaul.  338.  P.  T. 

The  three  Eusebian  Legates  sent  to  Rome.        339.  T. 
Council  of  Alexandria.  339.  P.  T. 

S.  Athanasius  goes  to  Rome.  339.  P.  T* 

and  his  18  months  begin,  T.  September,  P. 
The  Legates  sent  from  the  Pope  to  the  Eusebians,  340.  T. 

immediately  after  Sept.  339.  P. 
S.  Athanasius  returns  to  Alexandria,        end  of  340.  P.  T. 
Council  of  the  Dedication.  341.  P.  T. 

beginning  of  Year,  T* 

before  September,  T. 
Entrance  of  Gregory  into  Alexandria,  Lent.        341.  P.  T. 
S.  Athanasius  writes  his  Encyclical  Letter.         341.  P.  T. 
He  leaves  Alexandria  and  retreats  to  Rome.       341.  P.  T. 

after  Easter,  T. 
The  Pope's  Legates  leave  Antioch.  341.  P.  T. 

in  June  not  January,  P.  T. 
Council  of  Rome,  June  341.  P.  T. 

opened  before  return  of  Legates,  P. 

sitting  till  August  or  September,  T. 
The  Pope's  Letter  to  the  Eusebians.  34L  T. 

.  August  or  September,  T. 

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Entrance  of  Gregory  into  Alexandria.  Lent,  340. 

S.  Athanasius  leaves  Alexandria  for  a  place  of  concealment.  May,  340. 
He  goes  to  Rome.  June,  340. 

Council  of  the  Dedication.  August,  341. 

Council  of  Rome.  End  of  341. 


Macrostich  is  drawn  up  by  Arian  Council 

of  Antioch.  344. 

It  is  rejected  by  the  Westerns  in  the 

Council  of  Milan.  344. 
when  the  Arian  Legates  leave  the  As- 
sembly in  anger.  344. 

Council  of  Sardica.  347. 
Sardican  Legates  at  Antioch.  Easter,  348. 
Death  of  the  usurper  Gregory,  Jan.  or  Feb.  349. 
Council  of  Cologne  deposes  Euphrates.  346. 
Council  of  Milan  against  Photinus,  at 

which  Valens  and  Ursacius  appear.  350. 
Council  of  Jerusalem.  350. 
S.  Athanasius  returns  to  Alexandria.  350. 

First  Sirmian  Council  against  Photinus.  357. 
Montanus  comes  to  Alexandria.  351. 

Diogenes  the  Notary  attempts  to  drive 

S.  Athanasius  from  Alexandria.  354. 

Irruption  of  Syrianus  into  the  Church,Feb.9. 356. 
George  is  driven  from  Alexandria.  357. 

Second  Sirmian  Council  or  Conference,  in 
which  was  passed  the  '*  blasphemia,"^ 
vol.  8.  p  161.  307°. 

Council  of  Ancyra  just  before  Easter.  357. 

Third  Sirmian  Council  or  Conference.  357. 


Pag,  Mont.  Tillem.  Mans. 

end  of 













end  of 

































353  , 



end  of  May 

Council  of  Ariminum,  July  21. 
Death  of  S.  Athanasius,  May  % 

355.  355.   355.  355. 

end  of  July. 

356.  356.    356.  356. 

358.  358. 

Oct.  2. 

End  of 

357.  357.   357.  359. 

358.  358.  359. 

358.  359.    359.  359. 

May  22. 

359.  359.  359.  359. 
373.   373.   373  373. 


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Before  concluding,  it  is  necessary  to  observe,  that  in  the 
references  in  the  notes  or  margin,  S.  Athanasius's  Works  are 
designated  by  their  Latin  titles  for  the  sake  of  clearness ;  and 
"  Hist.  Arian."  is  the  same  work  as  "  ad  Mon."  There  is 
some  unavoidable  irregularity  in  the  mode  of  reference  to 
former  Volumes  of  this  series,  e.  g.  "Libr.  F."  with  the 
Volume  specified,  is  equivalent  to  "  Oxf.  Tr."'  or  "  O.  T." 
or  to  the  name  of  the  Treatise  with  "  Tr."  added.  Also  the 
reference  is  sometimes  made  according  to  pages,  sometimes 
according  to  sections  &c.  Consistency  has  not  been  thought 
of  much  consequence  in  a  matter  of  this  kind,  where  clear- 
ness and  conciseness  of  reference  were  rather  to  be  consulted 
in  each  particular  case. 

Also  it  may  be  right  to  refer  the  reader  to  a  Letter 
addressed  to  M ontfaucon  on  the  words  SaXXcov,  or  "  boughs," 
infr.  p.  270.  in  the  Collectio  Nova  (t.  ii.  in  Cosm.  p.  18);  and 
to  a  note  of  Quesnel's  on  S.  Leo,  (t.  3.  p.  xlvii.  ed.  Bailer.) 
who  observes,  that  Siscia,  infr.  p.  60.  is  not  a  province,  but 
the  city  of  that  name  in  Pannonia. 

And  it  should  be  added  to  page  13,  that  Tillemont  dates 
the  Apologia  contra  Arian.  not  earlier  than  A.D.  356.  arguing 
from  the  mention  of  the  banishment  of  Liberius  and  Hosius. 
Also  in  note  g,  p.  49,  justice  is  not  done  to  Baronius's  view 
of  Athanasius's  double  journey  to  Rome,  as  the  foregoing 
pages  will  shew.  And  in  p.  76,  note  m,  Thomassin  is 
quoted  not  to  corroborate  Febronius's  interpretation,  but 

Also  in  p.  46,  Valesius  Obss.  Eccles.  i.  2.  p.  174.  under- 
stands Eusebius  himself  by  ol  wegl  E&rejSiov  §.  26.  Mont- 
faucon  observes,  that  Eusebius  alone  is  spoken  of  in  §.  1. 
He  adds,  "  res  hie  in  dubio  versatur."  Baronius  adduces 
the  phrase  as  used  in  the  Encyclical  Letter  in  proof  that  it 
was  written  while  Eusebius  was  still  alive,  but  Valesius 
denies  the  argument  on  grammatical  grounds,  Obss.  Eccl.  i. 
7  fin.  Montfaucon,  however,  observes,  in  his  Monitum  pre- 
fixed to  that  Letter,  that  in  matter  of  fact  the  phrase  is  never 

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used  by  S.  Athanasius  of  Eusebius's  party  after  E.'s  death, 
but  always  xoivan)  rm  TfjJ  E.  or  xAjjgo'vo/fcoi  1%  dctfitlas  tow  E. 

Also  with  reference  to  the  subject  of  note  n,  p.  77.  it  should 
be  observed,  that  the  majority  of  critics  side  with  Du  Cange 
against  Gothofred  on  the  meaning  of  the  word  Canalis. 
"  Those  Bishops,"  says  Baronius,  were  "  in  Canalio,  qui 
sedes  haberent  in  cursu  publico,  via  scilicet  qui  equi  publici 
per  stationes  singulas  dispositi  essent  ad  iter  agendum."  An. 
347.  55.  "  Qui  praeerant  sacris  urbium,  quae  regiae  vise 
insidebant,"  says  Noris,  professing  his  agreement  with 
Baronius,  Opp.  t.  4.  p.  623.  Rtiscus  also,  "  qui  sedes 
habent  in  cursu  publico,"  in  voc.  So  also  Kiesling,  adding, 
"  intelliguntur  hoc  nomine  urbes,  seu  potius  civitates,  in 
quibus  Episcopi  sedem  habuerunt  fixam."  de  Discipl.  Cleric, 
p.  13.  Beveridge  reports  Zonaras  and  Balsamon  as  furnish- 
ing the  same  interpretation ;  "  cities  which  are  in  the  public 
ways,  or  canal,  through  which  travellers  pass  without  trouble, 
as  water  flows  in  an  aqueduct."  Pandect,  t.  1.  p;  507. 

For  the  Translation,  the  Editors  have  to  express  their 
acknowledgments  to  the  Rev.  Miles  Atkinson,  M.A.  late 
Fellow  of  Lincoln  College. 

J.  H.  N. 

Dec.  4,  1843. 

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1.  Encyclical  Epistle,  addressed  to  all  Bishops  every  where, 

A.D.  341.    (Ep.Encycl.)  1 

2.  Apology  against  the  Arians,  written  about  A.D.  350. 

(Apol.  contr.  Arian.)  13 

3.  Encyclical  Epistle,  addressed  to  the  Bishops  of  Egypt 

and  Libya,  A. D.  356.    {ad  Ep.  Mg.)  125 

4.  Apology  addressed  to  the  Emperor  Constantius,  A.D.  356. 

{ad  Constant  or  Ap.  ad  Canst)  154 

5.  Apology  for  his  flight,  A.  D.  357  or  358.    {de  Fug.)  189 

6.  Epistle  to  Serapion  concerning  the  death  of  Arius, 

A.D.  358—360.    {ad  Serap.  de  Mort  Ar.)  210 

7.  Epistle  to  the  Monks,  A.D.  358,  or  later.  {Ep.  ad  Mon.)  215 

8.  History  of  the    Arians,  written  A.  D.  358 — 360. 

{ad  Mon.  or  Hist  Avian.)  219 
Appendix.    S.  Alexander's  Deposition  of  Arius,  and  Ency- 
clical Epistle,  A.D.  321.    {Alex.  Encycl.  Ep.)  297 

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[S.  Athanasius  wrote  the  following  Epistle  in  the  year  341.  In  that  year 
the  Eusebians  held  the  famous  Council  of  the  Dedication  at  Antioch, 
vid.  Athan.  de  Syn.  §.  25.  (Libr.  F.  vol.  8.  p.  109,  &c.)  Here  they 
appointed  Gregory  to  the  see  of  Alexandria  in  the  place  of  Athanasius, 
whom  they  had  already  condemned  and  denounced  at  the  Synod  of  Tyre, 
A.D.  335.  Gregory  was  by  birth  a  Cappadocian,  and,  (if  Nazianzen 
speaks  of  the  same  Gregory,  which  some  critics  doubt,)  studied  at 
Alexandria,  where  S.  Athanasius  had  treated  him  with  great  kindness 
and  familiarity,  though  Gregory  afterwards  took  part  in  propagating  the 
calumny  against  him  of  having  murdered  Arsenius.  Gregory  was  on  his 
appointment  dispatched  to  Alexandria  with  Philagrius  Prefect  of  Egypt, 
and  their  proceedings  on  their  arrival  are  related  in  the  following  Encyclical 
Epistle,  which  S.  Athanasius  forwarded  immediately  upon  his  retreat 
from  the  city  to  all  the  Bishops  of  the  Catholic  Church.  It  is  less  correct 
in  style,  as  Tillemont  observes,  than  other  of  his  works,  as  if  composed 
in  haste.  In  the  Editions  previous  to  the  Benedictine,  it  was  called 
an  "  Epistle  to  the  Orthodox  every  where ;"  but  Montfaucon  has 
been  able  to  restore  the  true  title.  He  has  been  also  able  from  his 
MSS.  to  make  a  far  more  important  correction,  which  has  cleared  up 
some  very  perplexing  difficulties  in  the  history.  All  the  Editions 
previous  to  the  Benedictine  read  "  George"  throughout  for  "  Gregory," 
and  "  Gregory"  in  the  place  where  "  Pistus"  occurs.  Baronius,  Tille- 
mont, &c.  had  already  made  the  alterations  from  the  necessity  of  the 

To  his  fellow-Ministers1  in  every  place,  beloved  Lords,  l«axu- 
Athanasius  sends  health  in  the  Lord. 

1.  Our  sufferings  have  been  dreadful  beyond  endurance,  §.  1. 
and  it  is  impossible  to  describe  them  in  suitable  terms;  but 


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•2       Tlte  outrages  exercised  towards  the  Levite's  wife 

Encyc.  in  order  that  the  dreadful  nature  of  the  events  which  have 

 -  taken  place  may  be  more  readily  apprehended,  I  have  thought 

it  good  to  bring  to  your  notice  a  history  out  of  the  Scriptures. 

I9d?9  naPPene(*  tnat  a  certaul  Levite  was  injured  in  the  person 
9  '  of  his  wife ;  and,  when  he  considered  the  exceeding  greatness 
of  the  pollution,  (for  the  woman  was  a  Hebrew,  and  of  the 
tribe  of  Judah,)  being  astounded  at  the  outrage  which  had 
been  committed  against  him,  he  divided  his  wife's  body,  as 
the  Holy  Scripture  relates  in  the  Book  of  Judges,  and  sent  a 
part  of  it  to  every  tribe  in  Israel,  in  order  that  it  might  be 
understood  that  an  injury  like  this  pertained  not  to  himself 
only,  but  extended  to  all  alike;  and  that,  if  the  people 
sympathised  with  him  in  his  sufferings,  they  might  avenge 
him  ;  or  if  they  neglected  to  do  so,  might  bear  the  disgrace 
of  being  considered  thenceforth  as  themselves  guilty  of  the 
wrong.  The  messengers  whom  he  sent  related  what  had 
happened;  and  they  that  heard  and  saw  it,  declared  that 
such  things  had  never  been  done  from  the  day  that  the 
children  of  Israel  came  up  out  of  Egypt.  So  every  tribe  of 
l#rael  was  moved,  and  all  came  together  against  the  offenders, 
as  though  they  had  themselves  been  the  sufferers;  and  at 
last  the  perpetrators  of  this  iniquity  were  destroyed  in  war, 

Uw^and  became  a  curse1  in  the  mouths  of  all:  for  the  assembled 
people  considered  not  their  kindred  blood,  but  regarded  only 
the  crime  they  had  committed.  You  know  the  history, 
brethren,  and  the  particular  account  of  the  circumstances 
given  in  Scripture.  I  will  not  therefore  describe  them  more 
in  detail,  since  I  write  to  persons  acquainted  with  them,  and 
as  I  am  anxious  to  represent  to  your  piety  our  present 
circumstances,  which  are  even  worse  than  those  to  which 
I  have  referred.  For  my  object  in  reminding  you  of  this 
history  is  this,  that  you  may  compare  those  ancient  trans- 
actions with  what  has  happened  to  us  now,  and  perceiving 
how  much  these  last  exceed  the  other  in  cruelty,  may  be 
filled  with  greater  indignation  on  account  of  them,  than  were 
the  people  of  old  against  those  offenders. 

2.  For  the  treatment  we  have  undergone,  surpasses  the  bitter- 
ness of  any  persecution ;  and  the  calamity  of  the  Levite  was 
but  small,  when  compared  with  the  enormities  which  have 
now  been  committed  against  the  Church ;  or  rather  such 

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only  a  shadow  of  those  against  the  Church  by  the  Avians.  3 

deeds  as  these  were  never  before  heard  of  in  the  whole  Tn.I.i. 
world,  or  the  like  experienced  by  any  one.    In  that  case 
it  was  but  a  single  woman  that  was  injured,  and  one  Levite 
who  suffered  wrong ;  now  the  whole  Church  is  injured,  the 
priesthood  insulted,  and  worst  of  all,  piety 1  is  persecuted  by  UM/ks*, 
impiety.    On  that  occasion  the  tribes  were  astounded,  each 
at  the  sight  of  part  of  the  body  of  one  woman ;  but  now  the  vi  d.  vol. 
members  of  the  whole  Church  are  seen  divided  from  one^^1' 
another,  and  are  sent  abroad  some  to  you,  and  some  to 
others,  bringing  word  of  the  insults  and  injustice  which  they 
have  suffered.    Be  ye  therefore  also  moved,  I  beseech  you, 
considering  that  these  wrongs  are  done  unto  you  no  less 
than  unto  us  ;  and  let  every  one  lend  his  aid,  as  feeling  that 
he  is  himself  a  sufferer,  lest  shortly  the  Ecclesiastical  Canons, 
and  the  faith  of  the  Church  be  corrupted.    For  both  are 
in  danger,  unless  God  shall  speedily  by  your  hands  amend 
what  has  been  done  amiss,  and  the  Church  be  avenged  on 
her  enemies.   For  our  Canons*  and  our  forms  were  not  given 
to  the  Churches  at  the  present  day,  but  were  wisely  and 
safely  transmitted  to  us  from  our  forefathers.    Neither  had 
our  faith  its  beginning  at  this  time,  but  it  came  down  to  us 
from  the  Lord  through  His  disciples b.    That  therefore  the 
ordinances  which  have  been  preserved  in  the. Churches  from 
old  time  until  now,  may  not  be  lost  in  our  days,  and  the 
trust  which  has  been  committed  to  us  required  at  our 
hands ;  rouse  yourselves,  brethren,  as  being  stewards  of  the 
mysteries  of  God,  and  seeing  them  now  seized  upon  by 
aliens.    Further  particulars  of  our  condition  you  will  learn 
from  the  bearers  of  our  letters ;  but  I  was  anxious  myself  to 
write  you  a  brief  account  thereof,  that  you  may  know  for 
certain,  that  such  things  have  never  before  been  committed 
against  the  Church,  from  the  day  that  our  Saviour,  when  He 
was  taken  up,  gave  command  to  His  disciples,  saying,  Go  ye,  Mat.28, 
and  make  disciples  of  all  nations,  baptizing  them  in  the 19# 
name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy 

*  vid.  Beveridg.  Cod.  Can.  Illustr.  i. 
3.  $.  2.  who  comments  on  this  passage 
at  length.  Allusion  is  also  made  to  the 
Canons  in  Apol.  contr.  Arian.  §.  69. 


b  vid.  Athan.  de  Syn.  §.  4.  (Oxf.Tr. 
p.  78,  and  note  o.)  Orat.  i.  $.  8.  (ibid, 
p.  191.)  Tertull.  Pr®scr.  Har.  §.  29. 
(O.  T.  p.  462,  and  note  c.) 

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4  Gregory  forced  into  the  see  of  Alexandria 

Encyc.    3.  Now  the  outrages  which  have  been  committed  against 
-^BTT*  us,  and  against  the  Church  are  these.    While  we  were  holding 
^'  our  assemblies  in  peace,  as  usual,  and  while  the  people  were 
rejoicing  in  them,  and  advancing  in  godly  conversation,  and 
while  our  fellow-ministers  in  Egypt,  and  the  Thebais,  and 
Libya,  were  in  love  and  peace  both  with  one  another  and 
with  us;  on  a  sudden  the  Prefect  of  Egypt  puts  forth  a 
public  letter,  bearing  the  form  of  an  edict,  and  declaring  that 
one  Gregory  from  Cappadocia  was  coming  to  be  my  successor, 
supported  by  his  own  body-guard.     This  announcement 
confounded  every  one,  for  such  a  proceeding  was  entirely 
novel,  and  now  heard  of  for  the  first  time.    The  people 
however  assembled  still  more  constantly  in  the  Churches6, 
for  they  very  well  knew  that  neither  they  themselves,  nor  any 
Bishop  or  Presbyter,  nor  in  short  any  one  had  ever  complained 
against  me ;  and  they  saw  that  Arians  only  were  on  his  side, 
and  were  aware  also  that  he  was  himself  an  Arian,  and  was 
sent  by  the  Eusebians  to  the  Arian  party.    For  you  know, 
brethren,  that  the  Eusebians  have  always  been  the  supporters 
^•^•-and  associates  of  the  impious  heresy  of  the  Arian  fanatics1, 
vS^Ath-ky  whose  means  they  have  ever  carried  on  their  designs 
Oxf.Tr.  against  me,  and  were  the  authors  of  my  banishment  into 

viii.  p.  -  . 
91,  note  vraul. 

4.  The  people,  therefore,  were  justly  indignant  and  exclaimed 
against  the  proceeding,  calling  the  rest  of  the  magistrates  and 
the  whole  city  to  witness,  that  this  novel  and  iniquitous 
attempt  was  now  made  against  the  Church,  not  on  the 
ground  of  any  charge  brought  against  me  by  Ecclesiastical 
persons,  but  through  the  wanton  assault  of  the  Arian  heretics. 
For  even  if  there  had  been  any  complaint  generally  prevailing 
against  me,  it  was  not  an  Arian,  or  one  professing  Arian 
doctrines,  that  ought  to  have  been  chosen  to  supersede  me  ; 
but  according  to  the  Ecclesiastical  Canons,  and  the  direction 
of  Paul,  when  the  people  were  gathered  together,  and  the 

•  Assembling  in  the  Churches  seems 
to  have  been  a  sort  of  protest  or  de- 
monstration, sometimes  peaceably,  but 
sometimes  in  a  less  exceptionable  man- 
ner;— peaceably,  during  Justina's  per- 
secution at  Milan.  Arabros.  En.  i.  20. 
August.  Confess,  ix.  16.  but  at  Ephesus 

after  the  third  Ecumenical  Council  the 
Metropolitan  shut  up  the  Churches, 
took  possession  of  the  Cathedral,  and 
succeeded  in  repelling  the  imperial 
troops.  Churches  were  asylums,  vid. 
Cod.  Theodos.  ix.  45.  $.  4.  &c.  at  the 
same  time  arms  were  prohibited. 

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by  the  Eusebians  and  the  Prefect  of  Egypt.  5 

spirit  of  them  that  ordain,  with  the  power  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Tr.1.2. 
Christy  all  things  ought  to  have  been  enquired  into  and  trans- 
acted canonically,  in  the  presence  of  those  among  the  laity  and 
clergy  who  demanded  the  change ;  and  not  that  a  person  brought 
from  a  distance  by  Arians,  as  if  making  a  traffic  of  the  title 
of  Bishop,  should  with  the  support  and  strong  arm  of  heathen 
magistrates,  thrust  himself  upon  those  who  neither  demanded 
nor  desired  his  presence,  nor  indeed  knew  any  thing  of  what 
had  been  done.  Such  proceedings  tend  to  the  dissolution  of 
all  Ecclesiastical  rules,  and  compel  the  heathen  to  blaspheme, 
and  to  suspect  that  our  appointments  are  not  made  according 
to  a  divine  rule,  but  as  a  matter  of  traffic  and  patronage l.      1  O.  T. 

5.  Thus  was  this  notable  appointment  of  Gregory  brought  i9o,P" 
about  by  the  Arians,  and  such  was  the  beginning  of  it.n£tec- 
And  what  outrages  he  committed  on  his  entry  into  Alex-  3* 
andria,  and  of  what  great  evils  that  event  was  the  cause,  you 
may  learn  both  from  our  letters,  and  by  enquiry  of  those 
who  travel  among  you.    While  the  people  were  offended  at 
such  an  unusual  proceeding,  and  in  consequence  assembled 

in  the  Churches,  in  order  to  prevent  the  impiety  of  the 
Arians  from  mingling  itself  with  the  faith  of  the  Church, 
Philagrius  who  has  long  been  a  persecutor  of  the  Church 
and  her  virgins,  and  is  now  Prefect*  of  Egypt,  an  apostate 
already,  and  a  fellow-countryman  of  Gregory,  a  man  too  of 
no  respectable  character,  and  moreover  supported  by  the 
Eusebians,  and  therefore  full  of  zeal  against  the  Church ; 
this  person,  by  means  of  promises  which  he  afterwards 
fulfilled,  succeeded  in  gaining  over  the  heathen  multitude, 
with  the  Jews  and  disorderly  persons,  and  having  excited 
their  passions,  sent  them  in  a  body  with  swords  and  clubs 
into  the  Churches  to  attack  the  people. 

6.  What  followed  upon  this  it  is  by  no  means  easy  to  de- 
scribe: indeed  it  is  not  possible  to  set  before  you  a  just  re- 
presentation of  the  circumstances,  nor  even  could  one  recount 
a  small  part  of  them  without  tears  and  lamentations.  Have 
such  deeds  as  these  ever  been  made  the  subjects  of  tragedy 

d  The  Prefect  of  Egypt  was  called  Senatorian  order.  He  was  the  imperial 

Augustalis  as  having  been  first  ap-  officer,  as  answering  to  Propraetors  in 

pointed  by  Augustus,  after  his  victories  the  Imperial  Provinces,  vid.  Hofman. 

over  Antony.    He  was  of  the  Eques-  in  voc. 
trian,  not,  as  other  Prefects,  of  the 

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6        The  Church,  Baptistery,  and  Altar,  profaned. 

Encyc. among  the  ancients?  or  has  the  like  ever  happened  before 
Lett.  jn  tjme  Q£  persecutjon  or  0f  war  ?   The  Church  and  the  holy 

Baptistery  were  set  on  fire,  and  straightway  groans,  shrieks, 
and  lamentations,  were  heard  through  the  city;  while  the 
citizens  in  then*  indignation  at  these  enormities,  cried  shame 
upon  the  governor,  and  protested  against  the  violence  used 
to  them.  For  the  holy  and  undefined  virgins"  were  stripped 
naked,  and  suffered  treatment  which  is  not  to  be  named,  and  if 
they  resisted,  they  were  in  danger  of  their  lives.  Monks  were 
trampled  under  foot  and  perished ;  some  were  hurled  headlong; 
others  were  destroyed  with  swords  and  clubs ;  others  were 
wounded  and  beaten.  And  oh !  what  deeds  of  impiety  and 
iniquity  were  committed  upon  the  Holy  Table  !  They  offered 
birds  and  pine  cones f  in  sacrifice,  singing  the  praises  of  their 
idols,  and  blaspheming  even  in  the  very  Churches  our  Lord  and 
Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living  God.  They  burned 
the  books  of  Holy  Scripture  which  they  found  in  the  Church; 
and  the  Jews,  the  murderers  of  our  Lord,  and  the  godless 
heathen  entering  irreverently  (O  strange  boldness !)  the  holy 
Baptistery,  stripped  themselves  naked,  and  acted  such  a 
disgraceful  part,  both  by  word  and  deed,  as  one  is  ashamed 
even  to  relate.  Certain  impious  men  also,  following  the 
examples  set  them  in  the  bitterest  persecutions,  seized  upon 
the  virgins,  and  widows,  and  having  tied  their  hands  together, 
dragged  them  along,  and  endeavoured  to  make  them  blas- 
pheme and  deny  the  Lord ;  and  when  they  refused  to  do  so, 
they  beat  them  violently  and  trampled  them  under  foot. 
§.4.  7.  In  addition  to  all  this,  after  such  a  notable  and  illustrious 
entry  into  the  city,  the  Arian  Gregory,  taking  pleasure  in 
these  calamities,  and  as  if  desirous  to  secure  to  the  heathens 
and  Jews,  and  those  who  had  wrought  these  evils  upon  us, 
a  prize  and  price  of  their  iniquitous  success,  gave  up  the 
Church  to  be  plundered  by  them.  Upon  this  licence  of 
iniquity  and  disorder,  their  deeds  were  worse  than  in  time  of 
war,  and  more  cruel  than  those  of  robbers.    Some  of  them 

«  The  sister  of  S.  Antony  was  one      f  The        or  suffitus  of  Grecian 

of  the  earliest  known  inmates  of  a  nun-  sacrifices  generally  consisted  of  portions 

nery,  vit.  Ant.  §.  2.  3.    They  were  of  odoriferous  trees,  vid.  Potter.  Antiqu. 

called  hy  the  Catholic  Church  hy  the  ii.  4.   Some  translate  the  word  here 

title,  "  Spouse  of  Christ."  Apol.  ad  used,  (r«p0/XM*,)  "  shell-fish." 
Const.  §.33. 

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Laity  wounded,  Nuns  scourged.  Monks  trampled  underfoot.  7 

plundered  whatever  fell  in  their  way;  others  divided  among  Tr.  1.4. 
themselves  the  sums  which  individuals  had  laid  up  there*; 
the  wine,  of  which  there  was  a  large  quantity,  they  either 
drank  or  emptied  out  or  carried  away ;  they  plundered  the 
store  of  oil,  and  every  one  took  as  his  spoil  the  doors  andij>T-TW# 
chancel  rails;  the  candlesticks  they  forthwith  laid  aside  in*'V(?) 
the  wall and  lighted  the  candles  of  the  Church  before  their 
idols :  in  a  word,  rapine  and  death  pervaded  the  Church.  ^^°ns* 

8.  And  the  impious8  Arians,  so  far  from  feeling  shame  that  Const.ii. 
such  things  should  be  done,  added  yet  further  outrages  and^J^16" 
cruelty.    Presbyters  and  laymen  had  their  flesh  torn,  virgins  p.  615. 
were  stripped  of  their  veils3,  and  led  away  to  the  tribunal  of  the  id°™0f 
governor,  and  then  cast  into  prison ;  others  had  their  goods  navi8  or 
confiscated,  and  were  scourged;  the  bread  of  the  ministers  2 

and  virgins  was  intercepted.  And  these  things  were  done&ft- 
even  during  the  holy  season  of  Lenth,  about  the  time  of^^j^ 
Easter ;  a  time  when  the  brethren  were  keeping  fast,  while  «*•• 
this  notable  person  Gregory  exhibited  the  disposition  of  a 
Caiaphas,  and,  together  with  that  Pilate  the  Governor, 
furiously  raged  against  the  pious  worshippers  of  Christ. 
Going  into  one  of  the  Churches  on  the  Preparation1,  in 
company  with  the  Governor  and  the  heathen  multitude, 
when  he  saw  that  the  people  regarded  with  abhorrence  his 
forcible  entry  among  them,  he  caused  that  most  cruel  person, 
the  Governor,  publicly  to  scourge  in  one  hour,  four  and 
thirty  virgins  and  married  women,  and  men  of  rank,  and  to 
cast  them  into  prison.  Among  whom  there  was  one  virgin, 
who,  being  fond  of  reading,  had  the  Psalter  in  her  hands,  at 
the  time  when  he  caused  her  to  be  publicly  scourged:  the 
book  was  seized  by  the  officers,  and  the  virgin  herself  shut 
up  in  prison. 

9.  When  all  this  was  done,  they  did  not  stop  even  here ;  §.  5. 
but  consulted  how  they  might  act  the  same  part  in  the  other 

*  Churches,  as  heathen  temples  be- 
fore them,  were  used  for  deposits.  At 
the  sack  of  Rome,  Alaric  spared  the 
Churches  and  their  possessions ;  nay, 
he  himself  transported  the  costly  vessels 
of  St  Peter  into  his  Church. 

h  Lent  and  Passion  Week  was  the 
season  during  which  Justina's  perse- 
cution of  St.  Ambrose  took  place,  and 

the  proceedings  against  St.  Chrysostom 
at  Constantinople.  On  the  Paschal 
Vigils,  vid.  Tertull.  ad  Uxor.  ii.  4. 
p.  426,  note  n.  Oxf.  Tr. 

*  «*«gorxfv&,  i.  e.  Good  Friday.  The 
word  was  used  for  Friday  generally  as 
early  as  S.  Clem.  Alex.  Strom,  vii. 
p.  877.  ed.  Pott.  vid.  Constit.  Apostol. 
v.  13.  Pseudo-Ign.  ad  Philipp.  13. 

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8   In  consequence  Athanasius  withdraws  from  the  city. 

Encyc.  Church,  where  I  principally  abode  during  those  days;  and 
they  were  eager  to  extend  their  fury1  to  this  Church  also,  in 
order  that  they  might  hunt  out  and  dispatch  me.  And  this 
would  have  been  my  fate,  had  not  the  grace  of  Christ 
assisted  me,  if  it  were  only  that  I  might  escape  to  relate 
these  few  particulars  concerning  their  conduct  For  seeing 
that  they  were  exceedingly  mad  against  me,  and  being 
anxious  that  the  Church  should  not  be  injured,  nor  the 
virgins  that  were  in  it  suffer,  nor  additional  murders  be 
committed,  nor  the  people  again  outraged,  I  withdrew 
myself  from  among  them,  remembering  the  words  of  our 
Mat.  10,  Saviour,  If  they  persecute  you  in  this  city f  flee  ye  into 
another.  I  judged  from  the  mischief  they  had  done  to  one 
Church,  that  there  was  no  outrage  they  would  forbear  to 
perpetrate  against  the  other,  especially  since  they  had  not 
*  Easter  reverenced  even  the  Lord's  day*  on  this  holy  Festival,  but 
ay"  on  that  day  when  our  Lord  delivered  all  men  from  the  bonds 
of  death,  they  had  shut  up  in  prison  the  people  of  His 
Church;  and  Gregory  and  his  associates,  as  if  fighting 
against  our  Saviour,  and  depending  upon  the  support  of 
the  Governor,  had  turned  into  mourning  this  day  of  liberty 
to  the  servants  of  Christ.  The  heathens  were  rejoiced  to  do 
this,  for  they  abhor  that  day ;  and  Gregory  perhaps  did  but 
fulfil  the  commands  of  the  Eusebians,  when  he  forced  the 
Christians  to  mourn  under  the  infliction  of  bonds. 

10.  With  these  acts  of  violence  has  the  Governor  seized 
upon  the  Churches,  and  has  given  them  up  to  Gregory  and  the 
Arian  fanatics.    Thus,  those  persons  who  were  excommuni- 
cated by  us  for  their  impiety,  now  glory  in  the  plunder  of  our 
Churches ;  while  the  people  of  God,  and  the  Clergy  of  the 
Catholic  Church  are  compelled  either  to  have  communion 
with  the  impiety  of  the  Arian  heretics,  or  else  to  forbear 
entering  into  them.    Moreover,  by  means  of  the  Governor 
Gregory  has  exercised  no  small  violence  towards  the  cap- 
tains of  ships  and  others  who  pass  over  sea,  torturing  and 
scourging  some,  putting  others  in  bonds,  and  casting  them 
into  prison,  in  order  to  oblige  them  not  to  resist  his  iniquities, 
3i.e.let-and  to  convey  letters*  from  him.    And  not  satisfied  with  all 
com.    this,  that  he  may  glut  himself  with  my  blood,  he  has  caused 
munion.  his  savage  associate  the  Governor,  to  prefer  an  indictment 

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Hie  persecution  worse  than  in  heathen  times.  9 

against  me,  as  in  the  name  of  the  people,  before  the  most  Tb.  1.5. 
religious  Emperor  Constantius,  which  contains  such  odious 
charges,  that  if  they  were  true,  I  ought  not  only  to  be 
banished,  but  should  deserve  to  suffer  a  thousand  deaths. 
The  person  who  drew  it  up  is  ah  apostate  from  Christianity, 
and  a  shameless  worshipper  of  idols,  and  they  who  sub- 
scribed it  are  heathens,  and  keepers  of  idol  temples,  and 
others  of  them  Arians.  In  short,  not  to  make  my  letter 
tedious  to  you,  a  persecution  rages  here,  and  such  a  perse- 
cution as  was  never  before  raised  against  the  Church.  For 
in  former  instances  a  man  at  least  might  pray  while  he  fled 
from  his  persecutors,  and  be  baptized  while  he  lay  in  con- 
cealment. But  now  their  extreme  cruelty  has  imitated  the 
godless  conduct  of  the  Babylonians.  For  as  they  falsely 
accused  Daniel,  so  does  the  notable  Gregory  now  accuse 
before  the  Governor  those  who  pray  in  their  houses,  and 
watches  every  opportunity  to  insult  their  ministers,  so  that 
through  his  violent  conduct,  the  souls  of  many  are  endangered 
from  missing  baptism,  and  many  who  are  in  sickness  and  sor- 
row have  no  one  to  visit  them,  a  calamity  which  they  bitterly* 
lament,  accounting  it  worse  than  their  sickness.  For  while 
the  ministers  of  the  Church  are  under  persecution,  the  people 
who  condemn  the  impiety  of  the  Arian  heretics  choose 
rather  thus  to  be  sick  and  to  run  the  risk,  than  that  a  hand  of 
the  Arians  should  come  upon  their  heads. 

11.  Gregory  then  is  an  Arian,  and  has  been  sent  to  the  §.  6. 
Arian  party ;  for  none  demanded  him,  but  they  only ;  and 
accordingly  as  a  hireling  and  a  stranger,  he  makes  use  of  the 
Governor  to  inflict  these  dreadful  and  cruel  deeds  upon  the 
people  of  the  Catholic  Churches,  as  not  being  his  own. 
For  since  Pistus,  whom  the  Eusebians  formerly  appointed 
over  the  Arians,  was  justly  anathematized  and  excommuni- 
cated for  his  impiety  by  you  the  Bishops  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  as  you  all  know,  on  our  writing  to  you  concerning 
him,  they  have  now,  therefore,  in  like  manner  sent  this 
Gregory  to  them  ;  and  lest  they  should  a  second  time  be  put 
to  shame,  by  our  again  writing  against  them,  they  have  em- 
ployed foreign  force  against  me,  in  order  that,  having  obtained 
possession  of  the  Churches,  they  may  seem  to  have  escaped 
all  suspicion  of  being  Arians.    But  in  this  too  they  have 

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10  Sufferings  of  Alexandria  are  sufferings  of Ute  whole  Church 

Encyc.  been  mistaken,  for  none  of  the  people  of  the  Church  are 
Lett*  with  them,  except  the  heretics  only,  and  those  who  have 
been  excommunicated  for  their  crimes,  and  such  as  have 
been  compelled  by  the  Governor  to  dissemble. 

12.  This  then  is  the  plot  of  the  Eusebians,  which  they  have 
long  been  devising  and  bringing  to  bear;  and  now  have 
succeeded  in  accomplishing  through  the  false  charges  which 
they  have  made  against  me  before  the  Emperor.  Notwith- 
standing, they  are  not  yet  content  to  be  quiet,  but  even  now 
seek  to  kill  me ;  and  they  make  themselves  so  formidable  to 
my  friends,  that  they  are  all  driven  into  banishment,  and 
expect  death  at  their  hands.  But  you  must  not  for  this 
stand  in  awe  of  their  iniquity,  but  on  the  contrary  avenge: 
and  shew  your  indignation  at  this  their  unprecedented 
conduct  against  me.  For  if  when  one  member  suffers  all  the 
members  suffer  with  it,  and,  according  to  the  blessed  Apostle, 
we  ought  to  weep  with  them  that  weep,  let  every  one,  now 
that  so  great  a  Church  as  this  is  suffering,  avenge  its  wrongs, 
as  though  he  were  himself  the  sufferer.  For  we  have  a 
common  Saviour,  who  is  blasphemed  by  them,  and  Canons 
belonging  to  us  all,  which  they  are  transgressing.  If  while 
any  of  you  had  been  sitting  in  your  Church,  and  while  the 
people  were  assembled  with  you,  without  any  blame,  some 
one  had  suddenly  come  under  plea  of  an  edict  to  be  your 
successor,  and  had  acted  the  same  part  towards  you,  would 
you  not  have  been  indignant?  would  you  not  have  demanded 
to  be  righted  ?  If  so,  then  it  is  right  that  you  should  be 
indignant  now,  lest  if  these  things  be  passed  over  unnoticed, 
the  same  mischief  shall  by  degrees  extend  itself  to  every 
Church,  and  so  our  schools  of  religion  be  turned  into  a 
market-house  and  an  exchange. 
§.  7.  13.  You  are  acquainted  with  the  history  of  the  Arian 
fanatics,  beloved,  for  you  have  often,  both  individually  and 
in  a  body,  condemned  their  impiety;  and  you  know  also  that 
the  Eusebians,  as  I  said  before,  are  engaged  in  the  same 
heresy ;  for  the  sake  of  which  they  have  long  been  carrying 
on  a  conspiracy  against  me.  And  I  have  represented  to 
you,  what  has  now  been  done,  both  for  them  and  by  them, 
with  greater  cruelty  than  is  usual  even  in  time  of  war,  in  order 
that  after  the  example  set  before  you  in  the  history  which  I 

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Eusebians  really  Avians,  though  they  affect  a  middle  line.  11 

related  at  the  beginning,  you  may  entertain  a  zealous  hatred  Tr.1.7. 
of  their  wickedness,  and  reject  those  who  have  committed 
such  enormities  against  the  Church.  If  the  brethren  at 
Rome  last  year,  before  these  things  had  happened,  and  on 
account  of  their  former  misdeeds,  wrote  letters  to  call  a 
Council,  that  these  evils  might  be  set  right,  (fearing  which, 
the  Eusebians  took  care  previously  to  throw  the  Church  into 
confusion,  and  desired  to  destroy  me,  in  order  that  they 
might  thenceforth  be  able  to  act  as  they  pleased  without 
fear,  and  might  have  no  one  to  call  them  to  account ;)  how 
much  more  ought  you  now  to  be  indignant  at  these  outrages, 
and  to  condemn  them,  seeing  they  have  added  this  to  their 
former  misconduct. 

14.  T  beseech  you,  overlook  not  such  proceedings,  nor 
suffer  the  famous  Church  of  the  Alexandrians  to  be  trodden 
down  by  heretics.  In  consequence  of  these  things  the 
people  and  their  ministers  are  separated  from  one  another, 
as  one  might  expect,  silenced  by  the  violence  of  the  Prefect, 
yet  abhorring  the  impiety  of  the  Arian  fanatics.  If  iherefore 
Gregory  shall  write  unto  you,  or  any  other  in  his  behalf, 

^  receive  not  his  letters,  brethren,  but  tear  them  in  pieces  and 
^  put  the  bearers  of  them  to  shame,  as  the  ministers  of  impiety 
and  wickedness.  And  even  if  he  presume  to  write  to  you  after  a 
friendly  fashion,  nevertheless  receive  them  not.  Those  who 
bring  his  letters  convey  them  only  from  fear  of  the  Governor, 
and  on  account  of  his  frequent  acts  of  violence.  And  since 
it  is  probable  that  the  Eusebians  will  write  to  you  concerning 
him,  I  was  anxious  to  admonish  you  beforehand,  so  that  you 
may  herein  imitate  God,  who  is  no  respecter  of  persons,  and 
may  drive  out  from  before  you  those  that  come  from  them ; 
because  for  the  sake  of  the  Arian  fanatics  they  caused 
persecutions,  rape  of  virgins,  murders,  plunder  of  the 
Church's  property,  burnings  and  blasphemies  in  the  Churches, 
to  be  committed  by  the  heathens  and  Jews  at  such  a  season. 
The  impious  and  mad  Gregory  cannot  deny  that  he  is  an 
Arian,  being  proved  to  be  so  by  the  person  who  writes  his 
letters.  This  is  his  secretary  Ammon,  who  was  cast  out  of 
the  Church  long  ago  by  my  predecessor  the  blessed  Alex- 
ander for  his  many  crimes  and  for  his  impiety. 

15.  For  all  these  reasons,  therefore,  vouchsafe  to  send  me  a 

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12  Conclusion. 

Encyc. reply,  and  condemn  these  impious  men;  so  that  even  now 
^^'  the  ministers  and  people  of  this  place,  seeing  your  orthodoxy 
and  hatred  of  wickedness,  may  rejoice  in  your  concord  in  the 
Christian  faith,  and  that  those  who  have  been  guilty  of  these 
lawless  deeds  against  the  Church  may  be  reformed  by  your 
letters,  and  brought  at  last,  though  late,  to  repentance. 
Salute  the  brotherhood  that  is  among  you.  All  the  brethren 
that  are  with  me  salute  you.  Fare  ye  well,  and  remember 
me,  and  the  Lord  preserve  you  continually,  most  truly  beloved 

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[The  following  Apoldgy,  or  Defence  of  his  conduct,  was  written  by  S.  Atha* 
nasius  between  A.D.  349 — 352,  after  his  return  from  his  second  exile 
upon  the  Council  of  Sardica.  It  is  scarcely  more  than  a  collection  of 
exculpatory  documents,  which  might  serve  as  a  record  of  his  innocence. 
These  documents  extend  from  A.D.  300,  to  A.D.  350,  of  which  those 
between  340  and  350,  are  placed  first.  "  This  Apology,"  says  Mont- 
faucon,  "  is  the  most  authentic  source  of  the  history  of  the  Church  in  the 
first  half  of  the  fourth  century.  Athanasius  is  far  superior  to  any  other 
historians  of  the  period,  both  from  his  bearing  for  the  most  part  a 
personal  testimony  to  the  facts  he  relates,  and  from  his  great  accuracy 
and  use  of  actual  documents.  On  the  other  hand,  Ruffinus,  Socrates, 
Sozomen,  Theodoret,  must  not  be  used  without  extreme  caution,  unless 
they  adduce  documents,  which  is  seldom  the  case."  He  proceeds  to  give 
instances ;  for  this  reason  it  will  not  be  worth  while  in  this  work,  nor  was 
it  in  the  foregoing,  to  compare  Athanasius's  statements  with  those  of 
other  historians,  or  to  use  the  latter  except  in  connecting  the  line  of  the 
narrative.  The  charges  which  he  notices  are  as  follow :  — that  he  had  been 
clandestinely  consecrated;  that  he  had  imposed  a  duty  on  Egyptian 
linen ;  that  he  had  assisted  Philumenus  with  money,  when  in  rebellion 
against  the  Emperor ;  that  he  had  sanctioned  the  overthrow  of  a  Com- 
munion Table  and  breaking  of  one  of  the  Communion  Vessels ;  that  he 
had  killed  a  Meletian  Bishop  named  Arsenius ;  that  he  had  been  the 
cause  of  many  executions  or  murders  after  his  return  from  Gaul ;  that  he 
had  sold  for  his  own  benefit  the  corn  bestowed  by  Constantine  on  the  widows 
of  the  Church,  and  that  he  had  stopped  the  supplies  of  corn  intended  for 


1.  I  supposed  that,  after  so  many  proofs  of  my  innocence 
had  been  given,  my  enemies  would  have  shrunk  from  further 

Digitized /G00gle 

14  Three  acquittal*  of  Athanasius, 

Apol.  enquiry,  and  would  now  have  condemned  themselves  for  their 
AQ'  R*  false  accusations  of  others.   But  as  they  are  not  yet  abashed, 
though  they  have  been  so  clearly  convicted,  but,  as  insensible 
to  shame,  persist  in  their  slanderous  reports  against  me,  pro- 
fessing to  think  that  the  whole  matter  ought  to  be  tried  over 
again,  (not  that  they  may  have  judgment  passed  on  them,  for 
that  they  avoid,  but  in  order  to  harass  me,  and  to  disturb  the 
minds  of  the  simple;)  I  therefore  thought  it  necessary  to  make 
my  defence  unto  you,  that  you  may  listen  to  their  murmurings 
no  longer,  but  may  denounce  their  wickedness  and  base 
calumnies.    And  it  is  only  to  you,  who  are  men  of  sincere 
minds,  that  I  offer  a  defence :  as  for  the  contentious,  1  appeal 
confidently  to  the  decisive  proofs  which  I  have  against 
them.    For  my  cause  needs  not  a  second  judgment;  which 
has  already  been  given,  and  not  once  or  twice  only,  but 
many  times.     First  of  all,  it  was  tried  in  my  own  country 
in  an  assembly  of  nearly  one  hundred  of  its  Bishops'; 
a  second  time  at  Rome,  when,  in  consequence  of  Letters 
from  Eusebius,  both  they  and  we  were  summoned,  and 
more  than  fifty  Bishops  metb;  and  a  third  time  in  the 
great  Council  assembled  at  Sardica*  by  order  of  the  most 
religious  Emperors  Constantius  and  Constans,  when  my 
enemies  were  degraded  as  false  accusers,  and  the  sentence 
that  was  passed  in  my  favour  received  the  suffrages  of  more 
than  three  hundred  Bishops,  out  of  the  provinces  of  Egypt, 
Libya,  and  Pentapolis,  Palestine,  Arabia,  Isauria,  Cyprus, 
Pamphylia,  Lycia,  Galatia,  Dacia,  Mysia,  Thrace,  Dardania, 
Macedonia,  Epirus,  Thessaly,  Achaia,  Crete,  Dalmatia,  Siscia, 
Pannonia,  Noricum,  Italy,  Picenum,  Tuscany,  Campania, 
Calabria,  Apulia,  Bruttia,  Sicily,  the  whole  of  Africa,  Sar- 
dinia, Spain,  Gaul,  and  Britain. 

2.  Added  to  these  was  the  testimony d  of  Ursacius  and  Valens, 
who  had  formerly  calumniated  me,  but  afterwards  changed 
their  minds,  and  not  only  gave  their  assent  to  the  sentence 

*  The  Council  of  Sardica  says  eighty ;  Pope  Julius,  §.  20. 
which  is  a  usual  number  in  Egyptian       b  This  was  held  in  341.  Julius's 
Councils,  (vid.  Tillemont,  vol.  8.  p.  74.)  Letter  is  found  below,  §.  21 . 
There  were  about  ninety  Bishops  in      c  In  A.D.  347,  though  Marsi,  con- 
Egypt,  the  Thebais,  and  Libya.  The  trary  to  other  writers,  maintains  its 
present  Council  was  held  in  339,  or  340.  date  to  be  344.  vid.  §.  44.  infr. 
Its  Synodal  EpiRtle  is  contained  below,      d  vid.  infr.  §.  58.    This  was  A.D. 
§.  3.  and  is  particularly  addressed  to  349. 

Digitized  by 


besides  the  recantation  of  Ursacius  and  Valens ; 


that  was  passed  in  my  favour,  but  also  confessed  that  they  Tr.  II. 
themselves  and  the  rest  of  my  enemies  were  false  accusers ;  -1>a* 
for  men  who  make  such  a  change  and  such  a  recantation  of 
course  reflect  upon  the  Eusebians,  for  with  them  they  had 
contrived  the  plot  against  me.  Now  after  a  matter  has  been 
examined  and  decided  on  such  clear  evidence  by  so  many 
eminent  Bishops,  every  one  will  confess  that  further  discus- 
sion is  unnecessary ;  else,  if  an  investigation  be  instituted  at 
this  time,  it  may  be  again  discussed  and  again  investigated, 
and  there  will  be  no  end  of  this  trifling. 

3.  Now  the  decision  of  so  many  Bishops  was  sufficient  to  §.2. 
confound  those  who  would  still  fain  pretend  some  charge 
against  me.    But  when  my  enemies  also  bear  testimony  in 

my  favour  and  against  themselves,  declaring  that  the  pro- 
ceedings against  me  were  a  conspiracy,  who  is  there  that 
would  not  be  ashamed  to  doubt  any  longer?  The  law 
requires  that  in  the  mouth  of  two  or  three  witnesses  judgments 
shall  be  settled,  and  we  have  here  this  great  multitude 
of  witnesses  in  my  favour,  with  the  addition  of  the  proofs 
afforded  by  my  enemies ;  so  much  so  that  those  who  still  con- 
tinue opposed  to  me  no  longer  attach  any  importance  to  their 
own  arbitrary*  judgment,  but  now  have  recourse  to  violence, 
and  in  the  place  of  fair  reasoning  seek  to  injure £  those  by  whom 
they  were  exposed.  For  this  is  the  chief  cause  of  vexation  to 
them,  that  the  measures  they  carried  on  in  secret,  contrived 
by  themselves  in  a  corner,  have  been  brought  to  light  and 
disclosed  by  Valens  and  Ursacius ;  for  they  are  well  aware 
that  their  recantation  not  only  clears  those  whom  they  have 
injured,  but  condemns  them. 

4.  Indeed  this  led  to  their  degradation  in  the  Council  of 
Sardica,  as  mentioned  before;  and  with  good  reason;  for, 
as  the  Pharisees  of  old,  when  they  undertook  the  defence  of 
Paul,  gave  clear  judgment  against  the  conspiracy  which  they 
and  the  Jews  had  formed  against  him  ;  and  as  the  blessed 
David  was  proved  to  be  persecuted  unjustly  when  the 

e  4*  Mi\tit*9.  vid.  infr.  §.  14.  de  Deer,  the  death  of  Constans  came  into  pos- 

§.  3.  de  Syn.  §.  13.  ad  Ep.  Ag.  §.  5.  session  of  his  brother's  dominions ;  and 

f  This  implies  that  Valens  and  Ur-  professed  to  have  been  forced  to  their 
sacius  were  subjected  to  some  kind  of  former  recantation  by  the  latter  Em- 
persecution,  which  is  natural.    They  peror. 
relapsed  in  351,  when  Constantius  on 

Digitized  by 

16   wko  beg  Athan.'s  forgiveness  and  renounce  Arianism. 

Apol.  persecutor  confessed,  /  have  sinned,  my  son  David;  so  it 
1  SamT  waS  t*iese  men>  being  overcome  by  the  truth  they 
26, 21.  became  suppliants,  and  addressed  a  letter  to  that  effect  to 
Julius  Bishop  of  Rome.  They  wrote  also  to  me  desiring  to 
be  on  terms  of  peace  with  me,  though  they  have  spread  such 
reports  concerning  me;  and  probably  even  now  they  are 
covered  with  shame,  on  seeing  that  those  whom  they  sought 
to  destroy  by  the  grace  of  the  Lord  are  still  alive.  Con- 
sistently also  with  this  conduct  they  anathematized  Arius 
and  his  heresy ;  for  knowing  that  the  Eusebians  had  conspired 
against  me  in  behalf  of  their  own  misbelief,  and  of  nothing 
else,  as  soon  as  they  had  determined  to  confess  their 
calumnies  against  me,  they  immediately  renounced  also  that 
antichristian  heresy  for  the  sake  of  which  they  had  falsely 
asserted  them. 

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CHAP.  I. 


1.  The  following  are  the  letters  written  in  my  favour  by  the 
Bishops  in  the  several  Councils;  and  first  the  letter  of  the 
Egyptian  Bishops. 

The  holy  Council  assembled  at  Alexandria,  out  of  Egypt, 
the  Thebais,  Libya,  and  Pentapolis,  to  the  Bishops  of  the 
Catholic  Church  everywhere,  brethren  beloved  and  greatly 
longed  for,  sendeth  health  in  the  Lord. 

Dearly  beloved  brethren,  we  might  have  put  forth  a  §.  3. 
defence  of  our  brother  Athanasius1,  as  respects  the  con-i  „\xu- 
spiracy  of  the  Eusebians  against  him,  and  complained  ofrw*yo# 
his  sufferings  at  their  hands,  and  have  exposed  all  their  false 
charges,  either  at  the  beginning  of  their  conspiracy  or  upon 
his  arrival  at  Alexandria.  But  circumstances  did  not  permit 
it  then,  as  you  also  know ;  and  lately,  after  the  return  of  the 
Bishop  Athanasius,  we  thought  that  they  would  be  confounded 
and  covered  with  shame  at  their  manifest  injustice :  in  con- 
sequence we  prevailed  with  ourselves  to  remain  silent. 
Since,  however,  after  all  his  severe  sufferings,  after  his 
retirement  into  Gaul,  after  his  sojourn  in  a  foreign  and  far 
distant  country  in  the  place  of  his  own,  after  his  narrow 
escape  from  death  through  their  calumnies,  but  for  the 
clemency  of  the  Emperor, — distress  which  would  have  satis- 
fied even  the  most  cruel  enemy, — still  they  are  insensible  to 
shame,  and  are  again  raging  against  the  Church  and  Atha- 
nasius ;  and  from  indignation  at  his  deliverance  venture  on 
still  more  atrocious  schemes  against  him,  and  are  ready  with 
any  accusation,  fearless  of  the  words  in  holy  Scripture,  A  Prov. 
false  witness  shall  not  be  unpunished;  and,  The  mouth  that^f\^A 

c  11. 

Digitized  by  Cj6c 

18       Calumnies  of  the  Eusebians  against  Athanasius 

Apol.  belieth  slayeth  the  soul;  we  therefore  are  unable  longer  to 
kQ'  Ar'  hold  our  peace,  being  amazed  at  their  wickedness  and  at  the 

insatiable  love  of  contention  displayed  in  their  treacherous 


2.  For  see,  they  cease  not  to  disturb  the  ear  of  royalty  with 
fresh  reports  against  us;  they  cease  not  to  write  letters 
of  deadly  import,  for  the  destruction  of  the  Bishop  who  is 
the  enemy  of  their  impiety.  For  again  have  they  written  to  the 
Emperors  against  him ;  again  are  they  conspiring  against 
him,  charging  him  with  a  butchery  which  has  never  taken 
place ;  again  they  wish  to  shed  his  blood,  accusing  him  of  a 
murder  that  never  was  committed,  (for  at  that  former  time 
would  they  have  murdered  him  by  their  calumnies,  had  we 
not  found  favour  with  the  Emperor ;)  again  they  are  urgent,  to 
say  the  least,  that  he  should  be  sent  into  banishment,  while 
they  pretend  to  lament  the  miseries  of  the  exiles,  as  though 
they  had  been  exiled  by  him.  They  lament  before  us  things 
that  have  never  been  done,  and,  not  satisfied  with  what  has 
been  done  to  him,  desire  to  add  thereto  other  and  more  cruel 

3.  So  mild  are  they  and  merciful,  and  of  so  just  a  disposition; 
or  rather  (for  the  truth  shall  be  spoken)  so  wicked  are  they 
and  malicious;  obtaining  respect  through  fear  and  by  threats, 
rather  than  by  their  piety  and  justice,  as  becomes  Bishops. 
They  have  dared  in  their  letters  to  the  Emperors  to  pour 
forth  language  such  as  no  contentious  person  would  employ 
even  among  those  that  are  without ;  they  have  charged  him 
with  a  number  of  murders  and  butcheries,  and  that  not  before 
a  Governor,  or  any  other  superior  officer,  but  before  the  three 
Augusti;  nor  shrink  they  from  any  journey  however  long, 
provided  only  all  the  greater  courts  may  be  filled  with  their 
accusations.  For  indeed,  dearly  beloved,  their  business  con- 
sists in  accusations,  and  that  of  the  most  solemn  character, 
forasmuch  as  the  tribunals  to  which  they  make  their  appeal 
are  the  most  solemn  of  any  upon  earth.  And  what  other  end 
do  they  propose  by  these  investigations,  except  to  move  the 
Emperor  to  capital  punishment  ? 

§.4.  4.  Their  own  conduct  therefore,  and  not  that  of  Athanasius, 
is  the  fittest  subject  for  lamentation  and  mourning,  and  one 
would  more  properly  lament  them,  for  such  actions  ought  to 

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most  inconsistent  in  Bishops, 


be  bewailed,  since  it  is  written,  Weep  ye  not  for  the  dead,  Tr.  II. 
neither  bemoan  him :  but  weep  sore  for  him  that  goeth  away, 
for  he  shall  return  no  more.  For  their  whole  letter  speaks  of  10.  ' 
nothing  but  his  death ;  and  their  endeavour  is  to  kill,  when- 
ever they  may  be  permitted,  or  if  not,  to  drive  into  exile. 
And  this  they  were  permitted  to  do  by  the  most  religious 
father  of  the  Emperors,  who  gratified  their  fury  by  the 
banishment  of  Athanasius,  though  not  by  his  death.  Now 
that  this  is  not  the  conduct  even  of  ordinary  Christians,  (nay, 
even  of  heathens,)  much  less  of  Bishops,  who  profess  to 
teach  others  righteousness,  we  suppose  that  your  Christian 
consciences  must  at  once  perceive.  How  can  they  forbid 
others  to  accuse  their  brethren,  who  themselves  become  their 
accusers,  and  that  to  the  Emperors  ?  How  can  they  teach 
compassion  for  the  misfortunes  of  others,  who  cannot  rest 
satisfied  even  with  our  banishment?  For  there  was  con- 
fessedly a  general  sentence  of  banishment  against  us  Bishops, 
and  we  all  looked  upon  ourselves  as  banished  men  :  and  now 
again  we  consider  ourselves  as  restored  with  Athanasius  to 
our  native  country,  and  in  the  place  of  our  former  lamenta- 
tions and  mourning  over  him,  as  having  the  greatest  encou- 
ragement and  grace, — which  may  the  Lord  continue  to  us,  nor 
suffer  the  Eusebians  to  destroy ! 

5.  Even  if  their  charges  against  him  were  true,  here  is  a 
certain  charge  against  them,  that  against  the  precept  of  Chris- 
tianity, and  after  his  banishment  and  trials,  they  have  assaulted 
him  again,  and  accuse  him  of  murder,  and  butchery,  and  other 
crimes,  which  they  sound  in  the  royal  ears  against  the 
Bishops.  But  how  exceeding  manifold  is  their  wickedness, 
and  what  manrfer  of  men  think  you  them,  when  every  word 
they  speak  is  false,  every  charge  they  bring  a  calumny,  and 
there  is  no  truth  whatever  either  in  their  speeches  or  their 
writings !  However,  let  us  now  enter  upon  these  matters,  and 
meet  their  last  charges.  This  will  prove,  that  in  their  former 
representations  in  the  Council  and  at  the  trial  their  conduct 
was  dishonourable,  or  rather  their  words  untrue,  besides 
exposing  them  for  what  they  have  now  advanced. 

6.  We  are  indeed  ashamed  to  make  any  defence  against  §.  5. 
such  charges.    But  since  our  reckless  accusers  lay  hold  of 

any  charge,  and  allege  that  murders  and  butcheries  were 


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20      His  murders  but  civil  executions  in  his  absence. 

Apol.  committed  after  the  return  of  Athanasius,  we  beseech 
— '■ — -you  to  bear  with  our  answer  though  it  be  somewhat 
long;  for  circumstances  constrain  us.  No  murder  was 
committed  either  by  Athanasius  or  on  his  account,  since 
our  accusers,  as  we  said  before,  compel  us  to  enter  upon  this 
strange  apology.  Slaughter  and  imprisonment  are  foreign  to 
our  Church.  No  one  did  Athanasius  commit  into  the  hands  of 
the  executioner ;  and  the  prison,  so  far  as  he  was  concerned, 
was  never  disturbed.  Our  sanctuaries  are  now,  as  they  have 
always  been,  pure,  and  honoured  only  with  the  Blood  of 
Christ  and  His  pious  worship.  Neither  Presbyter  nor 
Deacon  was  destroyed  by  Athanasius;  he  perpetrated  no 
murder,  he  caused  the  banishment  of  no  one.  Would  that 
they  had  never  caused  the  like  to  him,  nor  given  him  actual 
experience  of  it !  No  one  here  was  banished  on  his  account ; 
no  one  at  all  except  Athanasius  himself  the  Bishop  of 
Alexandria,  whom  they  banished,  and  whom,  now  that  he  is 
restored,  they  again  seek  to  entangle  in  the  same  or  even  a 
more  cruel  plot  than  before,  setting  their  tongues  to  speak 
all  manner  of  false  and  deadly  words  against  him. 

7.  For,  behold,  they  now  attribute  to  him  the  acts  of  the 
magistrates;  and  although  they  plainly  confess  in  their 
letter  that  the  Prefect  of  Egypt  passed  sentence  upon  certain 
persons,  they  now  are  not  ashamed  to  impute  this  sentence  to 
Athanasius ;  and  that,  though  he  had  not  at  the  time  entered 
Alexandria,  but  was  yet  on  his  return  from  his  place  of  exile. 
Indeed  he  was  then  in  Syria ;  since  we  must  needs  adduce 
in  his  defence  his  length  of  way  from  home,  that  a  man  may 
not  be  responsible  for  the  actions  of  a  Governor  or  Prefect  of 
Egypt.  But  supposing  Athanasius  had  been  in  Alexandria, 
what  were  the  proceedings  of  the  Prefect  to  Athanasius? 
However,  he  was  not  even  in  the  country;  and  what  the 
Prefect  of  Egypt  did  was  not  done  on  ecclesiastical  grounds, 
but  for  reasons  which  you  will  learn  from  the  records,  which, 
after  we  understood  what  they  had  written,  we  made  diligent 
enquiry  for,  and  have  transmitted  to  you.  Since  then  they 
now  raise  a  cry  against  certain  things  which  were  never  done 
either  by  him  or  for  him,  as  though  they  had  certainly  taken 
place,  and  testify  against  such  evils  as  though  they  were 
assured  of  their  existence ;  let  them  inform  us  from  what 

Digitized  by  Google 

Why  the  Eusebians  were  enemies  of  Athanasius.  21 

Council  they  obtained  their  knowledge  of  them,  from  what  Tr.  II. 
proofs,  and  in  the  course  of  what  investigation  ?   But  if  they  — 
have  no  such  evidence  to  bring  forward,  and  nothing  but 
their  own  mere  assertion,  we  leave  it  to  you  to  consider  as 
regards  their  former  charges  also,  how  the  things  took  place, 
and  why  they  so  speak  of  them.    In  truth,  it  is  nothing  but 
calumny,  and  a  plot  of  our  enemies,  and  anger  full  of 
atrocious  projects,  and  an  impiety  in  behalf  of  the  Arian 
fanatics1,  which  is  frantic  against  true  godliness,  and  desires  'or Ario- 
to  root  out  the  orthodox,  so  that  henceforth  the  advocates  of  Tempos- 
impiety  may  preach  without  fear  whatever  doctrines  theyw'w,• 
please.    The  history  of  the  matter  is  as  follows : — 

8.  When  Alius,  from  whom  the*  heresy  of  the  Arian  §.6. 
fanatics  has  its  name,  was  cast  out  of  the  Church  for  his 
impiety  by  Bishop  Alexander,  of  blessed  memory,  the 
Eusebians,  who  are  the  disciples  and  partners  of  his  impiety, 
considering  themselves  also  to  have  been  ejected,  wrote 
frequently  to  the  Bishop  Alexander,  beseeching  him  not  to 
keep  the  heretic  Arius  out  of  the  Church.  But  when 
Alexander  in  his  piety  towards  Christ  refused  to  admit  that 
impious  man,  they  directed  their  resentment  against  Atha- 
nasius, who  was  then  a  Deacon,  because  in  their  busy 
enquiries  they  had  heard  that  he  was  much  in  the  familiarity 
of  Alexander  the  Bishop,  and  much  honoured  by  him.  And 
their  hatred  of  him  was  greatly  increased  after  they  had  expe- 
rience of  his  piety*  towards  Christ,  in  the  Council  assembled9  >•  «• 
at  Nicsea,  wherein  he  spoke  boldly  against  the  impiety  of  thea0x£ 
Arian  fanatics.  But  when  God  raised  him  to  the  Episcopate, 
their  long-cherished  malice  burst  forth  into  a  flame,  and  fearing 
his  orthodoxy  and  resistance  of  their  impiety,  they  (and  espe- 
cially Eusebius,  who  was  smitten  with  a  consciousness  of  his 
own  evil  doings,)  engaged  in  all  manner  of  treacherous  designs 
against  him.  They  prejudiced  the  Emperor  against  him ; 
they  frequently  threatened  him  with  Councils ;  and  at  last 
assembled  at  Tyre ;  and  to  this  day  they  cease  not  to  write 
against  him,  and  are  so  implacable  that  they  even  find  fault 
with  his  appointment  to  the  Episcopate*,  taking  every  means 

*  The  Ensebians  alleged  that,  fifty-  bled  for  tbe  election,  and  having  sworn 
four  Bishops  of  the  two  parties  of  S.  to  elect  by  the  common  voice,  six  or 
Alexander  and  Meletins  being  assem-   seven  of  these  broke  their  oaths  in 

Digitized  by  Google 

22  Athanasius*  s  election  canonical. 

Apol.  of  shewing  their  enmity  and  hatred  towards  him,  and 
^lA^*  spreading  false  reports  for  the  sole  purpose  of  thereby  de- 
stroying his  character. 

9.  However,  the  very  misrepresentations  which  they  now  are 
makiug,  do  but  convict  their  former  statements  of  being  false- 
hoods, and  a  mere  conspiracy  against  him.    For  they  say, 
that  "  after  the  death  of  the  Bishop  Alexander,  a  certain  few- 
having  mentioned  the  name  of  Athanasius,  six  or  seven 
Bishops  elected  him  clandestinely  in  a  secret  place:"  and 
this  is  what  they  wrote  to  the  Emperors,  having  no  scruple 
about  asserting  the  greatest  falsehoods.    Now  that  the  whole 
multitude  and  all  the  people  of  the  Catholic  Church  assembled 
together  as  with  one  mind  and  body,  and  cried,  shouted,  that 
Athanasius  should  be  Bishop  of  their  Church,  made  this  the 
subject  of  their  public  prayers  to  Christ,  and  conjured  us  to 
grant  it  for  many  days  and  nights,  neither  departing  them- 
selves from  the  Church,  nor  suffering  us  to  do  so ;  of  all  this 
we  are  witnesses,  and  so  is  the  whole  city,  and  the  province 
too.    Not  a  word  did  they  speak  against  him,  as  these  persons 
represented,  but  gave  him  the  most  excellent  titles  they 
could  devise,  calling  him  the  good,  the  pious,  Christian,  an 
ascetic b,  a  genuine  Bishop.    And  that  he  was  elected  by  a 
majority  of  our  body  in  the  sight  and  with  the  acclamations 
of  all  the  people,  we  who  elected  him  also  testify,  who  are 
surely  more  credible  witnesses  than  those  who  were  not 
present,  and  now  spread  these  false  accounts. 
1  Of  Ni-    io.  But  yet  Eusebius1  finds  fault  with  the  appointment  of 

come-     *  ,         .         ,       ,  i  i  . 

dia.  Athanasius, — he  who  perhaps  never  received  any  appointment 

favour  of  S.  Athanasius,  whom  no  one 
had  thought  of,  and  consecrated  him  in 
secret  to  the  great  surprise  and  scandal 
of  both  ecclesiastical  and  lay  persons, 
vid.  Socr.  ii.  17.  Philostorgius  (A.D. 
425.)  adds  particulars,  explanatory  or 
corrective  of  this  statement,  of  which 
the  Bishops  in  the  text  do  not  seem  to 
have  heard ;  viz.  that  Athanasius  with 
his  party  one  night  seized  on  the  Church 
of  St.  Dionysius,  and  compelled  two 
Bishops  whom  he  found  there  to  con- 
secrate him  against  their  will ;  that  he 
was  in  consequence  anathematized  by 
all  the  other  Bishops,  but  that,  fortify- 
ing himself  in  his  position,  he  sent  in 
his  election  to  the  Emperor,  and  by  this 

means  obtained  its  confirmation.  Hist, 
ii.  16.  It  appears,  in  matter  of  fact, 
that  S.  Athan.  was  absent  at  the  time 
of  his  election;  as  Socrates  says,  in 
order  to  avoid  it,  or  as  Epiphanius,  on 
business  at  the  Court;  these  reasons 
are  compatible. 

b  It  is  contested  whether  S.  Athan. 
was  ever  one  of  S.  Antony's  monks,  the 
reading  of  a  passage  in  the  commence- 
ment of  his  Vit.  Ant.,  which  would 
decide  the  question,  varying  in  different 
MSS.  The  word  "  ascetic"  is  used  of 
those  who  lived  a  life,  as  afterwards 
followed  in  Monasteries,  in  the  Ante- 
Nicene  times. 

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Uncanonical  appointment  of  Eusebius  himself.  23 

to  his  office  at  all ;  or  if  he  did,  has  himself  rendered  it  invalid c.  Tb.  II. 

•  6  7 

For  he  had  first  the  See  of  Berytus,  but  leaving  that  he  came  — 

to  Nicomedia.    He  left  the  one  contrary  to  the  law,  and 
contrary  to  the  law  invaded  the  other ;  he  deserted  his  own 
See  for  he  failed  in  affection,  and  took  possession  of  another's 
though  he  failed  in  a  plea ;  he  lost  his  love  for  the  first  in 
his  lust  for  another,  nor  retained  that  love  for  the  second 
which  his  lust  had  occasioned.    For,  behold,  withdrawing 
himself  from  the  second,  again  he  takes  possession  of 
another's,  casting  an  evil  eye  all  around  him  upon  the  cities 
of  other  men,  and  thinking  that  godliness1  consists  in  wealth1  •W- 
and  in  the  greatness  of  cities,  and  making  light  of  thefJSS. 
heritage  of  God  to  which  he  had  been  appointed;  no^^y, 
knowing  that  where  even  two  or  three  are  gathered  in  the  1  Tim. 
name  of  the  Lord,  there  is  the  Lord  in  the  midst  of  them ;  Jj*^ 
not  considering  the  words  of  the  Apostle,  /  will  not  boast  in  18,  20. 
another  marts  labours;  not  perceiving  the  charge  which  he^i^ 
has  given,  Art  thou  bound  unto  a  wife?  seek  not  to  be*Coj' 
loosed.    For  if  this  expression  applies  to  a  wife,  how  much  ' 
more  does  it  apply  to  a  Church,  and  to  the  same  Epis- 
copate; to  which  whosoever  is  bouud  ought  not  to  seek 
another,  lest  he  prove  an  adulterer  according  to  holy 

11.  But  though  conscious  of  these  his  own  misdoings,  he  §.  7. 
has  boldly  undertaken  to  arraign  the  appointment  of  Atha- 
nasius,  to  which  honourable  testimony  has  been  borne  by 
all;  and  he  ventures  to  reproach  him  with  his  deposition, 
though  he  has  been  deposed  himself,  and  has  a  standing  proof 
of  his  deposition  in  the  appointment  of  another.  How  could 
either  he  or  Theognius d  degrade  another,  after  they  had  been 
degraded  themselves,  which  is  sufficiently  proved  by  the  ap- 
pointment of  others  in  their  room  ?  For  you  know  very  well  that 

.«  The  Canons  of  Nicaea  and  Sardioa  Cassiodor.  Hist.  xii.  8.  Niceph.  Hist, 

were  absolute  against  translation,  but,  xiv.  39.  Cotelier  adds  others  ad  Can. 

as  Bingham  observes,  Antiqu.  vi.  4.  Apost.  14. 

§.  6.  only  as  a  general  rule.    The  so-      d  Or  Theognis ;  he  was,  as  well  as 

called  Apostolical  Canons  except  "  a  Eusebius,  a  pupil  of  Lucian's,  and  was 

reasonable  cause"  and  the  sanction  of  a  deposed  together  with  him  after  the 

Council;  one  of  the  Councils  of  Car-  Nicene  Council  for  communicating  with 

thage  prohibit  them  when  subserving  Arians.  Constantine  banished  them  to 

ambitious  views,  and  except  for  the  Gaul ;  they  were  recalled  in  the  course 

advantage  of  the  Church.    Vid.  list  of  of  two  or  three  years.  He  was  dead  by 

translations  in  Soor.  Hist.  vii.  36.  the  date  of  the  Council  of  Sardica. 


24  Eusebians  pretend  to  care  for  Councils  to  annul  the  Nicene, 

Apol.  there  were  appointed  instead  of  them  Amphion  to  Nicomedia 
AG-  Aw»  and  Chrestus  to  Nicsea,  in  consequence  of  their  own  impiety 
and  connection  with  the  Arian  fanatics,  who  were  rejected 
by  the  Ecumenic  Council.    But  while  they  desire  to  set 
aside  that  true  Council,  they  endeavour  to  give  that  name 

1  Euse-  to  their  own  unlawful  combination 1 ;  while  they  are  un- 
Council  willing  that  the  decrees  of  the  Council  should  be  enforced, 
^ Tyre, tney  desire  to  enforce  their  own  decisions;  and  they  use 
sals."    the  name  of  a  Council,  while  they  refuse  to  submit  them- 
selves to  one  so  great  as  this.    Thus  they  care  not  for 
Councils,  but  only  pretend  to  do  so  in  order  that  they  may 
root  out  the  orthodox,  and  annul  the  decrees  of  the  true  and 
great  Council  against  the  Arians,  in  support  of  whom,  both 
now  and  heretofore,  they  have  ventured  to  assert  these 
falsehoods  against  the  Bishop  Athanasius.    For  their  former 
statements  resembled  those  they  have  now  made,  viz.  that 

2  On  his  disorderly  meetings  were  held  at  his  entrance  *,  with  lamentation 
from11  an^  mourning,  the  people  indignantly  refusing  to  receive 
Gwdj  him.  Now  such  was  not  the  case,  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
338.     joy  and  cheerfulness  prevailed,  and  the  people  ran  together, 

hastening  to  obtain  the  desired  sight  of  him.  The  Churches 
were  full  of  rejoicings,  and  thanksgivings  were  offered  up  to 
the  Lord  every  where ;  and  all  the  Ministers  and  Clergy 
beheld  him  with  such  feelings,  that  their  souls  were  possessed 
with  delight,  and  they  esteemed  that  the  happiest  day  of 
their  lives.  Why  need  we  mention  the  inexpressible  joy 
that  prevailed  among  us  Bishops,  for  we  have  already  said 
that  we  counted  ourselves  to  have  been  partakers  in  his 
sufferings  ? 

8.  12.  Now  this  being  confessedly  the  truth  of  the  matter, 
although  it  is  very  differently  represented  by  them,  what 
weight  can  be  attached  to  that  Council  or  trial  of  which 
they  make  their  boast?  Since  they  presume  thus  to  con- 
trovert the  circumstances  of  a  case  which  they  did  not 
witness,  which  they  have  not  examined,  and  for  which  they 
did  not  meet,  and  to  write  as  though  they  were  assured 
of  the  truth  of  their  statements,  how  can  they  claim  credit 
respecting  those  matters  for  the  consideration  of  which  they 
say  that  they  did  meet  together  ?  Will  it  not  rather  be  believed 
that  they  have  acted  both  in  the  one  case  and  in  the  other 

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tho*  not  in  a  state  to  hold  a  Council>and their  own  tyrannicalM 

out  of  enmity  to  us  ?  For  what  kind  of  a  Council  of  Bishops  T*.  II. 
was  then  held  ?  Was  it  an  assembly  which  aimed  at  the  — — — 
truth  ?  Was  not  almost  every  one  among  them  our  enemy  ? 
Did  not  the  attack  of  the  Eusebians  upon  us  proceed  from 
their  zeal  for  the  Arian  fanaticism  ?  Did  they  not  urge  on 
the  others  of  their  party?  Have  we  not  always  written 
against  them  as  professing  the  doctrines  of  Arius  ?  Was  not 
Eusebius  of  Caesarea  in  Palestine  accused  by  our  con- 
fessors of  sacrificing  to  idols*?  Was  not  George  proved 
to  have  been  degraded  by  the  blessed  Alexander f?  Were  not 
they  charged  with  various  offences,  some  with  this,  some 
with  that  ? 

13.  How  then  could  such  men  entertain  the  purpose  of  hold- 
ing a  meeting  against  us  ?  How  can  they  have  the  boldness  to 
call  that  a  Council,  at  which  a  single  Count  presided,  which 
an  executioner  attended,  and  where  a  chief  jailor  instead  of 
the  Deacons  of  the  Church  introduced  us  into  Court ;  and 
where  the  Count  only  spoke,  and  all  present  held  their  peace, 
or  rather  obeyed  his  directions?  The  removal  of  those 
Bishops  who  seemed  to  deserve  it,  was  prevented  at  his 
desire ;  and  when  he  gave  the  order  we  were  dragged  about 
by  soldiers ; — or  rather  the  Eusebians  gave  the  order,  and  he 
was  subservient  to  their  will.  In  short,  dearly  beloved,  what 
kind  of  Council  was  that,  the  object  of  which  was  banish- 
ment and  murder  at  the  pleasure  of  the  Emperor  ?  And  of 
what  nature  were  their  charges  ? — for  here  is  matter  of  still 
greater  astonishment.  There  was  one  Arsenius  whom  they 
declared  to  have  been  murdered  ;  and  they  also  complained 
that  a  chalice  belonging  to  the  sacred  mysteries  had  been 

14.  Now  Arsenius  is  alive,  and  prays  to  be  admitted  to 
our  communion.  He  waits  for  no  other  testimony  to  prove 
that  he  is  still  living,  but  himself  confesses  it,  writing 
in  his  own  person  to  our  brother  Athanasius,  whom  they 

e  At  the  Council  of  Tyre,  Potamo  himself,  which  is  unlike  him,  if  it  was 

an  Egyptian  Bishop  and  Confessor  producible. 

asked  Eusebius  what  had  happened  to      f  George,  Bishop  of  Laodicea,  had 

Aim  in  prison  during  the  persecution,  been  degraded  when  a  Priest  by  S. 

Epiph.  Haer.  68,  7.  as  if  hinting  at  his  Alexander,  for  his  profligate  habits  as 

cowardice.  It  appears  that  Eusebius  well  as  his  Arianism.  A  than,  speaks  of 

was  prisoner  at  Caesarea  with  S.  Pam-  him  elsewhere  as  reprobated  even  by 

philus ;  yet  he  never  mentions  the  fact  his  party,  de  Fug.  26. 

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26  Athan.  accused  of  the  murder  of  Arsenius  who  was  alive. 

A  pol.  positively  asserted  to  be  his  murderer.    The  impious  wretches 
AO.  Ar.  were  not  ag^amed  to  accuse  him  of  having  murdered  a  man 
who  was  at  a  great  distance  from  him,  being  separated  by  an 
immense  tract  both  of  land  and  water,  and  whose  abode  at  that 
time  no  one  knew.  Nay,  they  even  had  the  boldness  to  remove 
him  out  of  sight,  and  place  him  in  concealment,  though  he  had 
suffered  no  injury ;  and,  if  it  had  been  possible,  they  would 
have  transported  him  to  another  world,  nay,  or  have  taken  him 
from  life  in  earnest,  so  that  either  by  a  true  or  false  statement 
of  his  murder  they  might  in  as  good  earnest  destroy  Atha- 
nasius.    But  thanks  to  divine  Providence  for  this  also, 
which  permitted  them  not  to  succeed  in  their  injustice,  but 
presented  Arsenius  alive  to  the  eyes  of  all  men,  who  has 
clearly  proved  their  conspiracy  and  calumnies.    He  does  not 
withdraw  from  us  as  murderers,  nor  hate  us  as  having  injured 
him,  (for  indeed  he  has  suffered  no  evil  at  all ;)  but  he 
desires  to  hold  communion  with  us;  he  wishes  to  be  ad- 
mitted among  us,  and  has  written  to  this  effect. 
§.  9.      15.  Nevertheless  they  laid  their  plot  against  Athanasius, 
accusing  him  of  having  murdered  a  person  who  was  still 
alive ;  and  those  same  men  are  the  authors  of  his  banish - 
ibyCon-ment1.    For  it  was  not  the  father  of  the  Emperors,  but  their 
stantme  ca]umnjeS)  ^na^  sent  hjm  'mi0  exile.    Consider  whether  this 
Gatf,    is  not  the  truth.    When  nothing  was  discovered  to  the 
335.     prejudice  of  our  brother  Athanasius,  but  still  the  Count 
threatened  him  with  violence,  and  was  very  zealous  against 
2  i.  e.  to  him,  the  Bishop g,  in  order  to  avoid  this  violence,  went  up2  to 
stanti-  tne  most  religious  Emperor,  where  he  protested  against  the 
nople.    Count  and  their  conspiracy  against  him,  and  requested 
either  that  a  lawful  Council  of  Bishops  might  be  assembled, 

%  The  circumstances  of  this  appeal, 
which  are  related  by  Athan.  below, 
$.  86.  are  thus  summed  up  by  Gibbon ; 
"  Before  the  final  sentence  could  be 
pronounced  at  Tyre,  the  intrepid  pri- 
mate threw  himself  into  a  bark  which 
was  ready  to  hoist  sail  for  the  imperial 
city.  The  request  of  a  formal  audience 
might  have  been  opposed  or  eluded; 
but  Athanasius  concealed  his  arrival, 
watched  the  moment  of  Constantine's 
return  from  an  adjacent  villa,  and 
boldly  encountered  his  angry  sovereign 

as  he  passed  on  horseback  through  the 
principal  street  of  Constantinople.  So 
strange  an  apparition  excited  his  sur- 
prise and  indignation ;  and  the  guards 
were  ordered  to  remove  the  importunate 
suitor;  but  his  resentment  was  subdued 
by  involuntary  respect ;  and  the  haugh- 
ty spirit  of  the  Emperor  was  awed  by 
the  courage  and  eloquence  of  a  Bishop, 
who  implored  his  justice  and  awakened 
his  conscience."  Hist.  xxi.  Athan. 
was  a  small  man  in  person. 

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Then  charged  with  political  crimes  and  banished.  27 

or  that  the  Emperor  would  himself  receive  his  defence  con-  Tr.  II. 
cerning  the  charges  they  brought  against  him.  Upon  this  9' 10' 
the  Emperor  wrote  in  anger,  summoning  them  before  him, 
and  declaring  that  he  would  hear  the  cause  himself,  and  for 
that  purpose  he  also  ordered  a  Council  to  be  held.  Where- 
upon the  Eusebians  went  up  and  charged  Athanasius,  not 
with  the  same  offences  which  they  had  published  against 
him  at  Tyre,  but  with  an  intention  of  detaining  the  vessels 
laden  with  corn,  as  though  Athanasius  had  been  the  man  to 
pretend  that  he  could  stop  the  exports  of  corn  from  Alex- 
andria to  Constantinople. 

16.  Certain  of  our  friends  were  present  at  the  palace  with 
Athanasius,  and  heard  the  threats  of  the  Emperor  upon 
receiving  this  report.  And  when  Athanasius  exclaimed 
against  the  calumny,  and  positively  declared  that  it  was  not 
true ;  (for  how,  he  argued,  should  he  a  poor  man,  and  in  a 
private  station,  be  able  to  do  such  a  thing  ?)  Eusebius  did 
not  hesitate  publicly  to  repeat  the  charge,  and  swore  that 
Athanasius  was  a  rich  man,  and  powerful,  and  able  to  do 
any  thing;  from  which  it  might  be  supposed  that  he  had 
used  this  language.  Such  was  the  accusation  these  venerable 
Bishops  proffered  against  him.  But  the  grace  of  God 
proved  superior  to  their  wickedness,  for  it  moved  the  pious 
Emperor  to  mercy,  who  instead  of  death  passed  upon  him 
the  sentence  of  banishment.  Thus  their  calumnies,  and 
nothing  else,  were  the  cause  of  this.  For  the  Emperor,  in 
the  letter  which  he  previously  wrote,  complained  of  their 
conspiracy,  censured  their  machinations,  and  condemned  the 
Meletians  as  unrighteous  and  deserving  of  execration;  in 
short,  expressed  himself  in  the  severest  terms  concerning 
them.  For  he  was  greatly  moved  when  he  heard  the  story 
of  the  dead  alive ;  he  was  moved  at  hearing  of  this  murder 
of  one  who  lived  after  it  without  loss  of  life.  We  have  sent 
you  the  letter. 

17.  But  these  marvellous  Eusebians,  to  make  a  show  of  §.  10. 
refuting  the  truth  of  the  case,  and  the  statements  contained 

in  this  letter,  put  forward  the  name  of  a  Council,  and 
ground  its  proceedings  upon  the  authority  of  the  Emperor. 
Hence  the  attendance  of  a  Count  at  their  meeting,  and  the 
soldiers  as  guards  of  the  Bishops,  and  royal  letters  corn- 

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28  Found  guilty  of  the  murder,  though  cleat ed by  Const an  tine, 

Apol.  pelting  the  attendance  of  any  persons  whom  they  required. 

AG*  Ar*  But  observe  here  the  strange  character  of  their  machinations, 
and  the  inconsistency  of  their  bold  measures,  so  that  by 
some  means  or  other  they  may  take  Athanasius  away  from 
us.    For  if  as  Bishops  they  claimed  for  themselves  alone  the 
judgment  of  the  case,  what  need  was  there  for  the  attend- 
ance of  a  Count  and  soldiers  ?  or  how  was  it  that  they 
assembled  under  the  sanction  of  royal  letters  ?  Or  if  they 
required  the  Emperor's  countenance  and  wished  to  derive 
their  authority  from  him,  why  did  they  then  entrench  upon 
his  judgment  ?  and  when  he  declared  in  the  letter  which  he 
wrote,  that  the  Meletians  were  profligate  calumniators,  and 
that  Athanasius  was  most  innocent,  and  enlarged  upon  the 
pretended  murder  of  the  living,  how  was  it  that  they  de- 
termined that  the  Meletians  had  spoken  the  truth,  and  that 
Athanasius  was  guilty  of  the  offence  ;  and  were  not  ashamed 
to  make  the  living  dead,  living  both  after  the  Emperor's 
judgment,  and  at  the  time  when  they  met  together,  and  who 
even  until  this  day  is  amongst  us  ?  So  much  concerning  the 
case  of  Arsenius. 

§.  11.     18.  And  as  for  the  chalice  belonging  to  the  mysteries, 
what  was  it,  or  where  was  it  broken  by  Macarius  ?  for  this  is 
the  report  which  they  spread  up  and  down.    But  for  Atha- 
nasius, even  his  accusers  would  not  have  ventured  to  blame 
him,  had  they  not  been  suborned  by  them.    However,  they 
attribute  the  origin  of  the  offence  to  him ;  although  it  ought 
not  to  be  imputed  even  to  Macarius  who  is  clear  of  it.  And 
they  are  not  ashamed  to  parade  the  sacred  mysteries  before 
Catechumens,  and  worse  than  that,  even  before  heathens b: 
Tob.i2,wnereas5  tney  ought  to  attend  to  what  is  written,  It  is  good 
7  9       to  keep  close  the  secret  of  a  king;  and  as  the  Lord  has 
Matt  7,  charged  us,  Give  not  that  which  is  holy  unto  the  dogs, 
6#       neither  cast  ye  your  pearls  before  swine.    We  ought  not 
then  to  parade  the  holy  mysteries  before  the  uninitiated,  lest 
the  heathen  in  their  ignorance  deride  them,  and  the  Cate- 

h  This  period,  when  Christianity  was 
acknowledged  by  the  state  but  not  em- 
braced by  the  population,  is  just  the 
time  when  we  hear  most  of  this  Reserve 
as  a  principle.   While  Christians  were 

but  a  sect,  persecution  enforced  a  dis- 
cipline, and  when  they  were  commen- 
surate with  the  nation,  faith  made  it 
unnecessary.  We  are  now  returned  to 
the  state  of  the  fourth  century. 

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andqfthebrokenchaliceywherenoChurch^Priest,orService.  29 

chumens  being  over-curious  be  offended.    However,  what  Tn.  II. 
was  the  chalice,  and  where  and  before  whom  was  it  broken  ?  n* 
It  is  the  Meletians  who  make  the  accusation,  who  are  not 
worthy  of  the  least  credit,  for  they  have  been  schismatics 
and  enemies  of  the  Church,  not  of  a  recent  date,  but  from 
the  times  of  the  blessed  Peter,  Bishop  and  Martyr1.  They 
formed  a  conspiracy  against  Peter  himself;  they  calumniated 
his  successor  Achillas ;  they  accused  Alexander  even  before 
the  Emperor ;  and  being  thus  well  versed  in  these  arts,  they 
have  now  transferred  their  enmity  to  Athanasius,  acting  alto- 
gether in  accordance  with  their  former  wickedness.    For  as 
they  slandered  those  that  have  been  before  him,  so  now  they 
have  slandered  him.    But  their  calumnies  and  false  accusa- 
tions have  never  prevailed  against  him  until  now,  that  they 
have  got  the  Eusebians  for  their  assistants  and  patrons,  on 
account  of  the  impiety1  which  these  have  adopted  from  thei  i.  e. 
Arian  fanatics,  which  has  led  them  to  conspire  against  manyhere?y> 
Bishops,  and  among  the  rest  Athanasius. 

19.  Now  the  place  where  they  say  the  chalice  was  broken,  was 
not  a  Church  ;  there  was  no  Presbyter  in  occupation  of  the 
place ;  and  the  day  on  which  they  say  that  Macarius  did  the 
deed,  was  not  the  Lord's  day.  Since  then  there  was  no  Church 
there  ;  since  there  was  no  one  to  perform  the  priest's  office ; 
and  since  the  day  did  not  require  the  use  of  it k;  what  was  this 
sacred  chalice,  and  when,  or  where  was  it  broken  ?  There 
are  many  cups,  it  is  plain,  both  in  private  houses,  and  in  the 
public  market ;  and  if  a  person  breaks  one  of  them,  he  is  not 
guilty  of  impiety.  But  the  chalice  which  belongs  to  the 
mysteries,  and  which  if  it  be  broken  intentionally,  makes  the 
perpetrator  of  the  deed  an  impious  person,  is  found  only 
among  those  who  are  lawfully  appointed  to  preside  over  the 
Church.  This  is  the  only  description  that  can  be* given  of 
this  kind  of  chalice ;  there  is  none  other ;  of  this  you  drink 
prior  to  the  people ;  this  you  have  received  according  to  the 

canon  of  the  Church  f ;  this  belongs  only  to  those  who  preside  2  ^ 

Ap.  65. 

1  Meletius,  Bishop  of  Lycopolis  in    Egypt,    In  the  same  persecution  S. 
the  Thebaid,  being  deposed  for  lapsing    Peter  suffered. 

in  the  Dioclesian  Persecution,  sepa-  k  This  seems  to  imply  that  the  Holy 
rated  from  the  Catholic  Church  and  Communion  was  only  celebrated  on 
commenced  a  succession  of  his  own  in    Sundays  in  the  Egyptian  Churches. 

Digitized  by 

30  Eusebians  build  a  Church  there,  as  the  accuser's  reward. 

Apol.  over  the  Catholic  Church,  for  to  you  only  it  appertains  to 
j^'haye  the  first  taste1  of  the  Blood  of  Christ,  and  to  none 
besides.  But  as  he  who  breaks  a  sacred  cup  is  an  impious 
person,  much  more  impious  is  he  who  treats  the  Blood  of 
Christ  with  contumely :  and  he  does  so  who  performs  this 
mystical  rite  contrary  to  the  rule  of  the  Church ; — (we  say 
this,  not  as  if  a  chalice  even  of  the  schismatics  was  broken 
by  Macarius,  for  there  was  no  chalice  there  at  all ;  how 
should  there  be  ?  where  there  was  neither  Lord's  house  nor 
any  one  belonging  to  the  Church,  nay,  it  was  not  the  time  of 
the  celebration  of  the  mysteries;) — now  such  a  person  is  the 
notorious  Ischyras,  who  was  never  appointed  to  his  office  by 
the  Church,  and  when  Alexander  admitted  the  Presbyters 
that  had  been  ordained  by  Meletius,  he  was  not  even 
numbered  amongst  them ;  and  therefore  did  not  receive 
ordination  even  from  that  quarter. 
§.  12.  20.  By  what  means  then  did  Ischyras  become  a  Presbyter 1  ? 
who  was  it  that  ordained  him  ?  was  it  Colluthus  ?  for  this  is 
the  only  supposition  that  remains.  But  it  is  well  known, 
and  no  one  has  any  doubt  about  the  matter,  that  Colluthus 
died  a  Presbyter,  and  that  every  ordination  of  his  was  invalid, 
and  that  all  that  were  ordained  by  him  during  the  schism 
were  reduced  to  the  condition  of  laymen,  and  in  that  rank 
appear  in  the  congregation.  How  then  can  it  be  believed 
that  a  private  person,  occupying  a  private  house,  had  in  his 
possession  a  sacred  chalice  ?  But  the  truth  is,  they  gave  the 
name  of  Presbyter  at  the  time  to  a  private  person,  and 
gratified  him  with  this  title  to  support  him  in  his  iniquitous 
conduct  towards  us;  and  now  as  the  reward  of  his 
accusations  they  procure  for  him  the  erection  of  a  Church. 
So  that  this  man  had  then  no  Church ;  but  as  the  reward  of 
his  malio£  and  subserviency  to  them  in  accusing  us,  he 
receives  now  what  he  had  not  before;  nay,  perhaps  they 
have  even  remunerated  his  services  with  the  Episcopate,  for 
so  he  goes  about  reporting,  and  accordingly  behaves  towards 
us  with  great  insolence.  Thus  are  such  rewards  as  these 
now  bestowed  by  Bishops  upon  accusers  and  calumniators ; 
though  indeed  it  is  reasonable,  in  the  case  of  an  accomplice, 

1  Vid.  Bp.  Taylor,  Episcop.  Assert.  §.  32.    Potter  on  Church  Gov.  ch.  v. 

Digitized  by  Google 

To  mend  their  cause >,  they  appoint  Commission  to  Mareotis.  31 

that  as  they  have  made  him  a  partner  in  their  proceedings,  Tr.  II. 
so  they  should  also  make  him  their  associate  in  their  own  12~J4' 
Episcopate.    But  this  is  not  all ;  give  ear  yet  further  to  their 
proceedings  at  that  time. 

21.  Being  unable  to  prevail  against  the  truth,  though  §.  13. 
they  had  thus  set  themselves  in  array  against  it,  and  Ischyras 
having  proved  nothing  at  Tyre,  except  that  he  was  a 
calumniator,  and  the  calumny  ruining  their  plot,  they  defer 
proceedings  until  they  obtain  fresh  evidence,  and  propose  to 
send  to  the  Mareotis  certain  of  their  party  to  enquire 
diligently  into  the  matter.  Accordingly  they  dispatched 
secretly,  with  the  assistance  of  the  civil  power,  persons  to 
whom  we  openly  objected  on  many  accounts,  as  being  of 

the  party  of  Arius,  and  therefore  our  enemies;  namely, 
Diognius,  Maris,  Theodoras,  Macedonius,  and  two  others, 
young  both  in  years  and  mind m,  Ursacius  and  Valens  from 
Pannonia;  who,  after  they  had  undertaken  this  long  journey 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  justice  against  their  enemy,  set 
out  again  from  Tyre  for  Alexandria.  They  did  not  shrink 
from  becoming  witnesses  themselves,  although  they  were  the 
judges,  but  openly  adopted  every  means  of  furthering  their 
design,  and  undertook  any  labour  or  journey  whatsoever  in 
order  to  bring  to  a  successful  issue  the  conspiracy  which 
was  in  progress.  They  left  the  Bishop  Athanasius  detained 
in  a  foreign  country  while  they  themselves  entered  their 
enemy's  city,  as  if  to  have  their  revel  both  against  his  Church 
and  against  his  people.  And  what  was  more  outrageous  still, 
they  took  with  them  the  accuser  Ischyras,  but  would  not  permit 
Macarius,  the  accused  person,  to  accompany  them,  but  left 
him  in  custody  at  Tyre.  For  "  Macarius  the  Presbyter  of 
Alexandria"  was  made  answerable  for  the  charge  far  and 
near.  % 

22.  They  therefore  entered  Alexandria  alone  with  the  accuser,  §.  14. 
their  partner  in  lodging,  board,  and  wine-cup  ;  and  taking  with 
them  Philagrius  the  Prefect  of  Egypt  they  proceeded  to  the 
Mareotis,  and  there  carried  on  the  investigation  by  them- 
selves, all  their  own  way,  with  the  forementioned  person. 
Although  the  Presbyters  frequently  begged  that  they  might 

m  Vid.  also  Athan.  ad  Ep.  JEg.  7.   i.  5.  Fragm.  ii.  12. 
Euseb.  Vit.  c.  iv.  43.  Hilar,  ad  Const. 

32  Indecent  conduct  of  the  Commission. 

Apol.  be  present,  they  would  not  permit  them.  The  Presbyters 
aq'Ab'  both  of  the  city  and  of  the  whole  country  desired  to  attend, 
that  they  might  detect  who  and  whence  the  persons  were 
who  were  suborned  by  Ischyras.  But  they  forbade  the 
Ministers  to  be  present,  while  they  carried  on  the  examination 
concerning  the  Church,  the  chalice,  the  table,  and  the  holy 
things,  before  the  heathen;  nay,  worse  than  that,  they 
summoned  heathen  witnesses  during  the  enquiry  concerning 
the  sacred  chalice;  and  those  persons  who  they  affirmed  were 
taken  out  of  the  way  by  Athanasius  by  means  of  the  summons 
of  the  Receiver-general,  and  they  knew  not  where  in  the 
world  they  were,  these  same  individuals  they  brought  forward 
before  themselves  and  the  Prefect  only,  and  avowedly  used 
their  testimony,  whom  they  affirmed  without  shame  to  have 
been  secreted  by  the  Bishop  Athanasius. 

23.  But  here  too  their  only  object  is  to  effect  his  death,  and 
so  they  again  pretend  that  persons  are  dead  who  are  still  alive, 
following  the  same  method  they  adopted  in  the  case  of 
Arsenius.  For  the  men  are  living,  and  are  to  be  seen  in 
their  own  country ;  but  to  you  who  are  at  a  great  distance 
from  the  spot  they  give  a  tragical  representation  of  the 
matter  as  though  they  had  disappeared,  in  order  that,  as  the 
evidence  is  so  far  removed  from  you,  they  may  falsely  accuse 
our  brother-minister,  as  though  he  used  violence  aud  the  civil 
power ;  whereas  they  themselves  have  in  all  respects  acted 
by  means  of  that  power  and  the  countenance  of  others. 
For  their  proceedings  in  the  Mareotis  were  parallel  to  those 
at  Tyre ;  and  as  there  a  Count  attended  with  military  assist- 
ance, and  would  permit  nothing  either  to  be  said  or  done 
contrary  to  their  pleasure,  so  here  also  the  Prefect  of  Egypt 
was  present  with  a  band  of  men,  frightening  all  the  members 
of  the  Church,  and  permitting  no  one  to  give  true  testimony. 
And  what  was  the  strangest  thing  of  all,  the  persons  who 
came,  whether  as  judges  or  witnesses,  or,  what  was  more 
likely,  in  order  to  serve  their  own  purposes  and  those  of 
Eusebius,  lived  in  the  same  place  with  the  accuser,  even  in 
his  house,  and  there  seemed  to  cany  on  the  investigation  as 
they  pleased. 

§.  15.     24.  We  suppose  you  are  not  ignorant  what  outrages  they 
committed  at  Alexandria ;  for  they  are  reported  every  where. 

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Outrages  of  the  Arian  party  at  Alexandria.  38 

They  attacked  the  holy  virgins  and  brethren  with  naked  Tr.  II. 
swords;  they  beat  with  scourges  their  persons,  esteemed  16'  Ig' 
honourable  in  the  sight  of  God,  so  that  their  feet  were  lamed 
by  the  stripes,  whose  souls  are  whole  and  sound  in  purity  and 
all  good  works1.    The  trades*  were  excited  against  them;1  Hist, 
and  the  heathen  multitude  was  set  to  strip  them  naked,  to  12. 
beat  them,  wantonly  to  insult  them,  and  to  threaten  them  Vj^j 
with  their  altars  and  sacrifices.    And  one  coarse  fellow,  as 
though  license  had  now  been  given  them  by  the  Prefect  in 
order  to  gratify  the  Bishops,  took  hold  of  a  virgin  by  the 
hand,  and  dragged  her  towards  an  altar  that  happened  to  be 
near,  imitating  the  practice  of  compelling  to  offer  sacrifice  in 
time  of  persecution.    When  this  was  done,  the  virgins  took 
to  flight,  and  a  shout  of  laughter  was  raised  by  the  heathen 
against  the  Church;  the  Bishops  being  in  the  place,  and 
occupying  the  very  house  where  this  was  going  on;  and 
from  which,  in  order  to  obtain  favour  with  them,  the  virgins 
were  assaulted  with  naked  swords,  and  were  exposed  to  all 
kinds  of  danger,  and  insult,  and  wanton  violence.    And  this 
treatment  they  received  during  a  season  of  fasting3,  and  at3supr. 
the  hands  of  persons  who  themselves  were  feasting  with  the p* 7* 
Bishops  in  that  house. 

25.  Foreseeing  these  things,  and  reflecting  that  the  entrance  §.  16. 
of  enemies  into  a  place  is  no  ordinary  calamity,  we  protested 
against  this  commission.  And  Alexander0,  Bishop  of  Thes- 
salonica,  considering  the  same,  wrote  to  the  people  residing 
there,  discovering  the  conspiracy,  and  testifying  of  the  plot. 
They  indeed  reckon  him  to  be  one  of  themselves,  and 
account  him  a  partner  in  their  designs;  but  they  only  prove 
thereby  the  violence  they  have  exercised  towards  him.  For 
even  the  profligate  Ischyras  himself  was  only  induced  by 
fear  and  violence  to  proceed  in  the  matter,  and  was  obliged 
by  force  to  undertake  the  accusation.  As  a  proof  of  this, 
he  wrote  himself  to  our  brother  Athanasius4,  confessing  that4infr. 
nothing  of  the  kind  that  was  alleged  had  taken  place  there,  64' 

■  This  Alexander  bad  been  one  of  cbre  was  consecrated,  and  afterwards 

the  Nicene  Fathers,  in  325,  and  had  Arins  admitted  to  communion.  His  in- 

the  office  of  publishing  their  decrees  in  fluence  with  the  Court  party  seems  to 

Macedonia,  Greece,  &c.    He  was  at  have  been  great,  judging  from  Count 

the  Council  of  Jerusalem  ten  years  after,  Dionysius's  tone  in  speaking  of  him, 

at  which  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Sepul-  infr.  §.  81. 


34  Documents  in  refutation  of the  Eusebian  charge*  against  A  th. 

Apol.  but  that  he  was  suborned  to  make  a  false  statement.  This 
aq.  Ar.  declaration  he  made,  though  he  was  never  admitted  by 
Athanasius  as  a  Presbyter,  nor  received  that  title  from  him 
as  a  boon,  nor  was  entrusted  by  way  of  recompense  with  the 
erection  of  a  Church,  nor  expected  the  bribe  of  a  Bishopric  ; 
all  of  which  he  obtained  from  them  in  return  for  undertaking 

1  vid  the  accusation.  Moreover,  his  whole  family  held  communion 
infr. §.63  with  us1,  which  they  would  not  have  done  had  they  been 
An!  ^  86  injured  in  the  slightest  degree. 

§.  17.     26.  Now  to  prove  that  these  things  are  facts  and  not  mere 

2  iT^r-  assertions,  we  have  the  testimony*  of  all  the  Presbyters  of  the 
*"  4*    Mareotis  °,  who  always  accompany  the  Bishop  in  his  visitations, 

and  who  also  wrote  at  the  time  against  Ischyras.  But  neither 
those  of  them  who  came  to  Tyre  were  allowed  to  declare  the 

3  infr.  truth3,  nor  could  those  who  remained  in  the  Mareotis  obtain 
«  §.  72  permission  to  refute  the  calumnies  of  Ischyras4.  Copies  also 
fin-      of  the  letters  of  Alexander,  and  of  the  Presbyters,  and  of 

Ischyras,  will  prove  the  same  thing.    We  have  sent  also  the 
letter  of  the  father  of  the  Emperors,  in  which  he  expresses 
his  indignation  that  the  murder  of  Arsenius  was  charged 
upon  any  one  while  the  man  was  still  alive ;  as  also  his 
astonishment  at  the  variable  and'  inconsistent  character  of 
their  accusations  with  respect  to  the  chalice;  since  at  one 
time  they  accused  the  Presbyter  Macarius,  at  another  the 
Bishop  Athanasius,  of  having  broken  it  with  his  hands.  He 
declares  also  on  the  one  hand  that  the  Meletians  are  calum- 
niators, and  on  the  other  that  Athanasius  is  perfectly  innocent. 
27.  And  are  not  the  Meletians  calumniators,  and  above 
*Ar-    all  John5,  who  after  coming  into  the  Church,  and  com- 
infr^65  niunicating  with  us,  after  condemning  himself,  and  no 
fi^headlonger  taking  any  part  in  the  proceedings  respecting  the 
Meleti-  chalice,  when  he  saw  the  Eusebians  zealously  supporting  the 
Arian  fanatics,  though  they  had  not  the  daring  to  cooperate 
with  them  openly,  but  were  attempting  to  employ  others  as 
their  masks,  undertook  a  character,  as  an  actor  in  the  heathen 
6  vid.    theatres  6  ?   The  subiect  of  the  drama  was  the  contest  of  the 

infr.  §.  J 
37.  46. 

vol.  8.  0  The  district,  oalled  Mareotis  from  Priests,  and  of  hamlets  which  had 
p.  127.  a  neighbouring  lake,  lay  in  the  territory  none ;  of  the  latter  was  "  the  Peace  of 
note  g.  an(*  diocese  of  Alexandria,  to  the  west.   Secontaruri,"  (infr.  §.  86.)  where  Ischy- 

It  consisted  of  various  large  villages,    ras  lived. 

with  handsome  Churches,  and  resident 


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Inconsistency  of  Eusebians  in  making  them.  35 

Arians ;  the  real  design  of  the  piece  being  their  success,  but  Tr.  II. 
John  and  his  partizans  being  appended  and  playing  the  — 
parts,  in  order  that  under  colour  of  these,  the  supporters  of 
the  Arians,  in  the  garb  of  judges,  might  drive  away  the 
enemies  of  their  impiety,  firmly  establish  their  impious 
doctrines,  and  bring  the  Arians  into  the  Church.    And  those 
who  wish  to  drive  out  true  godliness 1  strive  all  they  can  to  1 
prevail  by  ungodliness1;  they  who  have  chosen  the  part  of^*,&c# 
that  impiety1  which  wars  against  Christ,  endeavour  to  destroy  *uPr,fPj 
the  enemies  thereof,  as  though  they  were  impious 1  persons ; 
and  they  impute  to  us  the  breaking  of  the  chalice,  for  the 
purpose  of  making  it  appear  that  Athanasius,  equally  with 
themselves,  is  guilty  of  impiety 1  towards  Christ. 

28.  For  what  means  this  mention  of  the  sacred  chalice  by 
them?   Whence  comes  this  religious1  regard  for  the  chalice  - 
among  those  who  support  impiety1  towards  Christ?  Whence 
comes  it  that  Christ's  chalice  is  known  to  them  who  know 
not  Christ?   How  can  they  who  profess  to  honour  that 
chalice,  dishonour  the  God  of  the  chalice  ?  or  how  can  they 
who  lament  over  the  chalice,  seek  to  murder  the  Bishop  who 
celebrates  the  mysteries  therewith  ?  for  they  would  have 
murdered  him,  had  it  been  in  their  power.    And  how  can 
they  who  lament  the  loss  of  the  throne  that  was  Episco- 
pally  covered*,  seek  to  destroy  the  Bishop  that  sat  upon  it,8  cathe- 
to  the  end  that  both  the  throne  may  be  without  its  Bishop,  iat8R) 
and  that  the  people  may  be  deprived  of  godly 1  doctrine  ?   It  p' 
was  not  then  the  chalice,  nor  the  murder,  nor  any  of  those  viii.  6. 
portentous  deeds  they  talk  about,  that  induced  them  to  act  10* 
thus ;  but  the  forementioned  heresy  of  the  Arians,  for  the 
sake  of  which  they  conspired  against  Athanasius  and  other 
Bishops,  and  still  continue  to  wage  war  against  the  Church. 

29.  Who  are  they  that  have  really  been  the  cause  of  murders 
and  banishments  ?  Are  not  these  ?  Who  are  they  that,  availing 
themselves  of  external  support,  conspire  against  the  Bishops? 
Are  not  the  Eusebians  they,  and  not  Athanasius,  as  in  their 
letters  they  pretend  ?  Both  he  and  others  have  suffered  at 
their  hands.  Even  at  the  time  of  which  we  speak,  four 
Presbyters5  of  Alexandria,  though  they  had  not  even  pro-3vid. 
ceeded  to  Tyre,  were  banished  by  their  means.  Who  then  na^lreg 
are  they  whose  conduct  calls  for  tears  and  lamentations  ?  infr.  §. 

y  40. 
D  2 

36  Eusebians  really  associates  of  the  Avians. 

A  pol.  Does  not  theirs,  who  after  they  have  been  guilty  of  one 
AQ*  Ab-  course  of  persecution,  do  not  scruple  to  add  to  it  a  second, 
but  have  recourse  to  all  manner  of  falsehood,  in  order  that 
they  may  destroy  a  Bishop  who  will  not  give  way  to  their 
impious  heresy  ?  Hence  arises  the  enmity  of  the  Eusebians ; 
hence  their  proceedings  at  Tyre;  hence  their  pretended 
trials;  hence  also  now  the  letters  which  they  have  written 
even  without  any  trial,  expressing  the  utmost  confidence  in 
their  statements ;  hence  their  calumnies  before  the  father  of 
the  Emperors,  and  before  the  most  religious  Emperors  them- 

§.  18.  30.  For  it  is  necessary  that  you  should  know  what  is  now 
reported  to  the  prejudice  of  our  brother  Athanasius,  in  order 
that  you  may  thereby  be  led  to  condemn  their  wickedness, 
-  and  may  perceive  that  they  desire  nothing  else  but  to  murder 
him.  A  quantity  of  corn  was  given  by  the  father  of  the 
Emperors  for  the  support  of  certain  widows,  some  to  be  of 
Libya,  and  some  out  of  Egypt.  They  have  all  received  it  up 
to  this  time,  Athanasius  getting  nothing  therefrom,  but  the 
trouble  of  assisting  them.  But  now,  although  the  recipients 
themselves  make  no  complaint,  but  acknowledge  that  they  have 
received  it,  Athanasius  has  been  accused  of  selling  all  the 
corn,  and  appropriating  the  profits  to  his  own  use :  and  the 
Emperor  wrote  to  this  effect  about  it,  charging  him  with  the 
offence  in  consequence  of  the  calumnies  which  had  been 
raised  against  him.  Now  who  are  they  that  have  raised 
these  calumnies  ?  Is  it  not  those  who  after  they  have  been 
guilty  of  one  course  of  persecution,  scruple  not  to  set  on  foot 
another?  Who  are  the  authors  of  those  letters  which  are 
said  to  have  come  from  the  Emperor  ?  Are  not  the  Arians 
who  are  so  zealous  against  Athanasius,  and  scruple  not  to 
speak  and  write  any  thing  ?  No  one  would  pass  over  persons 
who  have  acted  as  they  have  done,  in  order  to  entertain  sus- 
picion of  others.  Nay,  the  proof  of  their  calumny  appears 
to  be  most  evident,  for  they  are  anxious  under  cover  of  it,  to 
take  away  the  corn  from  the  Church,  and  to  give  it  to  the 
Arians.  And  this  circumstance  more  than  any  other,  brings 
the  matter  home  to  the  authors  of  this  design  and  their  prin- 
cipals, who  scrupled  neither  to  set  on  foot  a  charge  of  murder 
against  Athanasius,  and  as  a  base  means  of  prejudicing 

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Tliey  recognise  them  in  formal  acts. 


the  Emperor  against  him,  nor  yet  to  take  away  from  t^e^g'J^' 
Clergy1  of  the  Church  the  subsistence  of  the  poor,  in  order  v^ 
that  in  fact  they  might  make  gain  for  the  heretics.  »a^»», 

31.  We  have  sent  also  the  testimony  of  our  brother  ministers 

in  Libya,  Pentapolis,  and  Egypt,  from  which  likewise  you§.  19. 
may  learn  the  false  accusations  which  have  been  brought 
against  Athanasius.  And  these  things  they  do,  in  order  that, 
the  professors  of  true  godliness  being  henceforth  induced  by 
fear  to  remain  quiet,  the  heresy  of  the  impious  Arians  may 
be  introduced  in  place  of  the  truth.  But  thanks  be  to  your 
piety,  dearly  beloved,  that  you  have  frequently  anathematized 
the  Arians  in  your  letters,  and  have  never  given  them  admittance 
into  the  Church.  The  exposure  of  the  Eusebians  is  also  easy, 
and  ready  at  hand.  For  behold,  after  their  former  letters 
concerning  the  Arians,  of  which  also  we  have  sent  you  copies, 
they  now  openly  stir  up  the  Arian  fanatics  against  the  Church, 
though  the  whole  Catholic  Church  has  anathematized  them ; 
they  have  appointed  a  Bishop*  over  them;  they  distract  the8^"^. 
Churches  with  threats  and  alarms,  that  they  may  gain  assist- 
ants in  their  impiety  in  every  part.  Moreover,  they  send 
Deacons  to  the  Arians,  who  openly  join  their  assemblies ; 
they  write  letters  to  them,  and  receive  answers  from  them, 
thus  making  schisms  in  the  Church,  and  holdiug  communion 
with  them ;  and  they  send  to  every  part,  commending  their 
heresy,  and  repudiating  the  Church,  as  you  will  perceive 
from  the  letters  they  have  addressed  to  the  Bishop  of  Rome3,  ? vid' 
and  perhaps  to  yourselves  also.  You  perceive  therefore,  2? 
dearly  beloved,  that  these  things  are  not  undeserving  of 
vengeance:  they  are  indeed  dreadful  and  alien  from  the 
doctrine  of  Christ. 

32.  Wherefore  we  have  assembled  together,  and  have 
written  to  you,  to  request  of  your  Christian  wisdom  to  re- 
ceive this  our  declaration  and  sympathize  with  our  brother 
Athanasius,  and  to  shew  your  indignation  against  the 
Eusebians  who  have  essayed  such  things,  in  order  that 
such  malice  and  wickedness  may  no  longer  prevail  against 
the  Church.  We  call  upon  you  to  be  the  avengers  of 
such  injustice,  reminding  you  of  the  injunction  of  the 
Apostle,  Put  away  from  among  yourselves  that  wickedlbc™' 
person.    Wicked  indeed  is  their  conduct,  and  unworthy  9 

Digitized  by  Google 

38       Meletians  pretend  to  be  the  Egyptian  Church. 

Apol.  of  your  communion.    Wherefore  give  no  further  heed  to 

— — them,  though  they  should  again  write  to  you  against  the 
Bishop  Athanasius ;  (for  all  that  proceeds  from  them  is 
false;)  not  even  though  they  subscribe  their  letter  with 
names p  of  Egyptian  Bishops.    For  it  is  evident  that  it  will 

1  infr.  not  be  we  who  write,  but  the  Meletians1,  who  have  ever  been 
"  schismatics,  and  who  even  unto  this  day  make  disturbances 
and  raise  factions  in  the  Churches.  For  they  ordain  improper 
persons,  and  all  but  heathens ;  and  they  are  guilty  of  such 
actions  as  we  are  ashamed  to  set  down  in  writing,  but  which 
you  may  learn  from  those  whom  we  have  sent  unto  you,  and 
who  will  deliver  to  you  our  letter. 

§.  20.  33.  Thus  wrote  the  Bishops  of  Egypt  to  all  Bishops,  and 
to  Julius  Bishop  of  Rome. 

P  The  Eusebians  availed  themselves    as  at   Philippopolis,  Hilar.  Fragm. 
of  the  subscriptions  of  the  Meletians,  3. 

Dic^zed  by 




1.  The  Eusebians  also  wrote  to  Julius,  and  thinking  to 
frighten  me,  requested  him  to  call  a  Council,  and  to  be 
himself  the  judge,  if  he  so  pleased1.    When  therefore  I  went1  A.  D. 
up  to  Rome,  Julius  wrote  to  the  Eusebians,  as  was  suitable,  huJ^ 
and  sent  moreover  two  of  his  own  Presbyters*,  Elpidius  and  Arian. 
Philoxenus  *.    But  they,  when  they  heard  of  me,  were  thrown «  May, 
into  confusion,  as  not  expecting  my  going  up  thither;  and  they 
declined  the  proposed  Council,  alleging  unsatisfactory  reasons 
for  so  doing,  but  in  truth  they  were  afraid  lest  the  things 
should  be  proved  against  them  which  Valeus  and  Ursacius 
afterwards  confessed3.    However,  more  than  fifty  Bishops s  infr. 
assembled,  in  the  place  where  the  Presbyter  Vito  held  his*'68* 
congregation  i;  and  they  acknowledged  my  defence,  and  gave4 
me  the  confirmation5  both  of  their  fellowship  and  their  loving 5  vid. 
hospitality.  On  the  other  hand,  they  expressed  great  indigna-  SfrdEa. 
tion  against  the  Eusebians,  and  requested  that  Julius  would 
write  to  the  following  effect  to  those  of  their  number  who  had 
written  to  him.    Which  accordingly  he  did,  and  sent  it  by 
the  hand  of  Count  Gabianus. 

2.  The  Letter  of  Julius  6.  e  A.  D. 

342,  bat 

Julius  to  his  dearly  beloved  brethren1*,  Danius,  Flacillus,34i. 
Narcissus,  Eusebius,  Maris,  Macedonius,  Theodoras,  and™em* 

*  Vito  and  Vincentius,  Presbyters,  Montfaucon  in  loc.  understands  the 

bad  represented  Silvester  at  Nicsea.  notorious  Arian,  Bishop  of  Nicsea, 

Liberius  sent  Vincentius,  Bishop,  and  called  variously  Diognius,  (supr.  §.  13.) 

Marcellus,  Bishop,  to  Constantius ;  and  Theognius,  (infr.  §.  28.)  Theognis, 

again  Lucifer,  Bishop,  and  Eusebius,  (Philostorg.  Hist.  ii.  7.)  Theogonius, 

Bishop.   St.  Basil  suggests  that  Dama-  (Theod.  Hist.  i.  19.)  and  assigns  some 

sus  should  send  Legates  into  the  East,  ingenious  and  probable  reasons  for  his 

Ep.  69.    The  Council  of  Sardica,  supposition,  vid.  supr.  p.  23,  note  d. 

Can.  5.  recognised  the  Pope's  power  of  Flacillus,  Arian  Bishop  of  Antioch,  as 

sending  Legate?  into  foreign  Provinces  Athan.  names  him,  is  called  Placillus,(in 

to  hear  certain  appeals ;  "  ut  de  Latere  St.  Jerome'sChronicon,p.785.)  Placitus, 

8U0  Presbyterum  mittat."  vid.  Tho-  (Soz.  iii.  5.)  Flacitus,  (Theod.  Hist.  i. 

massin.  de  Eccl.  Disc.  Part  1.  ii.  117.  21.)  Theodorus  was  Arian  Bishop  of 

b  By  Danius,  which  had  been  con-  Heraclea,  whose  Comments  on  the 

sidered  the  same  name  as  Dianseus,  Psalms  are  supposed  to  be  those  which 

Bishop  of  Caisarea  in  Cappadocia,  bear  his  name  in  Corderius's  Catena. 

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40     Intemperate  letter  of  the  Eusebiant  to  the  Pope. 

A  pol.  their  friends,  who  have  written  to  me  from  Antioch,  sends 
health  in  the  Lord. 

§.  21.  1  have  read  your  letter*  which  was  brought  to  me  by  my 
Presbyters  Elpidius  and  Philoxenus,  and  I  am  surprised  to 
find  that,  whereas  I  wrote  to  you  in  charity  and  with  con- 
scious sincerity,  you  have  replied  to  me  in  an  unbecoming 
and  quarrelsome  temper ;  for  the  pride  and  arrogance  of  the 
writers  is  plainly  exhibited  in  that  letter.  Yet  such  feelings 
are  inconsistent  with  the  Christian  faith ;  for  what  was  written 
in  a  charitable  spirit  ought  likewise  to  be  answered  in  a  spirit 
of  charity  and  not  of  contention.  And  was  it  not  a  token  of 
charity  to  send  Presbyters  to  sympathize  with  them  that  are 
in  suffering,  and  to  desire  those  who  had  written  to  me  to 
come  hither,  that  the  questions  at  issue  might  obtain  a  speedy 
settlement,  and  all  things  be  duly  ordered,  so  that  our  brethren 
might  no  longer  be  exposed  to  suffering,  and  that  you  might 
escape  further  imputation?  But  something  seems  to  shew 
that  your  temper  is  such,  as  to  force  us  to  conclude  that  the 

1  net*  terms  in  which  you  appear  to  pay  honour1  to  us,  are  with 
some  dissimulation  modified  in  their  meaning.  The  Pres- 
byters also  whom  we  sent  to  you,  and  who  ought  to  have 
returned  rejoicing,  did  on  the  contrary  return  sorrowful  on 
account  of  the  proceedings  they  had  witnessed  among  you. 
And  I,  when  I  had  read  your  letter,  after  much  consideration, 
kept  it  to  myself,  thinking  that  after  all  some  of  you  would 
come,  and  there  would  be  no  need  to  bring  it  forward,  lest 
if  it  should  be  openly  exhibited,  it  should  grieve  many  of  our 
brethren  here.  But  when  no  one  arrived,  and  it  became 
necessary  that  the  letter  should  be  produced,  I  declare  to 
you,  they  were  all  astonished,  and  were  hardly  able  to  believe 
that  such  a  letter  had  been  written  by  you  at  all;  for  it  is 
expressed  in  terms  of  strife  rather  than  of  charity. 

3.  Now  if  the  author  of  it  wrote  with  an  ambition  of  exhi- 
biting his  power  of  language,  such  a  practice  surely  is  more 

c  Some  of  the  topics  contained  in  the  and  that  they  ought  not  themselves  to 
Eusebian  Letter  are  specified  in  Julius's  hold  the  second  place,  for  they  were 
answer.  It  acknowledged,  besides,  the  superior  in  virtue,  though  not  in  their 
high  dignity  of  the  See  of  Rome,  as  Church."  And  they  said  that  they  would 
being  "  The  School  (tywwrngw)  of  the  hold  communion  with  Julius  if  he  would 
Apostles  and  the  Metropolis  of  ortho-  agree  to  their  depositions  and  sub- 
doxy  from  the  beginning/'  but  added  stitutions  in  the  Eastern  Sees.  So«. 
that  "  doctors  oame  to  it  from  the  east ;  iii.  8. 

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The  Pope  proposes  to  revise  the  Eusebian  decision.  41 

suitable  for  other  subjects :  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  it  is  not  Tr.  il. 
a  display  of  eloquence  that  is  needed,  but  the  observance  of  21>a2* 
Apostolic  Canons,  and  an  earnest  care  not  to  offend  one  of  the 
little  ones  of  the  Church,    For  it  were  better  for  a  man, 
according  to  that  ecclesiastical  sentence,  that  a  millstone  ^d. 
were  hanged  about  his  neck,  and  that  he  were  drowned  in  18>  6# 
the  sea,  than  that  he  should  offend  even  one  of  the  little 
ones.    But  if  such  a  letter  was  written,  because  certain 
persons  through  a  narrow  feeling1  took  offence  among  them- » 
selves,  (for  I  will  not  impute  it  to  all);  it  were  better  not  tOj£j^J^# 
entertain  any  such  feeling  of  offence  at  all,  at  least  not  to  let™*- 
the  sun  go  down  upon  their  vexation ;  and  certainly  not  to  in 
give  it  room  to  exhibit  itself  in  writing.  °- 

4.  Yet  what  has  been  done  that  is  a  just  cause  of  offence  ?  326,331'. 
or  in  what  respect  was  my  letter  to  you  such  ?  Was  it,  that  §•  22. 
I  invited*  you  to  be  present  at  a  Council  ?  You  ought  rather 
to  have  received  the  proposal  with  joy.  Those  who  have^^* 
confidence  in  their  proceedings,  or  as  they  choose  to  term 
them,  in  their  decisions,  are  not  wont  to  be  angry,  if  such 
decision  is  enquired  into  by  others ;  they  rather  shew  all  bold- 
ness, seeing  that  if  they  have  given  a  just  decision,  it  can 
never  prove  to  be  the  reverse.  The  Bishops  who  assembled 
in  the  great  Council  of  Nicaea  agreed,  not  without  the  will  of 
God,  that  the  decisions  of  one  Council  should  be  examined 
in  anotherd,  to  the  end  that  the  judges,  having  before  their 
eyes  that  other  trial  which  was  to  follow,  might  be  led  to 
investigate  matters  with  the  utmost  caution,  aud  that  the 
parties  concerned  in  their  sentence  might  have  assurance 
that  the  judgment  they  received  was  just,  and  not  dictated 
by  the  enmity  of  their  former  judges.  Now  if  you  are 
unwilling  that  such  a  practice  ^hould  be  adopted  in  your 
own  case,  though  it  is  of  ancient  standing,  and  has  been 
noticed  and  recommended  by  the  great  Council,  your  refusal 
is  not  becoming ;  for  it  is  unreasonable  that  a  custom  which 

4  As  this  determination  does  not  find  Ecchellensis  haw  argued  on  the  same 
a  place  among  the  now  received  Canons  side,  (apud  Colet.  Concil.  t.  ii.  p.  399. 
of  the  Council,  the  passage  in  the  text  Ed.  Ven.  1728.)  also  Baronius,  though 
becomes  of  great  moment  in  the  argu-  not  so  strongly,  Ann.  325.  nn.167,  &c. 
ment  in  favour  of  the  twenty  Canons  and  Montfaucon  in  loc.  Natalis  Alex- 
extant  in  Greek  being  but  a  portion  ander,  Seec.  4.  Dissert.  28.  argues 
of  those  passed  at  Nicsea.  vid.  Alber.  against  the  larger  number,  and  Tille- 
Dissert  in  Hist.  Eccles.  vii.  Abraham  mont,  Mem.  t.  6.  p.  674. 

42    Tlte  Eusebians  had  already  proposed  a  fresh  Council. 

Apol.  has  once  obtained  in  the  Church,  and  been  established  bj 
AQ'  Ar'  Councils,  should  be  set  aside  by  a  few  individuals. 

5.  For  a  further  reason  they  cannot  justly  take  offence  in  this 
point.  When  the  persons  whom  you  the  Eusebians  dispatched 
with  your  letters,  I  mean  Macarius  the  Presbyter,  and  Martyrius 
and  Hesychius  the  Deacons,  arrived  here,  and  found  that  they 
were  unable  to  withstand  the  arguments  of  the  Presbyters 
who  came  from  Athanasius,  but  were  confuted  and  exposed 

■  A.  D.  on  all  sides,  they  then  requested  me  to  call  a  Council  together 
and  to  write  to  Alexandria  to  the  Bishop  Athanasius,  and 
also  to  the  Eusebians,  in  order  that  a  just  judgment  might 
be  given  in  the  presence  of  all  parties.  And  they  undertook 
in  that  case  to  prove  all  the  charges  which  had  been  brought 
against  Athanasius.  For  Martyrius  and  Hesychius  had  been 
publicly  detected  by  us,  and  the  Presbyters  of  the  Bishop 
Athanasius  had  withstood  them  with  great  confidence :  indeed, 
if  one  must  tell  the  truth,  the  party  of  Martyrius  had  been 
utterly  overthrown ;  and  this  it  was  that  led  them  to  desire 
that  a  Council  might  be  held.  Now  supposing  that  they  had 
not  desired  a  Council,  but  that  I  had  been  the  persqn  to 

* rxrfxai  propose  it,  in  discouragement  of*  those  who  had  written  to 
me,  and  for  the  sake  of  our  brethren  who  complain  that  they 
have  suffered  injustice ;  even  in  that  case  the  proposal  would 
have  been  reasonable  and  just,  for  it  is  agreeable  to  eccle- 
siastical practice,  and  well  pleasing  to  God.  But  when  those 
persons,  whom  you  the  Eusebians  considered  to  be  trust- 
worthy, when  even  they  wished  me  to  call  the  brethren  together, 
it  was  inconsistent  in  the  parties  invited  to  take  offence,  when 
they  ought  rather  to  have  shewn  all  readiness  to  be  present. 
These  considerations  shew  that  the  display  of  anger  in  the 
offended  persons  is  unreasonable,  and  their  refusal  to  meet 
the  Council  is  unbecoming,  and  has  a  suspicious  appearance. 
Does  any  one  find  fault,  if  he  sees  that  done  by  another, 
which  he  would  allow  if  done  by  himself?  If,  as  you  write, 
the  decrees  of  any  Council  have  an  irreversible  force,  and  he 
who  has  given  judgment  on  a  matter  is  dishonoured,  if  his 
sentence  is  examined  by  another ;  consider,  dearly  beloved, 
who  are  they  that  dishonour  Councils  ?  who  are  setting  aside 
the  decisions  of  former  judges  ? 

6.  Not  to  inquire  at  present  into  every  individual  case,  lest 

Digitized  by  Google 

They  had  admitted  the  Arians  to  communion,  43 

I  should  appear  to  press  too  heavily  on  certain  parties,  the  Tr.  II. 
last  instance  that  has  occurred,  and  which  every  one  who — 
hears  it  must  shudder  at,  will  be  sufficient  in  proof  of  the 
others  which  I  omit.  The  Arians  who  were  excommunicated  §.  23. 
for  their  impiety  by  Alexander,  the  late  Bishop  of  Alexandria, 
of  blessed  memory,  were  not  only  proscribed  by  the  brethren 
in  the  several  cities,  but  were  also  anathematized  by  the 
whole  body  assembled  together  in  the  great  Council  of 
Nicaea.  For  theirs  was  no  ordinary  offence,  neither  had  they 
sinned  against  man,  but  against  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  Him- 
self, the  Son  of  the  living  God.  And  yet  these  persons  who 
were  proscribed  by  the  whole  world,  and  branded  in  every 
Church,  are  said  now  to  have  been  admitted  to  communion 
again;  which  I  think  you  ought  to  hear  with  indignation. 
Who  then  are  the  parties  who  dishonour  Councils  ?  Are 
not  they  who  have  set  at  nought  the  votes  of  the  Three 
hundred e,  and  have  preferred  impiety  to  godliness  ? 

7.  The  heresy  of  the  Arian  fanatics 1  was  condemned  and 1 
proscribed  by  the  whole  body  of  Bishops  every  where ;  but^J^ 
the  Bishops  Athanasius  and  Marcellus  have  many  supporters  4*  ref» 
who  speak  and  write  in  their  behalf.  We  have  received 
testimony  in  favour  of  Marcellus,  that  lie  resisted  the  advo- 
cates of  the  Arian  doctrines  in  the  Council  of  Nicaea ;  and  in 
favour  of  Athanasius,  that  at  Tyre  nothing  was  brought  home 
to  him,  and  that  in  the  Mareotis,  where  the  Reports  against 
him  are  said  to  have  been  drawn  up,  he  was  not  present.  Now 
you  know,  dearly  beloved,  that  ex  'parte  proceedings  are 
of  no  weight,  but  bear  a  suspicious  appearance.  Neverthe- 
less, these  things  being  so,  we,  in  order  to  be  accurate,  and 
neither  shewing  any  prepossession  in  favour  of  yourselves, 
nor  of  those  who  wrote  in  behalf  of  the  other  party,  invited 
those  who  had  written  to  me  to  come  hither;  that,  since  there 
were  many  who  wrote  in  their  behalf,  all  things  might  be 
enquired  into  in  a  Council,  and  neither  the  guiltless  might 
be  condemned,  nor  the  guilty  be  accounted  innocent.  We 
then  are  not  the  parties  who  dishonour  Councils,  but  they 
who  at  once  and  recklessly  have  received  the  Arians  whom 

«  The  number  of  the  Fathers  at  the  (Hodeg.  3.  fin.)  referring  to  the  first 

Nicene  Council  is  generally  considered  three  Ecumenical  Councils,  speaks  of 

to  have  been  318,  the  number  of  Abra-  the  faith  of  the  318,  the  150,  and  the 

ham's  servants,  Gen.  14, 14.  Anastasius  200. 

44  and  liad  ordained  and  preferred  Arians. 

A  pol.  all  had  condemned,  and  contrary  to  the  decision  of  the 
aq'Ab*  judges.  The  greater  part  of  those  judges  have  now  departed, 
and  are  with  Christ;  but  some  of  them  are  still  in  this  life  of 
trial,  and  are  indignant  at  learning  that  certain  persons  have 
set  aside  their  judgment 
§.  24.     8.  We  have  also  been  informed  of  the  following  circum- 
stance by  those  who  were  at  Alexandria.  A  certain  Carpones, 
who  had  been  excommunicated  by  Alexander  for  Arianism, 
i  a.D.  was  sent  hither1  by  one  Gregory  with  certain  others,  also 
341  *     excommunicated  for  the  same  heresy.    However,  I  had 
learnt  the  matter  also  from  the  Presbyter  M acarius,  and  the 
«A.D.  Deacons  Martyrius  and  Hesychius*.    For  before  the  Pres- 
339'     byters  Of  Athanasius  arrived,  they  urged  me  to  send  letters 
to  one  Pistus  at  Alexandria,  though  at  the  same  time  the 
Bishop  Athanasius  was  there.    And  when  the  Presbyters 
of  the  Bishop  Athanasius  came,  they  informed  me  that  this 
3  vid.    Pistus  was  an  Arian,  and  that  he  had  been  excommunicated3 
Depos  ky  the  Bishop  Alexander  and  the  Council  of  Nicaea,  and 
Ar.      then  ordained  by  one  Secundus,  whom  also  the  great  Council 
excommunicated  as  au  Arian.    This  statement  the  party  of 
Martyrius  did  not  gainsay,  nor  did  they  deny  that  Pistus  had 
received  his  ordination  from  Secundus.    Now  consider,  after 
this  who  are  most  justly  liable  to  blame  ?    I,  who  could  not 
be  prevailed  upon  to  write  to  the  Arian  Pistus;  or  those, 
who  advised  me  to  do  dishonour  to  the  great  Council,  and  to 
address  the  impious  as  if  they  were  godly  persons  ?  More- 
over, when  the  Presbyter  Macarius,  who  had  been  sent  hither 
by  Eusebius  with  Martyrius  and  the  rest,  heard  of  the  oppo- 
sition which  had  been  made  by  the  Presbyters  of  Athanasius, 
while  we  were  expecting  his  appearance  with  Martyrius  and 
Hesychius,  he  decamped  in  the  night,  in  spite  of  a  bodily 
ailment;  which  leads  us  to  conjecture  that  his  departure  arose 
from  shame  on  account  of  the  exposure  which  had  been  made 
concerning  Pistus.    For  it  is  impossible  that  the  ordination 
* UXv**t  of  the  Arian  Secundus  should  be  considered  valid4  in  the 
Catholic  Church.    This  would  indeed  be  dishonour  to  the 
Council,  and  to  the  Bishops  who  composed  it,  if  the  decrees 
g^J^they  framed,  as  in  the  presence  of  God,  with  such  extreme 
Fragm.  earnestness  and  care,  should  be  set  aside  as  nugatory. 
§  25      9*      as  y°u  w"te*>  ^e  decrees  °f  a^  Councils  ought  to  be 

Digitized  by  Google 

Excuses  of  the  Eusebians  as  to  the  time  of  the  Council.  45 

of  force,  according  to  the  precedent  in  the  case  of  NovatuslfTn.  II. 
and  Paul  of  Samosata,  certainly  the  sentence  of  the  Three  | . 25' 
hundred  ought  not  to  be  reversed,  certainly  a  Catholic  Nova- 
Council  ought  not  to  be  set  at  nought  by  a  few  individuals. tian- 
For  the  Arians  are  heretics  as  they,  and  the  like  sentence  has 
been  passed  both  against  the  one  and  the  other.    And,  after 
such  bold  proceedings  as  these,  who  are  they  that  have 
lighted  up  the  flame  of  discord  ?  for  in  your  letter  you  blame 
us  for  having  done  this.    Have  we,  who  have  sympathized 
with  the  sufferings  of  the  brethren,  and  have  acted  in  all 
respects  according  to  the  Canon ;  or  they  who  contentiously 
and  contrary  to  the  Canon  have  set  aside  the  sentence  of  the 
Three  hundred,  and  dishonoured  the  Council  in  every  way  ? 
For  not  only  have  the  Arians  been  received  into  communion, 
but  Bishops  also  have  adopted  the  practice  of  removing  from 
one  place  to  another2.    Now  if  you  really  believe  that  all*vid. 
Bishops  have  the  same  and  equal  authority 3,  and  you  do  not, 
as  you  assert,  account  of  them  according  to  the  magnitude  of  [^£ri" 
their  cities ;  he  that  is  entrusted  with  a  small  city  ought  to  Unit, 
abide  in  the  place  committed  to  him,  and  not  from  disdain  of  q0^*  4* 
his  trust  to  remove  to  one  that  has  never  been  put  under 
him ;  despising  that  which  God  has  given  him,  and  making 
much  of  the  vain  applause  of  men.    You  ought  then,  dearly 
beloved,  to  have  come  and  not  declined,  that  the  matter 
may  be  brought  to  a  conclusion;  for  this  is  what  reason 

10.  But  perhaps  you  were  prevented  by  the  time  fixed 
upon  for  the  Council,  for  you  complain  in  your  letter  that  the 
interval  before  the  day  we  appointed4  was  too  short.  But4 
this,  dearly  beloved,  is  a  mere  excuse.    Had  certain  of  you^. 
set  out  to  come,  and  the  day  arrived  before  them,  the  interval  £at«  O- 
allowed  would  then  have  been  proved  to  be  too  short.    But246\P  ' 
when  persons  do  not  wish  to  come,  and  detain  even  my 
Presbyters  up  to  the  month  of  January5,  it  is  the  mere  excuse5  A.  D. 
of  those  who  have  no  confidence  in  their  cause;  otherwise, xm^m. 
as  I  said  before,  they  would  have  come,  not  regarding  the  wads 
length  of  the  journey,  not  considering  the  shortness  of  the 

f  The  instance  of  Novatian  makes  the  Wesk  his  cause  was  not  abandoned 
against  the  Eusebians,  because  for  some  in  the  East.  Tillemont,  Mem.  t.  7 
time  after  Novatian  was  condemned  in   p.  277. 

46        Why  St.  Julius  wrote  only  to  the  Eusebians. 

Apol.  time,  but  trusting  to  the  justice  and  reasonableness  of  their 
— — cause.  But  perhaps  they  did  not  come  on  account  of  the 
Persian  ^P60*  of  the  times1,  for  again  you  declare  in  your  letter,  that 
war.  we  ought  to  have  considered  the  present  circumstances  of 
Ariln.  tne  East,  and  not  to  have  desired  you  to  come.  Now  if  as 
§.  11.  yOU  say  yOU  did  not  come  because  the  times  were  such,  you 
ought  to  have  considered  such  times  beforehand,  and  not  to 
have  become  the  authors  of  schism,  and  of  mourning  and 
lamentation  in  the  Churches.  But  as  the  matter  stands, 
men,  who  have  been  the  cause  of  these  things,  shew  that  it  is 
not  the  times  that  are  to  blame,  but  the  determination  of 
those  who  will  not  meet  a  Council. 
§.  26.  1 1 .  But  I  wonder  also  how  you  could  ever  have  written  that 
part  of  your  letter,  in  which  you  say,  that  I  alone  wrote,  and 
not  to  all  of  you,  but  to  the  Eusebians  only.  In  this  complaint 
one  may  discover  more  of  readiness  to  find  fault  than  of 
regard  for  truth.  I  received  the  letters  against  Athanasius 
from  none  other  than  those  connected  with  Martyrius  and 
Hesychius,  and  I  necessarily  wrote  to  them  who  had  written 
against  him.  Either  then  the  Eusebians  ought  not  alone  to 
have  written,  apart  from  you  all,  or  else  you,  to  whom  I  did  not 
write,  ought  not  to  be  offended  that  I  wrote  to  them  who  had 
written  to  me.  If  it  was  right  that  I  should  address  my 
letter  to  you  all,  you  also  ought  to  have  written  with  them ; 
but  now,  considering  what  was  reasonable,  I  wrote  to  them 
who  had  addressed  themselves  to  me,  and  had  given  me 
information.  But  if  you  were  displeased  because  I  alone 
wrote  to  them,  it  is  but  consistent  that  you  should  also  be 
angry,  because  they  wrote  to  me  alone.  But  for  this  also, 
dearly  beloved,  there  was  a  fair  and  reasonable  cause. 
Nevertheless  it  is  necessary  that  I  should  acquaint  you  that, 
although  I  only  wrote,  yet  the  sentiments  I  expressed  were 
not  those  of  myself  alone,  but  of  all  the  Bishops  throughout 
Italy  and  in  these  parts.  I  indeed  was  unwilling  to  cause 
them  all  to  write,  lest  the  others  should  be  overpowered  by  their 
number.  The  Bishops  however  assembled  on  the  appointed 
day,  and  agreed  in  these  opinions,  which  I  again  write  to 
signify  to  you;  so  that,  dearly  beloved,  although  I  alone 
address  you,  yet  you  may  be  assured  that  these  are  the 
sentiments  of  all.    Thus  much  for  the  excuses,  not  reason  - 

Digitized  by  Google 

The  Reports  at  the  Mareotis  of  an  ex  parte  nature.  47 

able,  but  unjust  and  suspicious,  which  some  of  you  have  Tb.  II. 
alleged  for  your  conduct.  27' . 

12.  Now  although  what  has  already  been  said  were  sufficient  §.  27. 
to  shew  that  we  have  not  admitted  to  our  communion  our 
brothers  Athanasius  and  Marcellus  either  too  readily,  or 
unjustly,  yet  it  is  but  fair  briefly  to  set  the  matter  before 
you.    Eusebius's  friends  wrote  formerly  against  the  friends 

of  Athanasius,  as  you  also  have  written  now;  but  a  great 
number  of  Bishops  out  of  Egypt  and  other  provinces  wrote 
in  his  favour.  Now  in  the  first  place,  your  letters  against 
him  are  inconsistent  with  one  another,  and  the  latter  have 
no  sort  of  agreement  with  the  former,  but  in  many  instances 
the  former  are  answered  by  the  latter,  and  the  latter  are 
impeached  by  the  former.  Now  where  there  is  this  contra- 
diction in  letters,  no  credit  whatever  is  due  to  the  statements 
they  contain.  In  the  next  place,  if  you  require  us  to  believe 
what  you  have  written,  it  is  but  consistent  that  we  should 
not  refuse  credit  to  those  who  have  written  in  his  favour1; 1  vid. 
especially,  considering  that  you  write  from  a  distance,  while  "^"19/ 
they  are  on  the  spot,  are  acquainted  with  the  man,  and  the 
events  which  are  occurring  there,  and  testify  in  writing  to 
his  manner  of  life,  and  positively  affirm  that  he  has  been  the 
victim  of  a  conspiracy  throughout. 

13.  Again,  a  certain  Bishop  Arsenius  was  said  at  one  time 
to  have  been  destroyed  by  Athanasius,  but  we  have  learned 
that  he  is  alive,  nay,  that  he  is  on  terms  of  friendship  with 
him.  He  has  positively  asserted  that  the  Reports  drawn  up 
in  the  Mareotis  were  ex  parte  ones ;  for  that  neither  the 
Presbyter  Macarius,  the  accused  party,  was  present,  nor  yet 
his  Bishop,  Athanasius  himself.  This  we  have  learnt,  not  only 
from  his  own  mouth,  but  also  from  the  Reports  which  Martyrius 
and  Hesychius  brought  to  us 5 ;  for  we  found  on  reading  *  vid. 
them,  that  the  accuser  Ischyras  was  present  there,  but^*' 
neither  Macarius,  nor  the  Bishop  Athanasius ;  and  that  the 
Presbyters  of  Athanasius  desired  to  attend,  but  were  not 
permitted.  Now,  dearly  beloved,  if  the  trial  was  to  be 
conducted  honestly,  not  only  the  accuser,  but  the  accused 
also  ought  to  have  been  present.  As  the  accused  party 
Macarius  attended  at  Tyre,  as  well  as  the  accuser  Ischyras, 
when  nothing  was  proved  against  him,  so  not  only  ought  the 

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48  And  open  to  a  triumphant  exposure. 

Apou  accuser  to  have  gone  to  the  Mareotis,  but  also  the  accused, 

aq'Ab*  so  that  he  might  be  present  when  he  was  convicted,  or  if  he 
was  acquitted,  might  have  opportunity  to  expose  the  calumny. 
But  now,  as  this  was  not  the  case,  but  the  accuser  only  went 
out  thither,  with  those  to  whom  Athanasius  objected,  the 
proceedings  wear  a  suspicious  appearance. 

§.  28.  14.  And  he  complained  also  that  the  persons  who  went  to 
the  Mareotis  went  against  his  wish,  for  that  Theognius, 
Maris,  Theodoras,  Ursacius,  Valens,  and  Macedonius,  who 
were  the  persons  they  sent  out,  were  of  suspected  character. 
This  he  shewed  not  by  his  own  assertion  merely,  but  from  a 
letter  of  Alexander  who  was  Bishop  of  Thessalonica ;  for  he 

1  infr.    produced  a  letter  written  by  him  to  Dionysius',  the  Count 
80'    who  presided  in  the  Council,  in  which  he  shews  most  clearly 
that  there  was  a  conspiracy  on  foot  against  Athanasius.  He 
has  also  brought  forward  a  genuine  document,  all  in  the  hand- 

*  §.  64.  writing  of  the  accuser  Ischyras  himself*,  in  which  he  calls 
God  Almighty  to  witness  that  no  chalice  was  broken,  nor 
table  overthrown,  but  that  he  had  been  suborned  by  cer- 
tain persons  to  invent  these  accusations.    Moreover,  when 

3 §.74.  the  Presbyters  of  the  Mareotis  arrived3,  they  positively 
affirmed  that  Ischyras  was  not  a  Presbyter  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  and  that  Macarius  had  not  committed  any  such 
offence  as  the  other  had  laid  to  his  charge.  The  Presbyters 
and  Deacons  also  who  came  to  us  testified  in  the  fullest  | 
manner  in  favour  of  the  Bishop  Athanasius,  strenuously 
asserting  that  none  of  those  things  which  were  alleged  against 
him  were  true,  but  that  he  was  the  victim  of  a  conspiracy. 
15.  And  all  the  Bishops  of  Egypt  and  Libya  wrote  and  pro- 

4  snpr.  tested 4  that  his  ordination  was  lawful  and  strictly  ecclesiastical) 
* p"  and  that  all  that  you  had  advanced  against  him  was  false, 
for  that  no  murder  had  been  committed,  nor  any  persons 
despatched  on  his  account,  nor  any  chalice  broken,  but  that 
all  was  false.  Nay,  the  Bishop  Athanasius  also  shewed  from 
the  ex  parte  Reports  drawn  up  in  the  Mareotis,  that  a  Cate- 

«infr.   chumen  was  examined  and  said5,  that  he  was  within  with 

§•  83. 

Ischyras,  at  the  time  when  they  say  Macarius  the  Presbyter 
of  Athanasius  burst  into  the  place ;  and  that  others  who  were 
6  J?  *ix-  examined  said, — one,  that  Ischyras  was  in  a  small  cell6, — and 
***      another,  that  he  lay  behind  the  door,  being  sick  at  that  very 

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Athan.  not  afraid  to  shew  himself  at  Rome. 


time,  when  they  say  Macarius  came  thither.   Now  from  these  Tr.  it. 
representations  of  his,  we  are  naturally  led  to  ask  the  28'  2-9- 
question,  How  was  it  possible  that  a  man  who  was  lying 
behind  the  door  sick  could  get  up,  conduct  the  service^  and 
offer  the  Oblations  ?  and  how  could  it  be  that  Oblations  were 
offered  in  the  presence  of  Catechumens  1  ?  for  if  there  were 1  Bingh. 
Catechumens  present,  it  was  not  yet  the  time  for  presenting  Dg*g* 
the  Oblations.    These  representations,  as  I  said,  were  made 
by  the  Bishop  Athanasius,  and  he  shewed  from  the  Reports, 
what  was  also  positively  affirmed  by  those  who  were  with 
him,  that  Ischyras  has  never  been  a  Presbyter  at  all  in  the 
Catholic  Church,  nor  has  ever  appeared  as  a  Presbyter  in 
the  assemblies  of  the  Church  ;  for  not  even  when  Alexander 
admitted  those  of  the  Meletian  schism,  by  the  indulgence  of 
the  great  Council,  was  he  named  by  Meletius  among  his 
Presbyters,  as  they  deposed*;  which  is  the  strongest  argument8  im- 
possible that  he  was  not  even  a  Presbyter  of  Meletius;  for*"^1" 
otherwise,  he  would  certainly  have  been  numbered  with  the 
rest.    Besides,  it  was  shewn  also  by  Athanasius  from  the 
Reports,  that  Ischyras  had  spoken  falsely  in  other  instances : 
for  he  set  up  a  charge  respecting  the  burning  of  certain  books, 
when,  as  they  pretend,  Macarius  burst  in  upon  them,  but 
was  convicted  of  falsehood  by  the  witnesses  he  himself 
brought  to  prove  it. 

16.  Now  when  these  things  were  thus  represented  to  us,§.  29. 
and  so  many  witnesses  appeared  in  his  favour,  and  so  much 
was  advanced  by  him  in  his  own  justification,  what  did  it 
become  us  to  do?  what  did  the  Canon3  of  the  Church  require3  pp.  3. 
of  us,  but  that  we  should  not  condemn  him,  but  rather46* 55' 
receive  him  and  treat  him  as  a  Bishop,  as  we  have  done  ? 
Moreover,  besides  all  this  he  continued  here  a  year  and  six 
months g,  expecting  the  arrival  of  yourselves  and  of  whoever 
chose  to  come.    His  presence  overcame  us  all,  for  he  would 
not  have  been  here,  had  he  not  felt  confident  in  his  cause ; 
and  he  came  not  of  his  own  accord,  but  on  a  summons4  by4  *\nl%)t 

8  Valesius,  Montfaucon,  and  Cou-  Baronius  and  Tillemont  follow  Socrates 

stant,  consider  these  eighteen  months  in  supposing  two  journeys  of  Athan.  to 

to  run  from  about  May  341 ,  upon  Gre-  Rome,  and  that  the  eighteen  months 

gory's  usurpation,  to  October  or  Novem-  began  in  339  or  340,  and  had  a  break 

ber  342,  when  the  Council  of  Rome  in  them,  during  which  he  returned  to 

terminated,  as  Schelstrate  also  thinks.  Alexandria. 



Gregory  uncanomcally  put  in  his  place. 

apol.  letter  from  us,  in  the  manner  in  which  we  wrote  to  you.  But  still 
aq.  Ar.  comp]am  after  of  our  transgressing  the  Canons.  Now 
consider ;  who  are  they  that  have  so  acted  ?  we  who  received 
this  man  after  such  ample  proof  of  his  innocence,  or  they 
who  being  at  Antioch  at  the  distance  of  six  and  thirty  posts'; 
appointed  a  stranger  to  be  Bishop,  and  sent  him  to  Alex- 
andria with  a  military  force;  a  thing  which  was  not  done 
even  when  Athanasius  was  banished  into  Gaul,  though  it 
would  have  been  done  then,  had  he  been  really  proved  guilty 
of  the  offence.  But  when  he  returned,  of  course  he  found 
his  Church  unoccupied  and  waiting  for  him. 
§.  30.  17.  But  now  I  am  ignorant  under  what  colour  these  proceed- 
ings have  been  conducted.  In  the  first  place,  if  the  truth  must 
be  spoken,  it  was  not  right,  when  we  had  written  to  summon  a 
Council,  that  any  persons  should  anticipate  its  decisions1 :  and 
in  the  next  place,  it  was  not  fitting  that  such  novel  proceedings 
should  be  adopted  against  the  Church.  For  what  Canon  of 
1  p.  41,  the  Church1,  or  what  Apostolical  tradition  warrants  this,  that 
p.0^?'  when  the  Church  was  at  peace,  and  so  many  Bishops  were 
in  unanimity  with  Athanasius  the  Bishop  of  Alexandria, 
Gregory  should  be  sent  thither,  a  stranger  to  the  city,  not 
having  been  baptized  there,  nor  known  to  the  general  body, 
and  desired  neither  by  Presbyters,  nor  Bishops,  nor  Laity — 
that  he  should  be  ordained  at  Antioch,  and  sent  to  Alexandria, 
accompanied  not  by  Presbyters,  nor  by  Deacons  of  the  city, 
nor  by  Bishops  of  Egypt,  but  by  soldiers?  for  they  who 
came  hither  complained  that  this  was  the  case. 

18.  Even  supposing  that  Athanasius  was  in  the  position  of 
a  criminal  after  the  Council,  this  appointment  ought  not  to 
have  been  made  thus  illegally  and  contrary  to  the  Canon  of 
the  Church,  but  the  Bishops  of  the  province  ought  to  have 

h  or  rather,  halfc»,  f*tra).     They  a  day  along  the  Roman  roads."  ch.  ii. 

are  enumerated  in  the  Itinerary  of  M»wi  or  raansio  properly  means  the 

Antoninus,   and   are   set  down    on  huiiding,  where  soldiers  or  other  public 

Montfaucon's  plate.  The  route  passes  officers  rested  at  night,  (hence  its  appli- 

over  the  Delta  to  Pelusium,  and  then  cation  to  monastic  houses.)  Such  build- 

coasts  all  the  way  to  Antioch.    These  ings  included  granaries,  stabling,  &e. 

mm)  were  day's  journeys,  Coustant  vid.  Cod.  Theod.  ed.  Gothofr.  1666. 1. 1. 

in  Hilar.  Psalm  118,  Lit.  5.  2.  or  half  p.  47.  t.  2.  p.  507.  Ducange  Gloss,  t.  4. 

a  day's  journey,  Herman,  ibid ;  and  p.  426.  Col.  2. 

were  at  unequal  intervals,  Ambros.  in      1  The  Eusebians  kept  the  Pope's 

Psalm  118,  Serm.  5.  §.  5.  Gibbon  says  legates,  and  hastened  their  own  Coxm- 

that  by  the  government  conveyances,  cil  of  the  Dedication  by  way  of  anti- 

"  it  was  easy  to  travel  an  100  miles  in  cipating  him  in  their  decision. 

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and  with  outrages  put  in  possession. 


ordained  one  in  that  very  Church,  of  that  very  Priesthood,  of  Tr.  II. 
that  very  Clergy1;  and  the  Canons2  received  from  the  20l 31* 
Apostles  ought  not  thus  to  be  set  aside.    Had  this  offence  Bingh. 
been  committed  against  any  one  of  you,  would  you  not  have  iJr 
exclaimed  against  it,  and  demanded  justice  as  for  the  trans- 2  pp. '3, 
gression  of  the  Canons  ?  Dearly  beloved,  we  speak  honestly,60, 
as  in  the  presence  of  God,  and  declare,  that  this  proceeding 
was  neither  pious,  nor  lawful,  nor  ecclesiastical.  Moreover, 
the  account  which  is  given  of  the  conduct  of  Gregory  on  his 
entry  into  the  city,  plainly  shews  the  character  of  his  appoint- 
ment.   In  such  peaceful  times,  as  those  who  came  from 
Alexandria  declared  them  to  have  been,  and  as  the  Bishops 
also  represented  in  their  letters,  the  Church  was  set  on  fire3;  3»upr. 
Virgins  were  stripped;  Monks  were  trodden  under  foot;p" 6* 
Presbyters  and  many  of  the  people  were  scourged  and 
suffered  violence;  Bishops  were  cast  into  prison;  multitudes 
were  dragged  about  from  place  to  place ;  the  holy  Mysteriesk, 
about  which  they  accused  the  Presbyter  Macarius,  were 
seized  upon  by  heathens  and  cast  upon  the  ground ;  and  all 
to  constrain  certain  persons  to  admit  the  appointment  of 
Gregory.    Such  conduct  plainly  shews  who  they  are  that 
transgress  the  Canons.    Had  the  appointment  been  lawful, 
he  would  not  have  had  recourse  to  illegal  proceedings  to 
compel  the  obedience  of  those  who  in  a  legal  way  resisted 
him.    And  notwithstanding  all  this,  you  write  that  perfect 
peace  prevailed  in  Alexandria  and  Egypt.   Surely  not,  unless 
the  works  of  peace  are  entirely  changed,  and  you  call  such 
doings  as  these  peace. 

19.  I  have  also  thought  it  necessary  to  point  out  to  you§.  81. 
this  circumstance,  viz.  that  Athanasius  positively  asserted 
that  Macarius  was  kept  at  Tyre  under  a  guard  of  soldiers, 
while  only  his  accuser  accompanied  those  who  went  to  the 
Mareotis4 ;  and  that  the  Presbyters  who  desired  to  attend  the 4  p-  si. 
inquiry  were  not  permitted,  while  the  said  inquiry  respecting 
the  chalice  and  the  Table  was  carried  on  before  the  Prefect 
and  his  baud,  and  in  the  presence  of  Heathens  and  Jews. 

k  Athan.  only  suggests  this,  supr.  cons  bruised  with  lead ;  nay,  even  on 

p.  6.    S.  Hilary  says  the  same  of  the  Christ  Himself  (the  Saints  understand 

conduct  of  the  Arians  at  Toulouse  ;  my  meaning)  hands  were  laid."  Contr. 

"  Clerks  were  beaten  with  clubs ;  Dea-  Coustant.  11. 

E  2 

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52  Marcellus  not  to  be  suspected  of  heresy. 

Apol,  This  at  first  seemed  incredible,  but  it  was  proved  to  have 
AQ,AR'been  so  from  the  Reports;  which  caused  great  astonishment 
to  us,  as  I  suppose,  dearly  beloved,  it  does  to  you  also. 
Presbyters,  who  are  the  ministers  of  the  Mysteries,  are  not 
permitted  to  attend,  but  an  enquiry  concerning  Christ's 
nfrrwZ  Blood  and  Christ's  Body  is  carried  on  before  an  external1 
judge,  in  the  presence  of  Catechumens,  nay,  worse  than  that, 
before  Heathens  and  Jews,  who  have  so  bad  a  name  in  regard 
to  Christianity.  Even  supposing  that  an  offence  had  been 
committed,  it  should  have  been  investigated  legally  in  the 
Church  and  by  the  Clergy,  not  by  heathens  who  abhor  the 
Word  and  know  not  the  Truth.  I  am  persuaded  that  both 
you  and  all  men  must  perceive  the  nature  and  magnitude  of 
this  sin.  Thus  much  concerning  Athanasius. 
§.  32.  20-  With  respect  to  Marcellus1,  forasmuch  as  you  have 
charged  him  also  of  impiety  towards  Christ,  I  am  anxious  to 
inform  you,  that  when  he  was  here,  he  positively  declared 
that  what  you  had  written  concerning  him  was  not  true; 
but  being  nevertheless  requested  by  us  to  give  an  account  of 
his  faith,  he  answered  in  his  own  person  with  the  utmost 
boldness,  so  that  we  were  obliged  to  acknowledge  that  he 

2  vid.  maintains  nothing  except  the  truth.  He  made  a  confession  9 
Hfier^  °^  ^e  same  £0(Uy  doctrines  concerning  our  Lord  and  Saviour 
2, 3.  and  Jesus  Christ  as  the  Catholic  Church  confesses;  and  he 
j^?3,    affirmed  that  he  had  held  these  opinions  for  a  very  long 

time,  and  had  not  recently  adopted  them:  as  indeed  our 

3  vin-  Presbyters3,  who  were  at  a  former  date  present  at  the  Council 
and*"18  °^  ^*caea>  testified  to  his  orthodoxy ;  for  he  maintained  then, 
Vito.    as  he  has  done  now,  his  opposition  to  Arianism,  (on  which 

point  it  is  right  to  admonish  you,  lest  any  of  you  admit  such 
iTim.i,  heresy,  instead  of  abominating  it  as  alien  from  sound  doc- 


I  Julius  here  acquits  Marcellus ;  but  separated  him  from  his  communion,  as 

it  would  seem  that  he  did  not  eventually  agreeing  with  Photinus  his  disciple, 

preserve  himself  from  heretical  notions,  Fragra.  ii.  23.  Sulpicius  says  the  same, 

even  if  he  deserved  a  favourable  judg-  He  is  considered  heretical  by  S.  Epi- 

ment  at  this  time.    Athan.  sides  with  phanius,  loc.cit.  S.  Basil, Epp.  69, 125, 

him,  de  Fug.  3.  Hist.  Arian.  6.  but  263, 265.  S.  Chrysostom  in  Hebr.  Horn. 

Epiphanins  records,  that  on  his  asking  ii.  2.  Theodore*,  Hser.ii.  10.  vid.  Petav. 

Athanasius  what  he  (Athan.)  thought  de  Trin.  i.  13.  who  condemns  him,  and 

of  Marcellus,  a  smile  came  on  his  face  j  Bull  far  more  strongly.  Def.  F.  N .  ii.  1. 

and  he  implied  that  there  was  some  un-  §.  9.  Montfaucon  defends  him,  (in  a 

soundness  in  Marcellus's  views  which  special  Dissertation,  Collect.  Nov.  torn, 

perhaps  be  did  not  like  to  expose.  Haer.  2.)  and  Tillemont,  Mem.  torn.  7.  p.  513. 

72.  n.  4.  And  S.  Hilary  says  that  Athan.  and  Natalis  Alex.  Sa?c.  iv.  Dissert.  30. 

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trine.)    Seeing  then  that  he  professed  orthodox  opinions,  Tr.  II. 
and  had  testimony  to  his  orthodoxy,  what,  I  ask  again  in — - — - 
his  case,  ought  we  to  have  done,  except  to  receive  him  as  a 
Bishop,  as  we  did,  and  not  reject  him  from  our  communion  ? 

21.  These  things  I  have  written,  not  so  much  for  the  purpose 
of  defending  their  cause,  as  in  order  to  convince  you,  that 

we  acted  justly  and  canonically1  in  receiving  these  persons, ^pp.  5. 
atid  that  you  are  contentious  without  a  cause.  But  it  is 
your  duty  to  use  your  anxious  endeavours  and  to  labour  by 
every  means  to  correct  the  irregularities  which  have  been 
committed  contrary  to  the  Canon,  and  to  secure  the  peace  of 
the  Churches;  so  that  the  peace  of  our  Lord  which  has  been 
given  to  us  may  remain,  and  the  Churches  may  not  be 
divided,  nor  you  incur  the  charge  of  being  authors  of  schism. 
For  I  confess,  your  past  conduct  is  an  occasion  of  schism 
rather  than  of  peace. 

22.  For  not  only  the  Bishops  Athanasius  and  Marcellus  came  §.  33. 
hither  and  complained  of  the  injustice  that  had  been  done 
them,  but  many  other  Bishops  alsom,  from  Thrace,  from 
Coele-Syria,  from  Phoenicia  and  Palestine,  and  Presbyters 

not  a  few,  and  others  from  Alexandria  and  from  other  parts, 
were  present  at  the  Council  here,  and  in  addition  to  their 
other  statements,  lamented  before  all  the  assembled  Bishops 
the  violence  and  injustice  which  the  Churches  had  suffered, 
and  affirmed  that  similar  outrages  to  those  which  had  been 
committed  in  Alexandria  had  occurred  in  their  own  Churches, 
and  in  others  also.  Again,  there  lately  came  Presbyters  with 
letters  from  Egypt  and  Alexandria,  who  complained  that  many 
Bishops  and  Presbyters  who  wished  to  come  to  the  Council 
were  prevented  ;  for  they  said  that,  since  the  departure  of 
Athanasius n  even  up  to  this  time,  Bishops  who  are  confessors0  # 
have  been  beaten  with  stripes,  that  others  have  been  cast 
into  prison,  and  that  but  lately  aged  men,  who  have  been 
an  exceedingly  long  period  in  the  Episcopate,  have  been 

m  The  names  of  few  are  known  ;  Antioch.  A  than.  Hist.  Ar.  12. 

perhaps  Marcellus,  Asclepas,  Paul  of  •  e.  g.  Saparammon  and  Potamo,both 

Constantinople,  Lucius  of  Adrianople.  Confessors,  who  were  of  the  number  of 

vid.  Montf.  in  loc.  Tillem.  Mem.  torn,  the  Nicene  Fathers,  and  had  defended 

7.  p.  272.  Athan.  at  Tyre,  were,  the  former  ba- 

n  These  outrages  took  place  imme-  nished,  the  latter  beaten  to  death,  vid. 

diately  on  the  dismission  of  Elpidius  and  infr.  Hist.  Ar.  12. 
Philoxenus,  the  Pope's  legates,  from 

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The  duty  of  the  Pope  under  such  circumstances. 

A pol.  given  up  to  be  employed  in  the  public  works,  and  nearly  all 
ag.  Ab.  ^  Q]ergy  0f  t|je  Catholic  Church  with  the  people  are 
the  objects  of  plots  and  persecutions.    Moreover  they  said 
that  certain  Bishops  and  other  brethren  had  been  banished 
for  no  other  reason  than  to  compel  them  against  their  will  to 
communicate  with  Gregory  and  his  Arian  associates.  We 
have  heard  also  from  others,  what  is  confirmed  by  the 
testimony  of  the  Bishop  Marcellus,  that  a  number  of  out- 
rages, similar  to  those  which  were  committed  at  Alex- 
andria, have  occurred  also  at  Ancyra  in  Galatiap.    And  in 
addition  to  all  this,  those  who  came  to  the  Council  reported 
against  some  of  you  (for  I  will  not  mention  names)  certain 
charges  of  so  dreadful  a  nature  that  I  have  declined  setting 
them  down  in  writing :  perhaps  you  also  have  heard  them 
from  others.    It  was  for  this  cause  especially  that  I  wrote 
1  r{«r{i-to  desire1  you  to  come,  that  you  might  be  present  to  hear 
w*pim  tnemj  an(j  that  on  irregularities  might  be  corrected  and 
differences  healed.    And  those  who  were  called  for  these 
purposes  ought  not  to  have  refused,  but  to  have  come  the 
more  readily,  lest  by  failing  to  do  so  they  should  be 
suspected  of  what  was  alleged  against  them,  and  be  thought 
unable  to  prove  what  they  had  written. 
§.  34.     28.  Now  according  to  these  representations,  since  the 
Churches  are  thus  afflicted  and  treacherously  assaulted,  as  our 
informants  positively  affirmed,  who  are  they  that  have  lighted 
*vid.    up  the  flame  of  discord2?    We,  who  grieve  for  such  a 
supr.  p.  gtete  Qj.  tjjjngS  sympathize  with  the   sufferings  of 

the  brethren,  or  those  who  have  brought  these  things 
about?  While  then  such  extreme  confusion  existed  in 
every  Church,  which  was  the  cause  why  those  who 
visited  us  came  hither,  I  wonder  how  you  could  write  that 
unanimity  prevailed  in  the  Churches.  These  things  tend 
not  to  the  edification  of  the  Church,  but  to  her  destruction ; 
and  those  who  rejoice  in  them  are  not  sons  of  peace,  but  of 
l  Cor.  confusion :  but  our  God  is  not  a  God  of  confusion,  but  of 
14,33.  peace  Wherefore,  as  the  God  and  Father  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  knows,  it  was  from  a  regard  for  your  good  name, 

P  The  Pseudo-Sardican  Council,  i.e.  Hilar.  Fragm.  iii.  9.  but  the  character 
theEusebiansatPhilippopolis,retortthis  of  the  outrages  fixes  them  on  the 
accusation  on  the  party  of  Marcellus ;    Arians.  vid.  infr.  p.  71 ,  note  h. 

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The  Eusebians  must  change  their  course.  55 

and  with  prayers  that  the  Churches  might  not  fall  intoTR.  n. 
confusion,  but  might  continue  as  they  were  regulated1  34'36' 
by  the  Apostles,  that  I  thought  it  necessary  to  write  thuS,',r'" 
unto  you,  to  the  end  that  you  might  at  length  discountenance 
those  who  through  the  effects  of  their  mutual  enmity  have  f  6^ 
brought  the  Churches  to  this  condition.    For  I  have  heard  '  ' 
that  ,t  is  only  a  certain  few*  who  are  the  authors  of  all  these''  adE». 

24.  Now,  as  having  bowels  of  mercy,  take  ye  care  to  correct,  *  ^ 
as  1  said  before,  those  irregularities  which  have  been  com- 
mitted contrary  to  the  Canon,  so  that  if  any  mischief  has 
already  befallen,  it  may  be  healed  through  your  zeal.   And  * 
write  not  that  I  have  preferred  the  communion  of  MarceUus 
and  Athanasius  to  yours,  for  such  like  complaints  are  no 
indications  of  peace,  but  of  contentiousness  and  hatred  of 
the  brethren.    For  this  cause  I  have  written  the  foregoing 
that  you  may  understand  that  we  acted  not  unjustly  in' 
admitting  them  to  our  communion,  and  so  may  cease  this 
strife.    If  you  had  come  hither,  and  they  had  been  con- 
demned, and  had  appeared  unable  to  produce  reasonable 
evidence  in  support  of  their  cause,  you  would  have  done 
well  in  writing  thus.    But  seeing  that,  as  I  said  before,  we 
acted  agreeably  to  the  Canon,  and  not  unjustly,  in  holding 
communion  with  them,  I  beseech  you  for  the  sake  of  Christ, 
suffer  not  the  members  of  Christ  to  be  torn  asunder,  neither 
trust  to  prejudices,  but  seek  rather  the  peace  of  the  Lord. 
It  is  neither  holy  nor  just,  in  order  to  gratify  the  narrow- 
spirif  of  a  few  persons,  to  reject  those  who  have  never  been 1  /«f* 
condemned,  and  thereby  to  grieve  the  Spirit.    But  if  you 
think  that  you  are  able  to  prove  any  thing  against  them,  and*"-''1"' 
to  confute  them  face  to  face,  let  those  of  you  who  please 
come  hither:  for  they  also  promised  that  they  would  be 
ready  to  establish  completely  the  truth  of  those  things  which 
they  have  reported  to  us. 

25.  Give  us  notice  therefore  of  this,  dearly  beloved,  that  we  §  35 
may  write  both  to  them,  and  to  the  Bishops  who  will  have 
again  to  assemble,  so  that  the  guilty  may  be  condemned  in 
the  presence  of  all,  and  confusion  no  longer  prevail  in  the 
Churches.  What  has  already  taken  place  is  enough :  it  is 
enough  surely  that  Bishops  have  been  sentenced  to  banish- 

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56  Their  conduct  inconsistent  tenth  the  Pope's  prerogatives, 

Apol.  ment  in  the  presence  of  Bishops ;  of  which  it  behoves  me 
ag'Ab*  not  to  speak  at  length,  lest  I  appear  to  press  too  heavily  on 
those  who  were  present  on  those  occasions.    But  if  one 
must  speak  the  truth,  matters  ought  not  to  have  proceeded 
lf«xp-  so  far;  their  private  feelings1  ought  not  to  have  been  suffered 
P.1S?'  to  reacn  theh-  present  pitch.    Let  us  grant  the  "  removal," 
as  you  write,  of  Athanasius  and  Marcellus,  from  their  own 
places,  yet  what  must  one  say  of  the  case  of  the  other 
Bishops  and  Presbyters  who,  as  I  said  before,  came  hither 
from  various  parts,  and  who  complained  that  they  also  had 
been  forced  away,  and  had  suffered  the  like  injuries?  O 
dearly  beloved,  the  decisions  of  the  Church  are  no  longer 
according  to  the  Gospel,  but  tend  only  to  banishment  and 
2  Hist,  death  2.    Supposing,  as  you  assert,  that  some  offence  rested 
1 67.n   «pon  those  persons,  the  case  ought  to  have  been  conducted 
against  them,  not  after  this  manner,  but  according  to  the 
3 p. 53.  Canon  of  the  Church5.    Word  should  have  been  written  of 
it  to  us  allq,  that  so  a  just  sentence  might  proceed  from  all. 
For  the  sufferers  were  Bishops,  and  Churches  of  no  ordinary 
note,  but  those  which  the  Apostles  themselves  had  governed 
in  their  own  persons*. 

26.  And  why  was  nothing  said  to  us  concerning  the  Church 
of  the  Alexandrians  in  particular?  Are  you  ignorant  that 
the  custom  has  been  for  word  to  be  written  first  to  us,  and 
then  for  a  just  sentence  to  be  past  from  this  place'  ?  If  then 
any  such  suspicion  rested  upon  the  Bishop  there,  notice 
thereof  ought  to  have  been  sent  to  the  Church  of  this  place ; 
whereas,  after  neglecting  to  inform  us,  and  proceeding  on 
their  own  authority  as  they  pleased,  now  they  desire  to 

«  Coustant  in  loe.  fairly  insists  on  the  Churches  ought  not  to  make  Canons 

word  "  all,"  as  shewing  that  S.  Julius  beside  the  will  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome." 

does  not  here  claim  the  prerogative  of  Hist.  ii.  17.   Sozomen  in  like  manner, 

judging  by  himself  all  Bishops  what-  "  for  it  was  a  sacerdotal  law,  to  declare 

ever,  and  that  whatfollows  relates  mere-  invalid  whatever  was  transacted  beside 

ly  to  the  Church  of  Alexandria.  the  will  of  the  Bishop  of  the  Romans." 

r  St.  Peter  (Greg.  M.  Epist.  vii.  Ind.  Hist.  iii.  10.  vid.  Pope  Damasus  ap. 

15.  40.)  or  St.  Mark  (Leo,  Ep.  9.)  Theod.  Hist.  v.  10.  Leon.  Epist.  14. 

at  Alexandria,    St.  Paul  at  Ancyra  &c.  In  the  passage  in  the  text  the  pre- 

in  Galatia,  (Tertull.  contr.  Marcion.  iv.  rogative  of  the  Roman  see  is  limited,  as 

5.)  vid.  Coustant.  in  loc.  Constant  observes,  to  the  instance  of 

*  Socrates  says  somewhat  differently,  Alexandria;  and  we  actually  find  in 

"  Julius  wrote  back. . .  .that  they  acted  the  third  century  a  complaint  lodged 

against  the  Canons,  because  they  had  against  its  Bishop  Dionysius  with  the 

not  called  him  to  a  Council,  the  Eccle-  Pope, 
siastical  Canon  commanding  that  the 

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at  Alexandria,  and  as  the  successor  of  St.  Peter.  57 

obtain  our  concurrence  in  their  decisions,  though  we  never  Tr.  II. 
condemned  him.    Not  so  have  the  Constitutions'  of  Paul,— — — 
not  so  have  the  traditions  of  the  Fathers  directed ;  this  is 
another  form  of  procedure,  a  novel  practice.     I  beseech 
you>  readily  bear  with  me :  what  I  write  is  for  the  common 
good.   For  what  we  have  received  from  the  blessed  Apostle 
Peter",  that  I  signify  to  you  ;  and  I  should  not  have  written 
this,  as  deeming  that  these  things  were  manifest  unto  all 
men,  had  not  these  proceedings  so  disturbed  us.  Bishops 
are  forced  away  from  their  sees  and  driven  into  banish- 
ment, while  others  from  different  quarters  are  appointed  in 
their  place;  others  are  treacherously  assailed,  so  that  the 
people  have  to  grieve  for  those  who  are  forcibly  taken  from 
ihem,  while,  as  to  those  who  are  sent  in  their  room,  they  are 
obliged  to  give  over  seeking  the  man  whom  they  desire,  and  to 
receive  those  they  do  not. 

27.  I  ask 1  of  you,  that  such  things  may  no  longer  be,  but  i  i&Z 
that  you  will  denounce  in  writing  those  persons  who  at- 
tempt them;  so  that  the  Churches  may  no  longer  be 
afflicted  thus,  nor  any  Bishop  or  Presbyter  be  treated 
with  insult,  nor  any  one  be  compelled  to  act  contrary 
to  his  judgment,  as  they  have  represented  to  us,  lest  we 
become  a  laughing-stock  among  the  heathen,  and  above  all, 
lest  we  excite  the  wrath  of  God  against  us.  For  every  one 
of  us  shall  give  account  in  the  Day  of  judgment  of  the  things 
which  he  has  done  in  this  life.  May  we  all  be  possessed 
with  the  mind  of  God!  so  that  the  Churches  may  recover 
their  own  Bishops,  and  rejoice  evermore  in  Jesus  Christ  our 
Lord;  through  Whom  to  the  Father  be  glory,  for  ever  and 
ever.  Arnen. 

'  lm<ra%us.  St  Paul  says  i» 
ixxXncrtmJS  ttareirropat.  1  Cor.  vii.  1 7. 
r«2s  \a»*k  1tara%*fMU.  Ibid.  xi.  34.  vid. 
Pearson,  Vind.  Ignat.  p.  298.  Hence 
Constant  in  loc.  Athan.  would  suppose 
Julius  to  refer  to  1  Cor.  v.  4.  which 
Athan.  actually  quotes,  Ep.  Encycl. 
§.  2.  supr.  pp.  4.  5.  Pearson  loc.  cit. 
considers  the  3iaroguf  of  the  Apostles, 
as  a  collection  of  regulations  and  usages, 
which  more  or  less  represented,  or 
claimed  to  represent,  what  may  he  called 
St.  Paul's  rule,  or  St.  Peter's  rule,  &c. 

Cotelier  considers  the  &«r«gij#  as  the 
same  as  the  &3«£«2,  the  "  doctrine"  or 
"  teaching"  of  the  Apostles.  Prafat.  in 
Const.  Apost.  So  does  Beveridge,  Cod. 
Can.  Illustr.  ii.  9.  §.  5. 

u  [Petri]  in  Sede  sua  vivit  potestas 
et  excellitauctoritas.  Leon.Serm.iii.3. 
vid.  contra  Barrow  on  the  Supremacy, 
p.  116.  ed.  1836.  "  not  one  Bishop,  but 
all  Bishops  together  through  the  whole 
Church,  do  sucoeed  St.  Peter,  or  any 
other  Apostle." 

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58  Benediction. 

Apol.  I  pray  for  your  health  in  the  Lord,  brethren  dearly 
ao.  An.  fre}ovej  ajjfl  greatly  longed  for. 

§.  86.     28.  Thus  wrote  the  Council  of  Rome  by  Julius  Bishop  of 

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1.  But  when,  notwithstanding,  the  Eusebians  proceeded 
without  shame,  disturbing  the  Churches,  and  plotting  the 
ruin  of  many,  the  most  religious  Emperors  Constantius  and 
Constans  being  informed  of  this,  commanded1  the  Bishops 1  UUi#- 
from  both  the  West  and  East  to  meet  together  in  the  city  of**' 
Sardica.    In  the  mean  time  Eusebius*  died:  but  a  Peat^e^ 
number  assembled  from  all  parts,  and  we  challenged  the 
associates  of  Eusebius  to  submit  to  a  trial.     But  they, 
haying  before  their  eyes  the  things  that  they  had  done,  and 
perceiving  that  their  accusers  had  come  up  to  the  Council, 
were  afraid  to  do  this  ;  but,  while  all  beside  met  with  honest 
intentions,  they  again  brought  with  them  the  Counts*  Mu-^1^ 
sonianus*  and  Hesychius  the  Castrensianb,  that,  as  their 
custom  was,  they  might  effect  their  own  aims  by  their 
authority.    But  when  the  Council  met  without  the  Counts, 
and  no  soldiers  were  permitted  to  be  present,  they  were 
confounded,  and  conscience-stricken,  because  they  could  no 
longer  obtain  what  judgment  they  wished,  but  such  only  as 
reason  and  truth  4  required.  We,  however,  frequently  repeated 4  J  *** 
our  challenge,  and  the  Council  of  Bishops  called  upon  them*^!^ 
to  come  forward,  saying,  "  You  have  come  for  the  purpose  ^j1-  P» 
of  undergoing  a  trial;  why  then  do  you  now  withdraw 
yourselves  ?   Either  you  ought  not  to  have  come,  or  having 
come,  not  to  conceal  yourselves.    Such  conduct  will  prove 

*  Musonian  was  originally  of  An-  p.  73,  note  a.)  Libanius  praises  him. 
tioch,  and  his  name  Strategius ;  be      b  The  Castrensians  were  the  officers 

had  been  promoted  and  honoured  with  of  the  palace ;  castra,  as 

a  new  name  by  Constantine,  for  whom  infr.  §.  86.  being  at  this  time  used  for 

he  had  collected  information  about  the  the  Imperial  Court,  vid.  Gothofred  in 

Manichees.  Amm.  Marc.  xv.  13.  §.  1.  Cod.  Theod.  vi.  30.  p.  218.  Ducange  in 

In  354,  he  was  Praetorian  Prefect  of  the  voc. 
East.  (rid.  Libr.  of  F.  O.  T.  vol.  viii. 

Digitized  by 


60  Retreat  of  the  Eusebians  from  Sardica. 

A  pol.  your  greatest  condemnation.  Behold,  Athanasius  and  his 
^lA^" friends  are  here,  whom  you  accused  while  absent;  if  there- 
fore you  think  that  you  have  any  thing  against  them,  you 
may  convict  them  face  to  face.  But  if  you  pretend  to  be 
unwilling  to  do  so,  while  in  truth  you  are  unable,  you  plainly 
shew  yourselves  to  be  calumniators,  and  the  Council  will 
give  sentence  against  you  accordingly."  When  they  heard 
this  they  were  self-condemned,  (for  they  were  conscious  of 
their  machinations  and  fabrications  against  us,)  and  were 
ashamed  to  appear,  thereby  proving  themselves  to  have  been 
guilty  of  many  base  calumnies. 

2.  The  holy  Council  therefore  denounced  their  indecent  and 
» to  Phi- suspicious  flight1,  and  admitted  us  to  make  our  defence; 
hppopo-  an(j  wjien  we  had  related  their  conduct  towards  us,  and 
proved  the  truth  of  our  statements  by  witnesses  and  other 
evidence,  they  were  filled  with  astonishment,  and  all  ac- 
knowledged that  our  opponents  had  good  reason  to  be 
afraid  to  meet  the  Council,  lest  their  guilt  should  be  proved 
before  their  faces.    They  said  also,  that  probably  they  had 
come  from  the  East,  supposing  that  Athanasius  and  his 
friends  would  not  appear,  but  that,  when  they  saw  them  con- 
fident in  their  cause,  and  challenging  a  trial,  they  fled. 
They  accordingly  received  us  as  injured  persons  who  had 
2        been  falsely  accused,  and  confirmed 2  yet  more  towards  us 
**'r  Xm  their  fellowship  and  loving  hospitality3.    But  they  deposed 
P^ps,    Eusebius's  associates  in  wickedness,  who  had  become  even 
3*y«*«f.  more  shameless  than  himself,  viz.  Theodorus4  of  Heraclea,  Nar- 
not/b '  c*ssus  °f  Neronias,  Acacius  5  of Caesarea,  Stephanus6  of Antioch, 
5  vol.  8,  Ursacius  and  Valens  of  Pannonia,  Menophantus  of  Ephesus, 
e  Hist.  ^ ^  George7  of  Laodicaea;  and  they  wrote  to  the  Bishops  in 
Arian.  all  parts  of  the  world,  and  to  the  diocese8  of  each  of  the 
^p?25.f.  injured  persons,  in  the  following  terms. 

*'*  3.  Letter  of  the  Council  of  Sardica  to  the  Church  of 


9vid        The  Holy  Council,  by  the  grace  of  God  assembled  at 

supr.  p.  Sardica,  from9  Rome,  Spain,  Gaul,  Italy,  Campania,  Calabria, 

where   Apulia,  Africa,  Sardinia,  Pannonia,  Mysia,  Dacia,  Noricum, 

Them*-'  Siscia>  Dardania,  the  other  Dacia,  Macedonia,  Thessaly, 

ly,  Sici-  Achaia,  Epirus,  Thrace,  Rhodope,  Palestine,  Arabia,  Crete, 
ly,  Bri- 

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The  Council  of  Sardica  to  the  Alexandrian  Church.  61 

and  Egypt,  to  their  dearly  beloved  brethren,  the  Presbyters  Tr.  1 1, 
and  Deacons,  and  to  all  the  Holy  Church  of  God  abiding  at  36t  37' 

Alexandria,  sends  health  in  the  Lord.  Sdd^0, 
We  were  not  ignorant,  but  the  fact  was  well  known  to  us, 

even  before  we  received  the  letters  of  your  piety,  that  the  Hi«t.  ii. 

supporters  of  the  abominated  heresy  of  the  Arians  werep;^, 

practising  many  dangerous   machinations,  rather  to  the  §.  37. 

destruction  of  their  own  souls,  than  to  the  injury  of  the 
Church.    For  this  has  ever  been  the  object  of  their  unprin- 
cipled craft;  this  is  the  deadly  design  in  which  they  have  been 
continually  engaged;  viz.  how  they  may  best  expel  from 
their  places  and  persecute  all  who  are  to  be  found  any  where 
of  orthodox  sentiments,  and  maintaining  the  doctrine  of  the 
Catholic  Church,  which  was  delivered  to  them  from  the 
Fathers.    Against  some  they  have  laid  false  accusations ; 
others  they  have  driven  into  banishment ;  others  they  have 
destroyed  by  the  punishments  inflicted  on  them.    Thus  also 
they  endeavoured  by  violence  and  tyranny  to  surprise  the 
innocence  of  our  brother  and  fellow  Bishop  Athanasius,  and 
therefore  conducted  their  enquiry  into  his  case  without  any 
scrupulous  care,  without  any  faith,  without  any  sort  of 
justice.    Accordingly  having  no  confidence  in  the  part  they 
had  played  on  that  occasion,  nor  yet  in  the  reports  they  had 
circulated  against  him,  but  perceiving  that  they  were  unable 
to  produce  any  certain  evidence  respecting  them,  when  they 
came  to  the  city  of  Sardica,  they  were  unwilling  to  meet  the 
Council  of  all  the  holy  Bishops.    From  this  it  became 
evident  that  the  decision  of  our  brother  and  fellow-Bishop 
Julius  was  a  just  one1;  for  after  cautious  deliberation  and  'vid. 
care  he  had  determined,  that  we  ought  not  to  hesitate  at  allg^'J^ 
about  holding  communion  with  our  brother  Athanasius.  p* 
For  he  had  the  credible  testimony  of  eighty  Bishops,  and 
was  also  able  to  advance  this  fair  argument  in  his  support, 
that  by  the  mere  means  of  our  dearly  beloved  brethren  his  own 
Presbyters,  and  by  correspondence,  he  had  defeated  the 
designs  of  the  Eusebians,  who  relied  more  upon  violence 
than  upon  a  judicial  enquiry. 

4.  Wherefore  all  the  Bishops  from  all  parts  determined  upon 
holding  communion  with  Athanasius  on  the  ground  that  he 
was  innocent.    And  let  your  charity  also  observe,  that  when 

Digitized  by 

62  Letter  of  the  Council  of  Sardica 

A  pol.  he  came  to  the  holy  Council  assembled  at  Sardica,  the 
ao.  A».  Bjsjj0pS  0f  tne  jgast  were  informed  of  the  circumstance,  as 
we  said  before,  both  by  letter,  and  by  injunctions  conveyed 
1  Uxii    by  word  of  mouth,  and  were  summoned1  by  us  to  be  present. 
vld?p.  ®ut>  being  condemned  by  their  own  conscience,  they  had 
49.  r.  3.  recourse  to  unbecoming  excuses,  and  set  themselves  to  avoid 
the  enquiry.    They  demanded  that  an  innocent  man  should 
be  rejected  from  our  communion,  just  as  if  he  had  been 
guilty,  not  considering  how  unbecoming,  or  rather  how 
impossible,  such  a  proceeding  was.    And  as  for  the  Reports 
which  were  framed  in  the  Mareotis  by  certain  most  wicked 
«sopr.  and  most  profligate  youths*,  to  whose  hands  one  would  not 
notem.  commit  the  very  lowest  office  of  the  ministry,  it  is  certain 
that  they  were  ex  parte  statements.    For  neither  was  our 
brother  the  Bishop  Athanasius  present  on  the  occasion,  nor 
the  Presbyter  Macarius  who  was  accused  by  them.  And 
besides,  their  enquiry,  or  rather  their  falsification  of  facts, 
was  attended  by  the  most  disgraceful  circumstances.  Some- 
times heathens,  sometimes  Catechumens,  were  examined, 
not  that  they  might  declare  what  they  knew,  but  that  they 
might  assert  those  falsehoods  which  they  had  been  taught  by 
others.    And  when  you  Presbyters,  who  were  anxious  in  the 
absence  of  your  Bishop,  desired  to  be  present  at  the  enquiry, 
in  order  that  you  might  shew  the  truth,  and  disprove  false- 
hood, no  regard  was  paid  to  you;  they  would  not  permit 
you  to  be  present,  but  drove  you  away  with  insult. 

5.  Now  although  their  calumnies  have  been  most  plainly 
exposed  before  all  men  by  these  circumstances ;  yet  we  found 
also,  on  reading  the  Reports,  that  that  most  iniquitous  person, 
Ischyras,  who  has  obtained  from  them  the  empty  title  of 
Bishop  as  his  reward  for  the  false  accusation,  had  convicted 
himself  of  calumny.  He  declares  in  the  Reports  that  at  the 
very  time  when,  according  to  his  positive  assertions,  Macarius 
entered  his  cell,  he  lay  there  sick ;  whereas  the  Eusebians 
have  had  the  boldness  to  write  that  Ischyras  was  standing 
»  pp.  30,  Up  offering  the  oblations,  when  Macarius  came  in  8. 
§.  88.  6*  The  base  and  slanderous  charge  which  they  next  alleged 
against  him,  has  become  well-known  to  all  men.  They 
raised  a  great  outcry,  affirming  that  Athanasius  had  com- 
mitted murder,  and  had  destroyed  one  Arsenius  a  Meletian 

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to  the  Church  of  Alexandria. 


Bishop,  whose  loss  they  pretended  to  deplore  with  feigned  Tn.  II. 
lamentations  and  untrue  tears,  and  demanded  that  the  body  —  — 
of  a  living  man,  as  if  a  dead  one,  should  be  given  up  to 
them.     But  their  fraud  was  easily  detected :  one  and  all 
knew  that  the  person  was  alive,  and  was  numbered  among 
the  living1.  ^£P- 

7.  And  when  these  men,  who  are  ready  upon  any  op- 
portunity, perceived  their  falsehoods  detected,  (for  Arsenius 
shewed  himself  alive,  and  so  proved  that  he  had  not  been 
destroyed,  and  was  not  dead,)  yet  they  would  not  rest,  but 
proceeded  to  other  calumnies9,  and  to  slander  Athanasius  by*™i. 
a  fresh  expedient.  Well;  our  brother,  dearly  beloved,  was 
not  confounded,  but  again  in  the  present  case  also  with87* 
great  boldness  challenged  them  to  the  proof,  and  we  too 
prayed  and  exhorted  them  to  come  to  the  trial,  and  if  they 
were  able,  to  establish  their  charge  against  him.  O  great 
arrogance  !  O  dreadful  pride  !  or  rather,  if  one  must  say  the 
troth,  O  evil  and  guilt-stricken  conscience !  for  this  is  the 
view  which  all  men  take  of  it 

&  Wherefore,  dearly  beloved  brethren,  we  admonish  and 
exhort  you,  above  all  things  to  maintain  the  right  faith  of 
the  Catholic  Church.  You  have  undergone  many  severe 
and  grievous  trials ;  many  are  the  insults  and  injuries  which 
the  Catholic  Church  has  suffered,  but  he  that  endureth  to  Matt 
the  end  the  same  shall  be  saved.  Wherefore  even  though  ' 
they  shall  still  recklessly  assail  you,  let  your  tribulation  be 
unto  you  for  joy.  For  such  afflictions  have  a  share  in 
martyrdom,  and  such  confessions  and  tortures  as  yours  will 
not  be  without  their  reward,  but  ye  shall  receive  the  prize 
from  God.  Therefore  strive  above  all  things  in  support  of 
the  sound  faith,  and  of  the  innocence  of  your  Bishop  and 
our  brother  Athanasius.  We  also  have  not  held  our  peace, 
nor  been  negligent  of  what  concerns  your  comfort,  but  have 
deliberated  and  done  whatsoever  the  claims  of  charity 
demand.  We  sympathize  with  our  suffering  brethren,  and 
their  afflictions  we  consider  as  our  own. 

9.  Accordingly  we  have  written  to  beseech  our  most  re-  §.  39. 
ligious  and  godly  Emperors,  that  their  Graces  would  give 
orders  for  the  release  of  those  who  are  still  suffering  from 
affliction  and  oppression,  and  would  command  that  none  of 

Digitized  by 

64    The  Council  of  Sardica  to  the  AlexandHan  Church. 

Apol.  the  magistrates,  whose  duty  it  is  to  attend  only  to  civil 
ag>Ar*  causes,  give  judgment  upon  Clergy0,  nor  henceforward 
in  any  way,  on  pretence  of  providing  for  the  Churches, 
attempt  any  thing  against  the  brethren ;  but  that  every  one 
may  live,  as  he  prays  and  desires  to  do,  free  from  persecution, 
from  violence  and  fraud,  and  in  quietness  and  peace  may 
follow  the  Catholic  and  Apostolic  Faith.  As  for  Gregory, 
who  has  the  reputation  of  being  illegally  ordained  by  the 
heretics,  and  has  been  sent  by  them  to  your  city,  we  wish 
your  unanimity  to  understand,  that  he  has  been  degraded  by 
a  judgment  of  the  whole  sacred  Council,  although  indeed  he 
has  never  at  any  time  been  considered  to  be  Bishop  at  all. 
Wherefore  receive  gladly  your  Bishop  Athanasius,  for  to  this 
end  we  have  dismissed  him  in  peace.  And  we  exhort  all 
those  who  either  through  fear,  or  through  the  intrigues  of 
certain  persons,  have  held  communion  with  Gregory,  that 
now  being  admonished,  exhorted,  and  persuaded  by  us,  they 
withdraw  from  that  his  accursed  communion,  and  straight- 
way unite  themselves  to  the  Catholic  Church. 
§.  40.  10.  Forasmuch  as  we  have  learnt  that  Aphthonius,  Athana- 
1  supr.  sius  the  son  of  Capito,  Paul,  and  Plutio,  our  fellow  Presbyters l, 
p' 35#  have  also  suffered  from  the  machinations  of  the  Eusebians, 
so  that  some  of  them  have  had  trial  of  exile,  and  others  have 
fled  on  peril  of  their  lives,  we  have  in  consequence  thought 
it  necessary  to  make  this  known  unto  you,  that  you  may 
understand  that  we  have  received  and  acquitted  them  also, 
being  aware  that  whatever  has  been  done  by  the  Eusebians 
against  the  Orthodox  has  tended  to  the  glory  and  com- 
mendation of  those  who  have  been  attacked  by  them.  It 
were  fitting  that  your  Bishop  and  our  brother  Athanasius 
should  make  this  known  to  you  respecting  them,  to  his  own 
respecting  his  own  ;  but  as  for  more  abundant  testimony  he 
wished  the  holy  Council  also  to  write  to  you,  we  deferred 
not  to  do  so,  but  hastened  to  signify  this  unto  you,  that  you 
may  receive  them  as  we  have  done,  for  they  also  are  de- 
serving of  praise,  because  through  their  piety  towards  Christ 
they  have  been  thought  worthy  to  endure  violence  at  the 
hands  of  the  heretics. 

c  vid.  Bingham  Antiqu.  v.  2.  §.  5.    Bassi.  Biblioth.  Jur.  t.  1.  p.  276.  Bel- 
Sec.  Gieseler  £ccl.  Hist.  vol.  1.  p.  242.    larra.  de  Cleric.  28. 

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The  Council  of  Sardica  to  the  Bishops  of  Egypt.  65 

II.  What  decrees  have  been  past  by  the  holy  Council  against  Tm.  II. 
those  who  are  at  the  head  of  the  Arian  heresy,  and  have  40>  41* 
offended  against  you,  and  the  rest  of  the  Churches,  you  will 
learn  from  the  subjoined  documents We  have  sent  them  to 1 
you,  that  you  may  understand  from  them  that  the  Catholic  Letter!' 
Church  will  not  overlook  those  who  offend  against  her.  P- 

12.  Letter  of  the  Council  of  Sardica  to  the  Bishops  of 
Egypt  and  Libya. 

The  holy  Council,  by  the  grace  of  God  assembled  at 
Sardica,  to  the  Bishops  of  Egypt  and  Libya,  their  fellow 
ministers  and  dearly  beloved  brethren,  sends  health  in  the 

We  were  not  ignorant d,  but  the  fact  was  well  known  to  us,  §.  41. 
even  before  we  received  the  letters  of  your  piety,  that  the 
supporters  of  the  abominated  heresy  of  the  Arians  were 
practising  many  dangerous  machinations,  rather  to  the 
destruction  of  their  own  souls,  than  to  the  injury  of  the 
Church.  For  this  has  ever  been  the  object  of  their  craft  and 
villainy :  this  is  the  deadly  design  in  which  they  have  been 
continually  engaged,  viz.  how  they  may  best  expel  from 
their  places  and  persecute  all  who  are  to  be  found  any  where 
of  orthodox  sentiments,  and  maintaining  the  doctrine  of  the 
Catholic  Church,  which  was  delivered  to  them  from  the 
Fathers.  Against  some  they  have  laid  false  accusations; 
others  they  have  driven  into  banishment ;  others  they  have 
destroyed  by  the  punishments  inflicted  on  them.  Thus  also 
they  endeavoured  by  violence  and  tyranny  to  surprise  the 
innocence  of  our  brother  and  fellow  Bishop  Athanasius,  and 
therefore  conducted  their  enquiry  into  his  case  without  any 
scrupulous  care,  without  any  faith,  without  any  sort  of 
justice.  Accordingly,  having^no  confidence  in  the  part  they 
had  played  on  that  occasion,  nor  yet  in  the  reports  they  had 
circulated  against  him,  but  perceiving  that  they  were  unable 
to  produce  any  certain  evidence  respecting  them,  when  they 
came  to  the  city  of  Sardica,  they  were  unwilling  to  meet  the 
Council  of  all  the  holy  Bishops.  From  this  it  became 
evident  that  the  decision  of  our  brother  and  fellow  Bishop 

d  It  will  be  observed  that  this  Letter   It  was  first  printed  in  the  Benedictine 
m  nearly  a  transcript  of  the  foregoing.  Edition. 


Digitized  by 


Letter  of  the  Council  of  Sardica 

apol.  Julius  was  a  just  one ;  for  after  cautious  deliberation  and 
*Q*  R'care  he  had  decided,  that  we  ought  not  to  hesitate  at  all 
about  holding  communion  with  our  brother  Athanasius. 
For  he  had  the  credible  testimony  of  eighty  Bishops,  and 
was  also  able  to  advance  this  fair  argument  in  his  support, 
that  by  the  mere  means  of  our  dearly  beloved  brethren  his  own 
Presbyters,  and  by  correspondence,  he  had  defeated  the 
designs  of  the  Eusebians,  who  relied  more  upon  violence, 
than  upon  a  judicial  enquiry. 

13.  Wherefore  all  the  Bishops  from  all  parts  determined 
upon  holding  communion  with  Athanasius  on  the  ground 
that  he  was  innocent.  And  let  your  charity  also  observe, 
that  when  he  came  to  the  holy  Council  assembled  at  Sardica, 
the  Bishops  of  the  East  were  informed  of  the  circumstance, 
as  we  said  before,  both  by  letter,  and  by  injunctions  con- 
veyed by  word  of  mouth,  and  were  invited  by  us  to  be 
present.  But,  being  condemned  by  their  own  conscience, 
they  had  recourse  to  unbecoming  excuses,  and  began  to 
avoid  the  enquiry.  They  demanded  that  an  innocent  man 
should  be  rejected  from  our  communion,  just  as  if  he  had 
been  guilty,  not  considering  how  unbecoming,  or  rather  how 
impossible,  such  a  proceeding  was.  And  as  for  the  reports 
which  were  framed  in  the  Mareotis  by  certain  most  wicked 
and  abandoned  youths,  to  whose  hands  one  would  not  commit 
the  very  lowest  office  of  the  ministry,  it  is  certain  that  they 
were  ex  parte  statements.  For  neither  was  our  brother  the 
Bishop  Athanasius  present  on  the  occasion,  nor  the  Presbyter 
Macarius,  who  was  accused  by  them.  And  besides,  their 
enquiry,  or  rather  their  falsification  of  facts,  was  attended  by 
the  most  disgraceful  circumstances.  Sometimes  Heathens, 
sometimes  Catechumens,  were  examined,  not  that  they  might 
declare  what  they  knew,  but  that  they  might  assert  those 
falsehoods  which  they  had  been  taught  by  others.  And  when 
you  Presbyters,  who  were  anxious  in  the  absence  of  your 
Bishop,  desired  to  be  present  at  the  enquiry,  in  order  that 
you  might  shew  the  truth,  and  disprove  falsehood,  no  regard 
was  paid  to  you ;  they  would  not  permit  you  to  be  present, 
but  drove  you  away  with  insult. 

14.  Now  although  their  calumnies  have  been  most  plainly 
exposed  before  all  men  by  these  circumstances;  yet  we 

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to  the  Bishops  qf  Egypt  and  Libya.  67 

found  also,  on  reading  the  Reports,  that  that  most  ini-  Tr.  II. 
quitous  person  Ischyras,  who  has  obtained  from  them  41 ' 42' 
the  empty  title  of  Bishop  as  his  reward  for  the  false  ac- 
cusation, had  convicted  himself  of  calumny.  He  declares 
in  the  Reports,  that  at  the  very  time  when,  according 
to  his  positive  assertions,  Macarius  entered  his  cell,  he  lay 
there  sick ;  whereas  the  Eusebians  have  had  the  boldness  to 
write  that  Ischyras  was  standing  up  and  offering  the  oblations, 
when  Macarius  came  in. 

15.  The  base  and  slanderous  charge  which  they  next  alleged  §.  42. 
against  him  has  become  well  known  unto  all  men.  They 
raised  a  great  outcry,  affirming  that  Athanasius  had  com- 
mitted murder,  and  destroyed  one  Arsenius  a  Meletian 
Bishop,  whose  loss  they  pretended  to  deplore  with  feigned 
lamentations,  and  untrue  tears,  and  demanded  that  the  body 

of  a  living  man,  as  if  a  dead  one,  should  be  given  up  to  them. 
But  their  fraud  was  easily  detected ;  one  and  all  knew  that 
the  person  was  alive,  and  was  numbered  among  the  living. 

16.  And  when  these  men,  who  are  ready  upon  any  oppor- 
tunity, perceived  their  falsehood  detected,  (for  Arsenius  shewed 
himself  alive,  and  so  proved  that  he  had  not  been  destroyed, 
and  was  not  dead,)  yet  they  would  not  rest,  but  proceeded  to 
add  other  to  their  former  calumnies,  and  to  slander  Atha- 
nasius by  a  fresh  expedient.  Well:  our  brother,  dearly 
beloved,  was  not  confounded,  but  again  in  the  present  case 
also  with  great  boldness  challenged  them  to  the  proof,  and 
we  too  prayed  and  exhorted  them  to  come  to  the  trial,  and  if 
toey  were  able,  to  establish  their  charge  against  him.  O 
great  arrogance !  O  dreadful  pride !  or  rather,  if  one  must 
say  the  truth,  O  evil  and  guilt-stricken  conscience  !  for  this 
is  the  view  which  all  men  take  of  it. 

17.  Wherefore,  dearly  beloved  brethren,  we  admonish  and 
exhort  you,  above  all  things,  to  maintain  the  right  faith  of 
the  Catholic  Church.  You  have  undergone  many  severe  and 
grievous  trials ;  many  are  the  insults  and  injuries  which  the 
Catholic  Church  has  suffered,  but  he  that  endureth  to  /^, 
end,  the  same  shall  be  saved.    Wherefore,  even  though  they 

shall  still  recklessly  assail  you,  let  your  tribulation  be  unto 
you  for  joy.  For  such  afflictions  have  a  share  in  martyrdom, 
and  such  confessions  and  tortures  as  yours  will  not  be  with- 


Digitized  b 

68     The  Council  of  Sardica  to  the  Bishops  of  Egypt. 

Apol.  out  their  reward,  but  ye  shall  receive  the  prize  from  God. 

ag.  Ar.  Therefore,  strive  above  all  things  in  support  of  the  sound 
Faith,  and  of  the  innocence  of  your  Bishop  and  our  brother 
Athanasius.  We  also  have  not  held  our  peace,  nor  been 
negligent  of  what  concerns  your  comfort,  but  have  deli- 
berated and  done  whatever  the  claims  of  charity  demand. 
We  sympathize  with  our  suffering  brethren,  and  their  afflic- 
tions we  consider  as  our  own,  and  have  mingled  our  tears 
with  yours.  And  you,  brethren,  are  not  the  only  persons 
who  have  suffered:  many  others  also  of  our  brethren  in 
ministry  have  come  hither,  bitterly  lamenting  these  things. 

§.  43.  18.  Accordingly,  we  have  written  to  beseech  our  most  reli- 
gious and  godly  Emperors,  that  their  Graces  would  give 
orders  for  the  release  of  those  who  are  still  suffering  from 
affliction  and  oppression,  and  would  command  that  none  of 
the  magistrates,  whose  duty  it  is  to  attend  only  to  civil 
causes,  give  judgment  upon  Clergy,  nor  henceforward  in  any 
way,  on  pretence  of  providing  for  the  Churches,  attempt  any 
thing  against  the  brethren,  but  that  every  one  may  live,  as  he 
prays  and  desires  to  do,  free  from  persecution,  from  violence 
and  fraud,  and  in  quietness  and  peace  may  follow  the  Catholic 
and  Apostolic  Faith.  As  for  Gregory  who  has  the  reputation 
of  being  illegally  ordained  by  the  heretics,  and  who  has  been 
sent  by  them  to  your  city,  we  wish  your  unanimity  to  under- 
stand, that  he  has  been  degraded  by  the  judgment  of  the 
whole  sacred  Council,  although  indeed  he  has  never  at  any 
time  been  considered  to  be  a  Bishop  at  all.  Wherefore 
receive  gladly  your  Bishop  Athanasius;  for  to  this  end  we 
have  dismissed  him  in  peace.  And  we  exhort  all  those,  who 
either  through  fear,  or  through  the  intrigues  of  certain  persons, 
have  held  communion  with  Gregory,  that  being  now  admo- 
nished, exhorted,  and  persuaded  by  us,  they  withdraw  from 
his  accursed  communion,  and  straightway  unite  themselves 
to  the  Catholic  Church. 

19.  What  decrees  have  been  passed  by  the  holy  Council 
against  Theodorus,  Narcissus,  Stephanus,  Acacius,  Meno- 

i  p>60>  phantus,  Ursacius,  Valens,  and  George1,  who  are  the  heads 
of  the  Arian  heresy,  and  have  offended  against  you  and  the 
rest  of  the  Churches,  you  will  learn  from  the  subjoined 
documents.    We  have  sent  them  to  you,  that  your  piety  may 

Digitized  by  Google 

Encyclical  Letter  of  the  Council  of  Sardica.  09 

assent  to  our  decisions,  and  that  you  may  understand  fromTn.  II. 
them,  that  the  Catholic  Church  will  not  overlook  those  who  4-±— 
offend  against  her. 

20.  Encyclical  Letter  of  the  Council  of  Sardica. 

The  holy  Council »,  by  the  grace  of  God,  assembled  at 1  vid. 
Sardica,  to  their  dearly  beloved  brethren,  the  Bishops  and  h^h. 
fellow-Ministers  of  the  Catholic  Church  every  where,  sends  6.  HH. 
health  in  the  Lord.  Fragm. 

The  Arian  fanatics  have  dared  repeatedly  to  attack  the§.  44. 
servants  of  God,  who  maintain  the  right  faith ;  they  attempted 
to  substitute  a  spurious  doctrine,  and  to  drive  out  the  ortho- 
dox ;  and  at  last  they  made  so  violent  an  assault  against  the 
Faith,  that  it  became  known  to  the  piety  of  our  most  religious 
Emperors.  Accordingly,  the  grace  of  God  assisting  them, 
our  most  religious  Emperors  have  themselves  assembled  us 
together  out  of  different  provinces  and  cities,  and  have  per- 
mitted this  holy  Council  to  be  held  in  the  city  of  Sardica;  to 
the  end  that  all  dissension  may  be  done  away,  and  all  false 
doctrine  being  driven  from  us,  Christian  godliness  may  alone 
be  maintained  by  all  men.  The  Bishops  of  the  East  also 
attended,  being  exhorted  to  do  so  by  the  most  religious 
Emperors,  chiefly  on  account  of  the  reports  they  have  so 
often  circulated  concerning  our  dearly  beloved  brethren  and 
fellow-ministers  Athanasius  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  and 
Marcellus  Bishop  of  Ancyro-Galatia.  Their  calumnies 
have  probably  already  reached  you,  and  perhaps  they  have 
attempted  to  disturb  your  ears,  that  you  may  be  induced  to 
believe  their  charges  against  those  innocent  men,  and  that 
they  may  obliterate  from  your  minds  any  suspicions  respect- 
ing their  own  wicked  heresy.  But  they  have  not  been 
permitted  to  effect  this  to  any  great  extent;  for  the  Lord  is 
the  Defender  of  His  Churches,  who  endured  death  for  their 
sakes  and  for  us  all,  and  provided  access  to  heaven  for  us  all 
through  Himself.  When  therefore  the  Eusebians  wrote  long 
ago  to  Julius  our  brother  and  Bishop  of  the  Church  of  the 
Romans,  against  our  fore-mentioned  brethren,  that  is  to  say, 
Athanasius,  Marcellus,  and  Asclepas6,  the  Bishops  from  the 

e  Asclepas,  or  Asclepius  of  Gaza,  Fathers,  and  according  to  Theod.  Hist.  i. 
Epiph.Hffir.69.4.wa8oneoftheNicene   27.  was  at  the  Council  of  Tyre,  which 


Encyclical  Letter 

A pol.  other  parts  wrote  also,  testifying  to  the  innocence  of  our 
— ! — "fellow-minister  Athanasius,  and  declaring  that  the  repre- 
sentations of  the  Eusebians  were  nothing  else  but  mere  false- 
hood and  calumny. 

21.  And  indeed  their  calumnies  were  clearly  proved  by  the 
1  **»^»-fact  that,  when  they  were  called1  to  a  Council  by  our  dearly 
beloved  fellow-minister  Julius,  they  would  not  come,  and 
also  by  what  was  written  to  them  by  Julius  himself.  For 
had  they  had  confidence  in  the  measures  and  the  acts  in  which 
they  were  engaged  against  our  brethren,  they  would  have 
come.  And  besides,  they  gave  a  still  more  evident  proof  of 
their  conspiracy  by  their  conduct  in  this  great  and  holy 
Council.  For  when  they  arrived  at  the  city  of  Sardica,  and 
saw  our  brethren  Athanasius,  Marcellus,  Asclepas,  and  the 
rest,  they  were  afraid  to  come  to  a  trial,  and  though  they 
were  repeatedly  invited  to  attend,  they  would  not  obey  the 
summons.  Although  all  we  Bishops  met  together,  and 
above  all  that  man  of  an  happy  old  age,  Hosius,  one 
who  on  account  of  his  age,  his  confession,  and  the  many 
labours  he  has  undergone,  is  worthy  of  all  reverence  ; 
and  although  we  waited  and  besought  them  to  come  to  the 
trial,  that  in  the  presence  of  our  fellow-ministers  they  might 
establish  the  truth  of  those  charges  which  they  had  circulated 
and  written  against  them  in  their  absence ;  yet  they  would 
not  come,  when  they  were  thus  called,  as  we  said  before,  thus 
giving  proof  of  their  calumnies,  and  almost  proclaiming  to 
the  world  by  this  their  refusal,  the  plot  and  conspiracy  in 
which  they  have  been  engaged.  They  who  are  confident  of 
the  truth  of  their  assertions  are  able  to  make  them  good 
against  their  opponents  face  to  face.  But  as  they  would  not 
meet  us,  we  think  that  no  one  can  now  doubt,  however  they 
may  again  have  recourse  to  their  bad  practices,  that  they 
possess  no  proof  against  our  brethren,  but  calumniate  them 
in  their  absence,  while  they  avoid  their  presence. 

A  than,  also  attended,  but  only  by  com-  on  the  charge  of  having  overturned  an 

pulsion.    According  to  the  Eusebians  altar;  and,  after  Athan.  infr.§. 47.  that 

at  Fhilippopolis,  they  had  deposed  him  he  was  acquitted  at  Sardica  on  the 

about  330,  if  the  Council  of  Sardica  ground  that  Eusebius  of  Csesarea  and 

was  held  347.    They  state,  however,  others  had  reinstated  him  in  his  see, 

at  the  same  time,  that  he  had  been  con-  (before  339.)    There  is  mention  of  a 

demned  by  Athanasius  and  Marcellus.  Church  built  by  him  in  Gaza,  ap.  Bol- 

vid.  Hilar.  Fragm.  iii.  13.  Sozomen,  land.  Febr.  26.  Vit.  S.  Porphyr.  n.  20. 

Hist  iii.  8.  says  that  they  deposed  him  p.  648. 

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of  the  Council  of  Sardica. 


22.  They  fled,  dearly  beloved  brethren,  not  only  on  account  Tb.  II. 
of  the  calumnies  they  had  uttered,  but  because  they  saw  that  t-^1— 
those  had  come  who  had  various  charges  to  advance  against^*  ^* 
them.  For  chains  and  iron  were  brought  forward  which 
they  had  used ;  persons  appeared  who  had  returned  from 
banishment;  there  came  also  our  brethren,  kinsmen  of  those 
who  were  still  detained  in  exile,  and  friends  of  such  as  had 
perished  through  their  means.  And  what  was  the  most 
weighty  ground  of  accusation,  Bishops  were  present,  one 1  of 
whom  brought  forward  the  iron  and  the  chains  which  they 
had  caused  him  to  wear,  and  others  testified  to  the  deaths 
which  had  been  brought  about  by  their  calumnies.  For 
they  had  proceeded  to  such  a  pitch  of  madness,  as  even  to 
attempt  to  destroy  Bishops ;  and  would  have  destroyed 
them,  had  they  not  escaped  their  hands.  Our  fellow- 
minister,  Theodulus  of  blessed  memory*,  died  during  his  flight 
from  their  false  accusations,  orders  having  been  given  in 
consequence  of  these  to  put  him  to  death.  Others  also  ex- 
hibited sword-wounds ;  and  others  complained  that  they 
had  been  exposed  to  the  pains  of  hunger  through  their 
means.  Nor  were  they  ordinary  persons  who  testified  to 
these  things,  but  whole  Churches,  in  whose  behalf  legates 
appeared11,  and  told  us  of  soldiers  sword  in  hand,  of  multi- 
tudes armed  with  clubs,  of  the  threats  of  judges,  of  the  use 
of  forged  letters.  For  there  were  read  certain  forged  letters 
of  Theognius  against  our  fellow-ministers  Athanasius,  Mar- 
cellus,  and  Asclepas,  written  with  the  design  of  exasperating 
the  Emperors  against  them ;  and  those  who  had  then  been 
Deacons  of  Theognius  proved  the  fact.  In  addition  to 
these  things,  we  heard  of  virgins  stripped  naked,  Churches 

f  Perhaps  Lucius  of  Hadrianople,  stans,  who  died  360.  Hist.  ii.  26. 

8ays  Montfaucon,  referring  to  Apol.  de  h  The  usual  proceeding  of  the  Arians 

Fug.  §.  3.  vid.  also  Hist.  Arian.  19.  was  to  retort  upon  the  Catholics  the 

8  Theodulus,  Bishop  of  Trajancpolis  charges  which  they  brought  against 

in  Thrace,  who  is  here  spoken  of  as  them,  supr.  p.  54,  note  p.  Accordingly, 

deceased,  seems  to  have  suffered  this  in  their  Encyclical  from  Philippopolis, 

persecution  from  the  Eusebians  upon  they  say  that  "  a  vast  multitude  had 

their  retreat  from  Sardica,  vid.  Athan.  congregated  at  Sardica,  of  wicked  and 

Hist.  Arian.  §.  19.    "We  must  suppose  abandoned  persons,  from  Constantinople 

then  with  Montfaucon,  that  the  Coun-  and  Alexandria;  who  lay  under  charges 

cil,  from  whom  this  letter  proceeds,  sat  of  murder,  blood,  slaughter,  robbery, 

some  considerable  time  after  that  re-  plunder,  spoiling,  and  all  nameless  sa- 

treat,  and  that  the  proceedings  spoken  crileges  and  crimes ;  who  had  broken 

of  took  place  in  the  interval.  Socrates,  altars,  burnt  Churches,  ransacked  pri- 

however,  makes  Theodulus  survive  Con-  vate*.houses,  &c.  &c.  Hil.  Fragm  iii.  19. 

Digitized  by 

75  Encyclical  Letter 

Apol.  burnt,  ministers  in  custody,  and  all  for  no  other  end,  but 
— — —  only  for  the  sake  of  the  accursed  heresy  of  the  Arian  fanatics, 

whose  communion  whoso  refused  was  forced  to  suffer  these 


23.  When  they  perceived  then  how  matters  lay,  they  were 
in  a  strait  what  course  to  choose.  They  were  ashamed  to 
confess  all  that  they  had  done,  but  were  unable  to  conceal  it 
any  longer.  They  therefore  came  to  the  city  of  Sardica, 
that  by  their  appearance  there  they  might  seem  to  remove 
suspicion  from  themselves  of  the  guilt  of  such  things.  But 
when  they  saw  those  whom  they  had  calumniated,  and  those 
who  had  suffered  at  their  hands ;  when  they  had  before  their 
eyes  their  accusers  and  the  proofs  of  their  guilt,  they  were 
unwilling  to  come  forward,  though  invited  by  our  fellow- 
ministers  Athanasius,  Marcellus,  and  Asclepas,  who  with 
great  freedom  complained  of  their  conduct,  and  urged  and 
challenged  them  to  the  trial,  promising  not  only  to  refute 
their  calumnies,  but  also  to  bring  proof  of  the  offences  which 
they  had  committed  against  their  Churches.  But  they  were 
seized  with  such  terrors  of  conscience,  that  they  fled;  and  in 
doing  so  they  exposed  their  own  calumnies,  and  confessed  by 
running  away  the  crimes  of  which  they  had  been  guilty. 
§.  46.  24.  But  although  their  malice  and  their  calumnies  have  been 
plainly  manifested  on  this  as  well  as  on  former  occasions, 
yet  that  they  may  not  devise  means  of  practising  a  farther 
mischief  in  consequence  of  their  flight,  we  have  considered  it 
advisable  to  examine  the  part  they  have  played  according  to 
1  »upr.  the  principles  of  truth 1 ;  this  has  been  our  purpose,  and  we 
ref.  2.  have  found  them  calumniators  by  their  acts,  and  authors  of 
Orat  l.  nothing  else  than  a  plot  against  our  brethren  in  ministry. 
y.  227  For  Arsenius,  who  they  said  had  been  murdered  by 
Athanasius,  is  still  alive,  and  is  numbered  among  the  living ; 
from  which  we  may  infer  that  the  reports  they  have 
circulated  on  other  subjects  are  fabrications  also.  And 
whereas  they  spread  abroad  a  rumour  concerning  a  chalice, 
which  they  said  had  been  broken  by  Macarius  the  Presbyter 
of  Athanasius,  those  who  came  from  Alexandria,  the  Mareotis, 
and  the  other  parts,  testified  that  nothing  of  the  kind  had 
»p.30.  taken  place.  And  the  Egyptian  Bishops9  who  wrote  to 
Julius  our  brother  in  ministry,  positively  affirmed  that  there 

Digitized  by  Google 

qf  the  Council  qf  Sardica. 


(fid  not  exist  among  them  even  any  suspicion  whatever  of  Tr.  II. 

such  a  thing.  46> 47' 

25.  Moreover,  the  Reports,  which  they  say  they  have  to 
produce  against  him,  are,  as  is  notorious,  ex  parte  state- 
ments; and  even  in  the  formation  of  these  very  Reports, 
Heathens  and  Catechumens  were  examined ;  one  of  whom, 
a  Catechumen,  said1  in  his  examination  that  he  was  present 1  pp.48, 
in  the  room,  when  Macarius  broke  in  upon  them ;  and  another  * 
declared,  that  Ischyras  of  whom  they  speak  so  much,  lay 
sick  in  his  cell  at  the  time ;  from  which  it  appears  that  the 
Mysteries  were  never  celebrated  at  all,  because  Catechumens 
were  present,  and  also  that  Ischyras  was  not  there,  but  was 
lying  sick  on  his  bed.    Besides,  this  wicked  wretch  Ischyras, 
who  has  falsely  asserted,  as  he  was  convicted  of  doing, 
that  Athanasius  had  burnt  some  of  the  sacred  books,  has 
himself  confessed  that  he  was  sick,  and  was  lying  in  his  bed 
when  Macarius  came;  from  which  it  is  plain  that  he  is  a 
slanderer.    Nevertheless,  as  a  reward  for  these  his  calumnies, 
they  have  given  to  this  very  Ischyras  the  title  of  Bishop, 
although  he  has  never  been  even  a  Presbyter.    For  two 
Presbyters,  who  were  once  associated  with  Meletius,  but 
were  afterwards  received  by  Alexander,  Bishop  of  Alexandria, 
of  blessed  memory,  and  are  now  with  Athanasius,  appeared 
before  the  Council,  and  testified  that  he  was  not  even  a 
Presbyter  of  Meletius,  and  that  Meletius  never  had  either 
Church  or  Minister  in  the  Mareotis.    And  yet  this  man,  who 
has  never  been  even  a  Presbyter,  they  have  now  brought 
forward  as  a  Bishop,  that  by  this  name  they  may  have  a 
means  of  overpowering  those  who  are  within  hearing  his 

26.  The  book  of  our  brother  Marcellus  was  also  read,  by  §.  47. 
which  the  fraud  of  the  Eusebians  were  plainly  discovered. 
For  what  Marcellus  had  advanced  by  way  of  enquiry2,  they 8 
falsely  represented  as  his  professed  opinion;  but  when  the^fvoLs! 
subsequent  parts  of  the  book  were  read,  and  the  parts  p.  44,  e. 
preceding  these  queries,  his  faith  was  found  to  be  correct. 
He  had  never  pretended,  as  they  positively  affirmed',  that  the'deSyn. 
word  of  God  had  His  beginning  from  holy  Mary,  nor  that  Hisj^"^ 
kingdom  had  an  end;  on  the  contrary  he  had  written  that  note  r. 
His  kingdom  was  both  without  beginning  and  without  end. 


Encyclical  Letter 

Apol.  Our  brother  Asclepas  also  produced  Reports  which  had  been 
AQ' A*'  drawn  up  at  Antioch  in  the  presence  of  his  accusers  and 
Eusebius  of  Caesarea,  and  proved  that  he  was  innocent  by 
*p.7o.e.  the  sentence  of  the  Bishops  who  judged  his  cause1.  They 
had  good  reason  therefore,  dearly  beloved  brethren,  for 
disobeying  our  frequent  summons,  and  for  deserting  the 
Council.  They  were  driven  to  this  by  their  own  consciences; 
but  their  flight  only  confirmed  the  proof  of  their  calumnies, 
and  caused  those  things  to  be  believed  against  them,  which 
their  accusers,  who  were  present,  were  asserting  and  arguing. 
But  besides  all  these  things,  they  had  not  only  received 
those  who  were  formerly  degraded  and  ejected  on  account  of 
the  Arian  heresy,  but  had  even  promoted  them  to  a  higher 
station,  advancing  Deacons  to  the  Presbytery,  and  of  Pres- 
byters making  Bishops,  for  no  other  end,  but  that  they  might 
disseminate  and  spread  abroad  impiety,  and  corrupt  the 
orthodox  faith. 

§.  48.  27.  Their  present  leaders  are,  after  Eusebius,  Theodorus  of 
Heraclea,  Narcissus  of  Neronias  in  Cilicia,  Stephanus  of 
Antioeb,  George  of  Laodicea,  Acacius  of  Caesarea  in  Pales- 
tine, Menophantus  of  Ephesus  in  Asia,  Ursacius  of  Singi- 
donum  in  Mysia,  and  Valens  of  Mursia  in  Pannonia1.  These 
men  would  not  permit  those  who  came  with  them  from  the 
East  to  meet  the  holy  Council,  nor  even  to  approach  the  Church 
of  God ;  but  as  they  were  coming  to  Sardica,  they  held  Councils 
in  various  places  by  themselves,  and  made  an  engagement  under 
threats,  that  when  they  came  to  Sardica,  they  would  not  at 
all  appear  at  the  trial,  nor  attend  the  assembling  of  the  holy 
Council,  but  simply  coming,  and  making  known  their  arrival 
as  a  matter  of  form,  would  speedily  take  to  flight.  This  we  have 
been  able  to  ascertain  from  our  brethren  in  ministry,  Macarius 
of  Palestine  and  Asterius  of  Arabia k,  who  after  coming  in  their 
company,  separated  themselves  from  their  unbelief.  These 
came  to  the  holy  Council,  and  complained  of  the  violence  they 
had  suffered,  and  said  that  no  orthodox  act  proceeded  from 
them ;  adding  that  there  were  many  among  them  who  adhered 

1  Vid.  supr.  p.  31,  note  m.  p.  60.  ref.  the  Council  banished  by  Eusebian  in- 

4.  &c.  vol.  8.  p.  74,  note  d.  About  Ste-  fluence  into  upper  Libya,  where  they 

phanus,  vid.  infr.  Hist.  Arian.  §.  20.  suffered  extreme  ill  usage,  vid.  infr. 

k  These  two  Bishops  were  soon  after  Hist.  Arian.  §.  18. 

Digitized  by  Google 

qf  the  Council  qf  Sardica. 


to  the  true  doctrine,  but  were  prevented  by  those  men  from  Tm.  IT. 
coining  hither,  by  means  of  the  threats  and  promises  which  48> 
they  held  out  to  those  who  wished  to  separate  from  them. 
On  this  account  it  was  that  they  were  so  anxious  that  all 
should  abide  in  one  dwelling,  and  would  not  suffer  them  to 
be  by  themselves  even  for  the  shortest  space  of  time. 

28.  Since  then  it  became  us  not  to  hold  our  peace,  nor  to  §.  49. 
pass  over  unnoticed  their  calumnies,  imprisonments,  murders, 
scourgings,  conspiracies  by  means  of  forged  letters,  outrages, 
stripping  of  the  virgins,  banishments,  destruction  of  the 
Churches,  burnings,  translations  from  small  cities  to  larger 
dioceses,  and  above  all,  the  rising  of  the  accursed  Arian  heresy 

by  their  means  against  the  orthodox  faith ;  we  have  therefore 
pronounced  our  dearly  beloved  brethren  and  fellow-ministers 
Athanasius,  Marcellus,  and  Asclepas,  and  those  who  minister 
tothe  Lord  with  them,  to  be  innocent  and  clear  of  offence, 
and  have  written  to  the  diocese  of  each,  that  the  people  of 
each  Church  may  know  the  innocence  of  their  own  Bishop, 
and  may  esteem  him  as  their  Bishop  and  expect  his  coming. 

29.  And  as  for  those  who  like  wolves 1  have  invaded  their 1 
Churches,  Gregory  at  Alexandria,  Basil  at  Ancyra,  anda^*20' 
Quintianus  at  Gaza,  let  them  neither  give  them  the  title  of 
Bishop,  nor  hold  any  communion  at  all  with  them,  nor 
receive  letters*  from  them,  nor  write  to  them.    And  for* p. 8. 
Theodoras,  Narcissus,  Acacius,  Stephanus,  Ursacius,  Valens, n  8" 
Menophantus,  and  George,  although  the  last  from  fear  did 

not  come  from  the  East,  yet  because  he  was  degraded  by 
the  blessed  Alexander,  and  because  both  he  and  the  others 
were  connected  with  the  Arian  fanaticism,  as  well  as  on 
account  of  the  charges  which  lie  against  them,  the  holy 
Council  has  unanimously  deposed  them  from  the  Episcopate, 
and  we  have  decided  that  they  not  only  are  not  Bishops,  but 
that  they  are  unworthy  of  holding  communion  with  the 

30.  For  they  who  separate  the  Son  and  alienate  the  Word 
from  the  Father,  ought  themselves  to  be  separated  from  the 
Catholic  Church  and  to  be  alien  from  the  Christian  name. 
Let  them  therefore  be  anathema  to  you,  because  they  have 
adulterated  the  word  of  truth.    It  is  an  Apostolic  injunction, 

If  any  man  preach  any  otherGospel  unto  you  than  that  ye  have  Gai.1,9. 

Digitized  by 

76  Subscriptions  to  the  Letter 

Apol.  received,  let  him  be  accursed.    Charge  your  people  that  no 
—  Ar*  one  hold  communion  with  them,  for  there  is  no  communion 
of  light  with  darkness;  put  away  from  you  all  these,  for 
3  Cor.  6,  there  is  no  concord  of  Christ  with  Belial.    And  take  heed, 

14  15 

dearly  beloved,  that  ye  neither  write  to  them,  nor  receive 
letters  from  them;  but  desire  rather,  brethren  and  fellow- 
ministers,  as  being  present  in  spirit  with  our  Council,  to 
assent  to  our  judgments  by  your  subscriptions1,  to  the  end 
that  concord  may  be  preserved  by  all  our  fellow -ministers 
every  where.  May  Divine  Providence  protect  and  keep 
you,  dearly  beloved  brethren,  in  sanctification  and  joy. 

I,  Hosius,  Bishop,  have  subscribed  this,  and  all  the  rest 

31.  This  is  the  letter  which  the  Council  of  Sardica  sent  to 
those  who  were  unable  to  attend,  and  they  on  the  other  hand 
gave  their  judgment  in  accordance;  and  the  following  are  the 
names  both  of  those  Bishops  who  subscribed  in  the  Council, 
and  of  the  others  also. 
§.  50.      Hosius  of  Spain m,  Julius  of  Rome  by  his  Presbyters 
Archidamus  and  Philoxenus,  Protogenes  of  Sardica,  Gau- 
i  of  Ra-  dentius,Macedonius,  Severus1,  PraBtextatuss,Ursiciuss,Lucil- 
lof^.lus4,  Eugenius,  Vitalius,  Calepodius,  Florentius5,  Bassus,  Vin- 
3  of  Bre  cent*us*>  Stercorius,Palladius,Domitianus,Chalbis,Gerontius, 
scia.   "  Protasius 7,  Eulogus,  Porphyrius  8,  Dioscorus,  Zozimus,  Janua- 
ronaT6"  r*us'  ^ozimus,  Alexander,  Eutychius,  Socrates,  Diodorus,  Mar- 
*  of  Me-  tyrius,  Eutherius,  Eucarpus,  Athenodorus,  Irenaeus,  Julianus, 
"ofba-  Alypius,  Jonas,  Aetius9,  Restitutus,  Marcellinus,  Aprianus, 
nua,  Vitalius,Valens,Hermogenes,Castus,Domitianus,Fortunatius10, 
lan.  !"  Marcus,  Annianus,  Heliodorus,  Musaeus,  Asterius,  Paregorius, 



10  kpj?**  1  In  like  manner  the  Council  of  Chal-  even  before  Protogenes,  Bishop  of  the 
*  °  1  '  cedon  was  confirmed  by  as  many  as   place.  Basnage,  Ann.  347.  5.  Febro 

io  of  A 

470  subscriptions,  according  to  Ephrem,  nius  considers  that  Hosius  signed  here 

(Phot.  Bibl.  p.  801.)  by  1600  accord-  and  at  Niccea,  as  a  sort  of  represen- 

ing  to  Eulogius,  (ibid.  p.  877.)  i.  e.  of  tative  of  the  civil,  and  the  Legates  of  the 

Bishops,  Archimandrites,  &c.  ecclesiastical  supremacy,  de  Stat.  Eccl. 

a  Hosius  is  called  by  Athan.  the  vi.  4.  And  so  Thomassin,  "  Imperator 

father  and  the  president  of  the  Council,  velut  exterior  Episcopus :  pnefuit  autem 

Hist.  Arian.  15.  16*  Roman  contro-  summus  Pontifex,  ut  Episcopus  into- 

versialists  here  explain  why  Hosius  rior."  Dissert,  in  Cone.  x.  14.  The 

does  not  sign  himself  as  the  Pope's  Pope  never  attended  in  person  the 

legate,  De  Marc.  Concord,  v.  4.  Alter.  Eastern   Councils.    Su  Leo  excuses 

Dissert,  ix.  and  Protestants  why  his  himself  on  the  plea  of  its  being  against 

legates  rank  before  all  the  other  Bishops,  usage.  Epp.  37.  and  93, 

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of  the  Council  of  Sardica. 


Pfotarchus,  Hymenaeus,  Athanasius,  Lucius,  Amantius,  Arius,Tm.  II. 
iscJepius,  Dionysius,  Maximus1,  Tryphon,  Alexander,  Anti-^j^ 
gonus,  iElianus,  Petrus,  Symphorus,  Musonius,  Eutychus,ca. 
Philologius,  Spudasius,  Zozimus,  Patricius,  Adolius,  Sa- 

From  Gaul  the  following;    Maximianus*,  VerissimusV0' 
Victuras,  Valentinus4,  Desiderius,  Eulogius,  Sarbatius,  Dys-a^  Ly- 
colius,  Severinus5,  Satyrus,  Martinus,  Paulus,  Optatianus,J°"« 
Nicasius,  Victor6,  Sempronius,  Valerinus,  Pacatus,  Jesses,  Aries. 
Ariston,  Simplicius,  Metianus,  Amantus7,  Amillianus,  Justini- fl<^eM# 
anus,  Victorinus8,  Saturnilus,  Abundantius,   Donatianus,  Wonn§. 

From  Africa ;  Nessus,  Gratus9,  Megasius,  Coldseus,  ^g*"^^*- 
tianus,  Consortius,  Rufinus,  Manninus,  Cessilianus,  Heren-thage. 
nianus,  Marianus,  Valerius,  Dynamius,  Myzonius,  Justus, 
Celestinus,  Cyprianus,  Victor,  Honoratus,  Marinus,  Panta- 
gathus,  Felix,  Bandius,  Liber,  Capito,  Minervalis,  Cosmus, 
Victor,  Hesperio,  Felix,  Severianus,  Optantius,  Hesperus, 
Fidentius,  Salustius,  Paschasius. 

From  Egypt ;  Liburnius,  Amantius,  Felix,  Ischyrammon, 
Romulus,  Tiberinus,  Consortius,  Heraclides,  Fortunatius, 
Dioscorus,  Fortunatianus,  Bastamon,  Datyllus,  Andreas, 
Serenus,  Arius,  Theodorus,  Evagoras,  Helias,  Timotheus, 
Orion,  Andronicus,  Paphnutius,  Hennias,  Arabion,  Pseno- 
siris,  Apollonius,  Muis,  Sarapampon 10,  Philo,  Philippus, 10  p.  63, 
Apollonius,  Paphnutius,  Paulus,  Dioscorus,  Nilammon,  °* 
Serenus,  Aquila,  Aotas,  Harpocration,  Isac,  Theodorus,  $•  78. 
Apollos,  Ammonianus,  Nilus,  Heraclius,  Arion,  Athas, 
Arsenius,  Agathammon,  Theon,  Apollonius,  Helias,  Pani- 
nuthius,  Andragathius,  Nemesion,  Sarapion,  Ammonius, 
Ammonius,  Xenon,  Gerontius,  Quintus,  Leonides,  Sempro- 
nianus,  Philo,  Heraclides,  Hieracys,  Rufus,  Pasophius, 
Macedonius,  Apollodorus,  Flavianus,  Psaes,  Syrus,  Apphus, 
Sarapion,  Esaias,  Paphnutius,  Timotheus,  Elurion,  Gaius, 
Musaeus,  Pistus,  Heraclammon,  Hero,  Helias,  Anagamphus, 
Apollonius,  Gaius,  Philotas,  Paulus,  Tithoes,  Eudaemon, 

Those  in  the  cross  roads"  of  Italy  are,  Probatius,  Viator, 

n  •j'ifrj  x«y*x;y  r«*lT«x/*f.  "  Ca-  verum  via  transversa,  qua  iD  regiam 
nalis  est,  non  via  regia  aut  militaris,   seu  basilicam  influit,  quasi  aqua  cana- 



Apoi.  Facundinus,  Joseph,  Numedius,  Sperantius,  Severus,  Hera- 
ka.  An.  c)janu8>  Faustinus,  Antoninus,  Heraclius,  Vitalius,  Felix, 
Crispinus,  Paulianus. 

From  Cyprus ;  Auxibius,  Photius,  Gerasius,  Aphrodisius, 
Irenicus,  Nunechius,  Atbanasius,  Macedonius,  Triphyllius, 
Spyridon,  Norbanus,  Sosicrates. 

From  Palestine ;  Maximus,  Aetius,  Arius,  Theodosius, 
Germanus,  Silvanus,  Paulus,  Claudius,  Patricius,  Elpidius, 
Germanus,  Eusebius,  Zenobius,  Paulus,  Petrus. 

These  are  the  names  of  those  who  subscribed  to  the  acts 
of  the  Council ;  but  there  are  very  many  beside,  out  of  Asia, 
lp.  60.  Phrygia,  and  Isauria1,  who  wrote  in  my  behalf  before  this 
Council  was  held,  and  whose  names,  nearly  sixty-three  in 
number,  may  be  found  in  their  own  letters.  They  amount 
altogether  to  three  hundred  and  forty-four  °. 

lis  in  alveum."  Gothofred.  in  Cod. 
Theod.  vi.  de  Curiosis,  p.  196.  who 
illustrates  the  word  at  length.  Du 
Cange  on  the  contrary,  m  voc.  explains 
it  of  "  the  high  road."  Tillemont  pro- 
fesses himself  unable  to  give  a  satis- 
factory sense  to  it.  vol.  viii.  p.  685. 

0  There  is  great  uncertainty  what 
was  the  actual  number  of  Bishops  pre- 
sent at  the  Council.  Athan.  Hist 
Arian.  $.  16.  says  170,  while  Theodoret 
names  260.  Hist  ii.  6.  If  the  West- 
ern Bishops,  whose  signatures  are  given 
by  Athan.  in  the  text  to  the  number  of 
163,  were  all  present,  it  might  have 
been  conjectured  that  he  was  speaking 

of  the  Western  only ;  but  he  expressly 
includes  the  Eastern.  In  that  case, 
subtracting  the  73  or  80  Eusebians, 
so  small  a  majority  of  orthodox  remains, 
that  it  is  incredible,  considering  the  no- 
torious dexterity  and  unscrupulousness 
of  the  Eusebians  in  Synodal  meetings, 
that  they  should  have  been  obliged  to 
secede.  Athan.  says,  supr.  §.  1.  that 
the  Letter  of  the  Council  was  signed  in 
all  by  more  than  300.  It  will  be  ob- 
served, that  Athan.'s  numbers  in  the 
text  do  not  accurately  agree  with  each 
other.  The  subscriptions  enumerated 
are  284,  to  which  63  being  added, 
make  a  total  of  347,  not  344. 

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1.  When  the  most  religious  Emperor  Constantius  heard  of  §.  51. 
these  things,  he  sent  for  me,  having  written  privately  to  his 
brother  Constans  of  blessed  memory,  and  to  me  three  several 
times  in  the  following  terms. 

2.  Constantius  Victor  Augustus  to  Athanasius. 

Our  benignant  clemency  will  not  suffer  you  to  be  any 
longer  tempest-tossed  by  the  wild  waves  of  the  sea ;  for  our 
unwearied  piety  has  not  lost  sight  of  you,  while  you  have 
been  bereft  of  your  native  home,  deprived  of  your  goods,  and 
have  been  wandering  in  savage  wildernesses.  And  although 
1  have  for  a  long  time  deferred  expressing  by  letter  the 
purpose  of  my  mind  concerning  you,  principally  because  I 
expected  that  you  would  appear  before  us  of  your  own 
accord,  and  would  seek  a  relief  of  your  sufferings ;  yet  foras- 
much as  fear,  it  may  be,  has  prevented  you  from  fulfilling 
your  intentions,  we  have  therefore  addressed  to  your  fortitude 
letters  full  of  our  bounty,  to  the  end  that  you  may  use  all 
speed  and  without  fear  present  yourself  in  our  presence, 
thereby  to  obtain  the  enjoyment  of  your  wishes,  and  that,  having 
experience  of  our  grace,  you  may  be  restored  again  to  your 
friends.  For  this  purpose  I  have  besought  my  Lord  and 
brother  Constans  Victor  Augustus  in  your  behalf,  that  he 
would  give  you  permission  to  come,  in  order  that  you  may 
be  restored  to  your  country  with  the  consent  of  us  both, 
receiving  this  as  a  pledge  of  our  favour. 

3.  The  Second  Letter. 

Although  we  made  it  very  plain  to  you  in  a  former  letter 
that  you  may  without  hesitation  come  to  our  Court,  because 

Digitized  by 

80       Letters  of  Comtantiu*  in  favour  of  Athanasius. 

Apol.  we  greatly  wished  to  send  you  home,  yet,  we  have  further  sent 
AO*  AR*this  present  letter  to  your  fortitude,  to  exhort  you  without 
any  distrust  or  apprehension,  to  place  yourself  in  the  public 
1  Gothof.  conveyances  *,  and  to  hasten  to  us,  that  you  may  enjoy  the 
Theod.  fulfilment  of  your  wishes. 

viii.  5. 
p.  607. 

4.  The  Third  Letter. 

Our  pleasure  was,  while  we  abode  at  Edessa,  and  your 
Presbyters  were  there,  that,  on  one  of  them  being  sent  to 
you,  you  should  make  haste  to  come  to  our  Court,  in  order 
that  you  might  see  our  face,  and  straightway  proceed  to 
Alexandria.  But  as  a  long  period  has  elapsed  since  you 
received  letters  from  us,  and  you  have  not  yet  come,  we  are 
therefore  desirous  to  remind  you  again,  that  you  may  endea- 
vour to  present  yourself  before  us  with  all  speed,  and  so  may 
be  restored  to  your  country,  and  obtain  the  accomplishment 
of  your  prayers.  And  for  your  fuller  information  we  have 
sent  Achitas  the  Deacon,  from  whom  you  will  be  able  to 
learn  our  earnest  desires  concerning  you,  and  that  you  may 
now  secure  the  objects  of  your  prayers. 

5.  Such  was  the  tenour  of  the  Emperor's  letter;  on  receiving 
which  I  went  up  to  Rome  to  bid  farewell  to  the  Church  and 
the  Bishop :  for  I  was  at  Aquileia  when  it  was  written.  The 
Church  was  filled  with  all  joy,  and  the  Bishop  Julius  rejoiced 
with  me  in  my  return  and  wrote  to  the  Church1";  and  as  I 
passed  along,  the  Bishops  of  every  place  sent  me  on  my  way 
in  peace.    The  letter  of  Julius  was  as  follows. 

P  "  They  acquainted  Julias  the 
Bishop  of  Borne  with  their  case ;  and 
he,  according  to  the  prerogative 
pi*)  of  the  Church  in  Borne,  fortified 
them  with  letters  in  which  he  spoke  his 
mind,  and  sent  them  hack  to  the  East, 
restoring  each  to  his  own  place,  and 
remarking  on  those  who  had  violently 
deposed  them.  They  then  set  out  from 
Borne,  and  on  the  strength  (fatfouvru) 
of  the  letters  of  Bishop  Julius,  take 
possession  of  their  Churches."  Socr.  ii. 
16.  It  must  he  observed,  that  in  the 
foregoing  sentence  Socrates  has  spoken 
of  u  imperial  Borne."  Sozomen  says, 
"  Whereas  the  care  of  all  (xtihfw'w$) 

pertained  to  him  on  account  of  the 
dignity  of  his  see,  he  restored  each  to 
his  own  Church,  iii.  8.  "  I  answer," 
says  Barrow,  "  the  Pope  did  not  restore 
them  Judicially,  hut  declarativety,  that 
is,  declaring  his  approbation  of  their 
right  and  innocence,  did  admit  them 
to  communion. ..  .Besides,  the  Pope's 
proceeding  was  taxed,  and  protested 
against,  as  irregular;. ..  .and,  lastly, 
the  restitution  of  Athanasius  and  the 
other  Bishops  had  no  complete  effect, 
till  it  was  confirmed  by  the  synod  of 
Sardica,  backed  by  the  imperial  autho- 
rity." Suprem.  p.  360.  ed.  1836. 

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Letter  of  Pope  Juliu*  to  the  Alexandrians. 


6.  Julius  to  the  Presbyters,  Deacons,  and  people  abiding  atTB.  II. 

Alexandria.         *    *  5^53' 

§.  52. 

I  congratulate  you,  beloved  brethren,  that  you  now  behold 
Ihe  fruit  of  your  faith  before  your  eyes ;  for  any  one  may  see 
that  such  indeed  is  the  case  with  respect  to  my  brother  and 
fellow-Bishop  Athanasius,  whom  for  the  innocency  of  his 
life,  and  by  reason  of  your  prayers,  God  hath  restored  to  you 
again.   Wherefore  it  is  easy  to  perceive,  that  you  have 
continually  offered  tip  to  God  pure  prayers  and  full  of  love. 
Being  mindful  of  the  heavenly  promises,  and  of  the  con- 
versation that  leads  to  them,  which  you  have  learnt  from  the 
teaching  of  this  my  brother,  you  knew  certainly  and  were 
persuaded  by  the  right  faith  that  is  in  you,  that  he,  whom 
you  always  had  as  present  in  your  most  pious  minds,  would 
not  be  separated  from  you  for  ever.    Wherefore  there  is  no 
need  that  I  should  use  many  words  in  writing  to  you;  for 
your  faith  has  already  anticipated  whatever  I  could  say  to 
you,  and  has  by  the  grace  of  God  procured  the  accomplish- 
ment of  the  common  prayers  of  you  all.    Therefore,  I  repeat 
again,  I  congratulate  you,  because  you  have  preserved  youri  Athan 
souls  unconquered  in  the  faith;  and  I  also  congratulate  no  here 
less  my  brother  Athanasius,  in  that,  though  he  has  endured  £™*a 
many  afflictions,  he  has  at  no  time  been  forgetful  of  your  graph  in 
love  and  earnest  desires  towards  him.    For  although  for  apJ^" 
season  he  seemed  to  be  withdrawn  from  you  in  body,  yetgid,r  .. 
has  he  continued  to  live  as  always  present  with  you  in  spirit1. 23.° 

7.  Wherefore  he  returns  to  you  now  more  illustrious  than  §.  53. 
when  he  went  away  from  you.    Fire  tries  and  purifies  the 
precious  metals,  gold  and  silver :  but  how  can  one  describe 
the  worth  of  such  a  man,  who,  having  passed  victorious 
through  the  perils  of  so  many  tribulations,  is  now  restored  to 
you,  being  pronounced  innocent  not  by  my  voice  only,  but 
hy  the  voice  of  the  whole  Council*?    Receive  therefore, » p. fie, 
dearly  beloved  brethren,  with  all  godly  honour  and  rejoicing,  °°g0* 
your  Bishop  Athanasius,  together  with  those  who  have  been  note  p. 
partners  with  him  in  so  many  labours.    And  rejoice  that  you 
have  now  obtained  the  fulfilment  of  your  prayers,  after  that  in 
your  salutary  writings,  you  have  given  meat  and  drink  to  your 
Pastor,  who,  so  to  speak,  longed  and  thirsted  after  your 



Letters  of  Constantius 

Apol.  godliness.  For  while  he  sojourned  in  a  foreign  land,  you 
— : — :were  his  consolation;  and  you  refreshed  him  during  his 
persecutions  by  your  most  faithful  minds  and  spirits.  And 
it  delights  me  now  to  conceive  and  figure  to  my  mind  the 
joy  of  every  one  of  you  at  his  return,  and  the  pious  greetings 
of  the  multitude,  and  the  glorious  festivity  of  those  that  run 
to  meet  him.  What  a  day  will  that  be  to  you,  when  my 
brother  comes  back  again,  and  your  former  sufferings  termi- 
nate, and  his  much-prized  and  desired  return  inspires  you  all 
with  an  exhilaration  of  perfect  joy  !  .  The  like  joy  it  is  mine 
to  feel  in  a  very  great  degree,  since  it  has  been  granted  me 
by  God,  to  be  able  to  make  the  acquaintance  of  so  eminent 
a  man. 

8.  It  is  fitting  therefore  that  I  should  conclude  my  letter 
1  if#fr.  with  a  prayer1.  May  Almighty  God,  and  His  Son  our  Lord 
and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  afford  you  continual  grace,  giving 
you  a  reward  for  the  admirable  faith  which  you  displayed  in 
your  noble  confession  in  behalf  of  your  Bishop,  that  He  may 
impart  unto  you  and  unto  them  that  are  with  you,  both  here 
iCor.2,and  hereafter,  those  better  things,  which  eye  hath  not  seen, 
nor  ear  heard,  neither  hath  entered  into  the  heart  of  man, 
the  things  which  God  hath  prepared  for  them  that  love 
Him;  through  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  through  whom  to 
Almighty  God  be  glory  for  ever  and  ever.  Amen.  I  pray, 
dearly  beloved  brethren,  for  your  health  and  strength  in  the 

§.  54.  9.  The  Emperor,  when  I  came  to  him  with  these  letters, 
received  me  kindly,  and  sent  me  forward  to  my  country  and 
Church,  addressing  the  following  to  the  Bishops,  Presbyters, 
and  People. 

10.  Victor  Constantius,  Maximus,  Augustus,  to  the  Bishops 
and  Presbyters  of  the  Catholic  Church. 

The  most  reverend  Athanasius  has  not  been  deserted  by 
the  grace  of  God,  but  although  for  a  brief  season  he  was 
subjected  to  trials  to  which  human  nature  is  liable,  he  has 
obtained  from  the  superintending  Providence  such  an  answer 
to  his  prayers  as  was  meet,  and  is  restored  by  the  will  of  the 
Most  High,  and  by  our  sentence,  at  once  to  his  country  and 
to  the  Church,  over  which  by  divine  permission  he  presided. 

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to  the  Alexandrians,  fyc.  in  behalf  of  Athanasius;  83 

Wherefore,  in  accordance  with  this,  it  is  fitting  that  it  should  Tr.  II. 

be  provided  by  our  clemency,  that  all  the  decrees  which  have  &4>  — 
heretofore  been  passed  against  those  who  held  communion 
with  him,  be  now  consigned  to  oblivion,  and  that  all  sus- 
picions respecting  them  be  henceforward  set  at  rest,  and  that 
an  immunity,  such  as  the  Clergy  who  are  associated  with 
him  formerly  enjoyed,  be  duly  confirmed  to  them.  Moreover 
to  our  other  acts  of  favour  towards  him  we  have  thought  good 
to  add  the  following,  that  all  persons  of  the  sacred  catalogue 1 1  yid. 
should  understand,  that  an  assurance  of  safety  is  given  to  all  Antiqu. 
who  adhere  to  him,  whether  Bishops,  or  other  Clergy.  Andi-M-io. 
union  with  him  will  be  a  sufficient  guarantee,  in  the  case  of 
any  person,  of  an  upright  intention.    For  whoever,  acting  ac- 
cording to  a  better  judgment  and  part,  shall  choose  to  hold 
communion  with  him,  we  order,  in  imitation  of  that  Provi- 
dence which  has  already  gone  before,  that  all  such  should  have 
the  advantage  of  the  grace  which  by  the  will  of  the  Most 
High  is  now  offered  to  them  from  us.    May  God  preserve 

11.  Tlie  Second  Letter. 

Victor  Constantius,  Maximus,  Augustus,  to  the  people  of 
the  Catholic  Church  at  Alexandria. 

Desiring  as  we  do  your  welfare  in  all  respects,  and§.  55. 
knowing  that  you  have  for  a  long  time  been  deprived  of 
episcopal  superintendence,  we  have  thought  good  to  send 
back  to  you  your  Bishop  Athanasius,  a  man  known  to  all 
men  for  the  uprightness  that  is  in  him,  and  for  his  personal 
deportment.  Receive  him,  as  you  are  wont  to  receive  every 
one,  in  a  suitable  manner,  and,  putting  him  forth  as  your 
succour  in  your  prayers  to  God,  endeavour  to  preserve 
continually  that  unanimity  and  peace  according  to  the  order 
of  the  Church,  which  is  at  the  same  time  becoming  in  you, 
and  most  advantageous  for  us.  For  it  is  not  becoming  that 
any  dissension  or  faction  should  be  raised  among  you,  so 
subversive  of  the  prosperity  of  our  times.  We  desire  that 
this  offence  may  be  altogether  removed  from  you,  and  we 
exhort  you  to  continue  stedfastly  in  your  accustomed  prayers, 
and  to  make  him,  as  we  said  before,  your  advocate  and  helper 
towards  God.    So  that,  when  this  your  determination,  dearly 

g  2 

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84  and  to  Prefects  of  Egypt,  Thebais,  $c. 

A  pol.  beloved,  has  influenced  the  prayers  of  all  men,  even  the 
A°'  Ab-  heathen  who  are  still  addicted  to  the  false  worship  of  idols 

may  eagerly  desire  to  come  to  the  knowledge  of  our  sacred 


12.  Again  therefore  we  exhort  you  to  continue  in  these 
things,  and  gladly  to  receive  your  Bishop,  who  is  sent  back 
to  you  by  the  decree  of  the  Most  High,  and  by  our  desire, 
and  determine  to  greet  him  cordially  with  all  your  soul  and 
with  all  your  mind.  For  this  is  what  is  both  becoming  in 
you,  and  agreeable  to  our  clemency.  In  order  that  all 
occasion  of  excitement  and  sedition  may  be  taken  away  from 
those  who  are  maliciously  disposed,  we  have  by  letter  com- 
manded the  magistrates  who  are  among  you  to  subject  to  the 
vengeance  of  the  law  all  whom  they  find  to  be  factious. 
Wherefore  taking  into  consideration  both  these  things,  our 
desire  in  accordance  with  the  will  of  the  Most  High,  and  our 
regard  for  you  and  for  concord  among  you,  and  the  punish- 
ment that  awaits  the  disorderly,  observe  such  things  as  are 
proper  and  suitable  to  the  order  of  our  sacred  religion,  and 
receiving  the  fore-mentioned  Bishop  with  all  reverence  and 
honour,  take  care  to  offer  up  with  him  your  prayers  to  God, 
the  Father  of  all,  in  behalf  of  yourselves,  and  for  the  well- 
being  of  your  whole  lives. 

§.  56.  13.  Having  written  these  letters,  be  also  commanded  that 
the  decrees,  which  he  had  formerly  sent  out  against  me  in 
consequence  of  the  calumnies  of  the  Eusebians,  should  be 
abolished,  and  removed  from  out  the  Orders  of  the  Duke  aud 

1  mem-  the  Prefect  of  Egypt ;  and  Eusebius  the  Decurion 1  was  sent 

theCu- to  withdraw  them  from  the  Order-books.    His  letter  on  this 

ria  or    occasion  was  as  follows. 


'Prefect         14.  Victor,  Constantius,  Augustus,  to  Nestorius*. 
of  E- 

gypt,  (And  in  the  same  terms,  to  the  Governors  qf  Augustamnica, 
note  d. '  the  Thebaisy  and  Libya.) 

Whatever  Orders  are  found  to  have  been  passed  heretofore, 
tending  to  the  injury  and  dishonour  of  those  who  hold  com- 
munion with  the  Bishop  Athanasius,  we  wish  them  to  be  now 
erased.  For  we  desire  that  whatever  immunities  his  Clergy 
possessed  before,  they  should  again  possess  the  same.  And 

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Letter  of  Council  of  Jerusalem  in  behalf  of  Athanasius.  85 

ire  wish  this  our  Order  to  be  observed,  that  when  the  Bishop  Tr.  II. 
Athanasius  is  restored  to  his  Church,  those  who  hold  com-  661  57' 
munion  with  him  may  enjoy  the  immunities  which  they  have 
always  enjoyed,  and  which  the  rest  of  the  Clergy  enjoy ;  so 
that  they  may  have  the  satisfaction  of  being  on  an  equal 
footing  with  others. 

15.  Being  thus  set  forward  onmyjourney,asIpassed  through  §.  57. 
Syria,  I  met  with  the  Bishops  of  Palestine,  who  when  they 

had  called  a  Council1  at  Jerusalem,  received  me  courteously,1  Hist, 
and  themselves  also  sent  me  on  my  way  in  peace,  and  ad-^s™"1, 
dressed  the  following  letter  to  the  Church  and  the  Bishops. 

16.  The  Holy  Council,  assembled  at  Jerusalem,  to  the 
brethren  in  ministry  in  Egypt  and  Libya,  and  to  the  Pres- 
byters, Deacons,  and  People  at  Alexandria,  dearly  beloved 
brethren,  and  greatly  longed  for,  sends  health  in  the  Lord. 

We  cannot  give  worthy  thanks  to  the  God  of  all,  dearly 
beloved,  for  the  wonderful  things  which  He  has  done  at  all 
times,  and  especially  at  this  time  with  respect  to  your  Church, 
in  restoring  to  you  your  pastor  and  lord2,  and  our  fellow- *  x^**, 
minister  Athanasius.  For  who  ever  hoped  that  his  eyes  would  ^  p' 
see  what  you  are  now  actually  enjoying  ?  Of  a  truth,  your 
prayers  have  been  heard  by  the  God  of  all,  who  cares  for  His 
Church,  and  has  looked  upon  your  tears  and  groans,  and  has 
therefore  heard  your  petitions.  For  ye  were  as  sheep  scat- 
tered and  fainting,  not  having  a  shepherd.  Wherefore  the 
true  Shepherd,  who  careth  for  His  own  sheep,  has  visited 
you  from  heaven,  and  has  restored  to  you  him  whom  you 
desire.  Behold,  we  also,  being  ready  to  do  all  things  for  the 
peace  of  the  Church,  and  being  prompted  by  the  same 
affection  as  yourselves,  have  saluted  him  before  you;  and 
communicating  with  you  through  him,  we  send  you  these 
greetings,  and  our  offering  of  thanksgiving,  that  you  may 
know  that  you  are  united  in  one  bond  of  love  with  him  and 
with  us.  You  are  bound  to  pray  also  for  the  piety  of  our 
most  religious  Emperors,  who,  when  they  knew  your  earnest 
longings  after  him,  and  his  innocency,  determined  to  restore 
him  to  you  with  all  honour.  Wherefore  receive  him  with 
uplifted  lfands,  and  take  good  heed  that  you  offer  up  due 
thanksgivings  on  his  behalf  to  God  who  has  bestowed  these 
blessings  upon  you ;  so  that  you  may  continually  rejoice 



86  Retractation  of  Ursacius  and  Valens 

Apol.  with  God  and  glorify  our  Lord,  in  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord, 
AG'  Ab'  through  whom  to  the  Father  be  glory  for  ever.  Amen. 

1 7.  I  have  set  down  here  the  names  of  those  who  subscribed 
1  p.  78.  this  letter,  although  I  have  mentioned  them  before l.  They 
2Theo-  are  these;  Maximus,  Aetius,  Arius,  Theodoras2,  Germanus, 
^p"s>  Silvanus,  Paulus,  Patricius,  Elpidius,  Germanus,  Eusebius, 
3  not  Zenobius,  Paulus,  Macrinus3,  Petrus,  Claudius. 
^P58  Wken  Ursacius  and  Valens  witnessed  these  proceed- 

ings, they  forthwith  condemned  themselves  for  what  they  had 
done,  and  going  up  to  Rome,  confessed  their  crime,  declared 
4vid.    themselves  penitent,  and  sought  forgiveness4,  addressing  the 
notei.  following  letters  to  Julius  Bishop  of  ancient  Rome,  and  to 
myself.    Copies  of  them  were  sent  to  me  from  Paulinus, 
5T<#e*,,  Bishop  of  Tibur  \ 

Paul  r 

P*       j  Translation  from  the  Latin  of  a  Letter6  to  Julius,  con- 
cerning the  recantation  of  Ursacius  and  Valens\ 

7gPP* p*       Ursacius  and  Valens  to  the  most  blessed  Lord7,  Pope 

6  Hist.  Julius. 

25.  26.      Whereas  it  is  well  known  that  we  have  heretofore  in  letters 
infr.     laid  mauy  grievous  charges  against  the  Bishop  Athanasiiis, 
p'       and  whereas,  when  we  were  corrected  by  the  letters  of  your 
9xc****-  Goodness 8,  we  were  unable  to  render  an  account  of  our 
Tnrt     conduct,  by  reason  of  the  circumstance  which  we  notified 
unto  you;  we  do  now  confess  before  your  Goodness,  and 
in  the  presence  of  all  the  Presbyters  our  brethren,  that  ail 
the  reports  which  have  heretofore  come  to  your  hearing 
respecting  the  case  of  the  aforesaid  Athanasius,  are  false- 
hoods and  fabrications,  and  are  utterly  inconsistent  with  his 
character.    Wherefore  we  earnestly  desire  communion  with 
the  aforesaid  Athanasius,  especially  since  your  Piety,  with 
your  characteristic  generosity,  has  vouchsafed  to  pardon  our 

1  "  I  have  always  entertained  some  tion."  ch.  xxi.  note  118.  Surely  this 
doubts,"  says  Gibbon,  "  concerning  the  is  just  the  difference  of  tone  in  which  an 
retractation  of  Ursacius  and  Valens.  apology  is  made  to  a  superior,  and  to  an 
Their  Epistles  to  Julius  Bishop  of  equal  (aftiA^y),  except  by  very  gene- 
Rome,  and  to  Athanasius  himself,  are  rous,  or  by  deeply  repentant,  persons, 
of  so  different  a  cast  from  each  other,  Athan.'s  account  of  it,  infr.  p.  239,  r.  2. 
that  they  cannot  both  be  genuine.  The  is  quite  in  accordance.  It  will  be  ob- 
one  speaks  the  language  of  criminals,  served  too  that  they  appear  to  have 
who  confess  their  guilt  and  infamy ;  made  their  peace  with  Rome  with  the 
the  other  of  enemies,  who  solicit  on  view  of  being  defended  by  the  Pope 
equal  terms  an  honourable  reconcilia-  against  Athanasius. 

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in  favour  of  Athanasius. 


error.    But  we  also  declare,  that  if  at  any  time  the  Eastern  Tb.  II. 
Bishops,  or  Athanasius  himself,  with  an  evil  intent,  should  M* 
wish  to  bring  us  to  judgment  for  this  offence,  we  will  not 
attend  contrary  to  your  judgment  and  desire.    And  as  for 
the  heretic  Arius  and  his  supporters,  who  say  that  once  the 
Son  was  not,  and  that  the  Son  is  made  of  that  which  was 
not,  and  who  deny  that  Christ  is  God1  and  the  Son  of  God"  not  in 
before  the  worlds,  we  anathematize  them  both  now  and  for1**"1, 
evermore,  as  also  we  set  forth  in  our  former  declaration  at 
Milan2.    We  have  written  this  with  our  own  hands,  and  we * A.D. 
profess  again,  that  we  have  renounced  for  ever,  as  we  said^'/' 
before,  the  Arian  heresy  and  its  authors. 

I  Ursacius  subscribed  this  my  confession  in  person;  and 
likewise  I  Valens. 

20.  Ursacius  and  Valens,  Bishops,  to  their  Lord3  and  Brother, 3 

the  Bishop  Athanasius.  p.  95. 

Having  an  opportunity  of  sending  by  our  brother  and 
fellow  Presbyter  Musaeus,  who  is  coming  to  your  Charity,  we 
salute  you  affectionately,  dearly  beloved  brother,  through 
him,  from  Aquileia,  and  pray  you,  being  as  we  trust  in 
health,  to  read  our  letter.  You  will  also  give  us  confidence, 
if  you  will  return  to  us  an  answer  in  writing.  For  know  that 
we  are  at  peace  with  you,  and  in  communion  with  the 
Church,  of  which  the  salutation  prefixed  to  this  letter  is  a 
proof.  May  Divine  Providence  preserve  you,  my  Lord4,  our 4 
dearly  beloved  brother ! 

21.  Such  were  their  letters,  and  such  the  sentence  and  the 
judgment  of  the  Bishops  in  my  behalf.  But  in  order  to 
prove  that  they  did  not  act  thus  to  ingratiate  themselves,  or 
under  compulsion5,  in  any  quarter,  I  desire,  with  your  permis-  *  p- 
rion,to  recount  the  whole  matter  from  the  beginning,  so  thatnote 
you  may  perceive  that  the  Bishops  wrote  as  they  did  with 
upright  and  just  intentions,  and  that  Ursacius  and  Valens, 
though  they  were  slow  to  do  so,  at  last  confessed  the  truth. 

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« Second  CHAP.  V.1 

part  of 



§.  59.     1.  Peter  was  Bishop  among  us  before  the  persecution,  and 
during  the  course  of  it  he  suffered  martyrdom.  When 
Meletius,  who  held  the  title  of  Bishop  in  Egypt,  was  con- 
victed of  many  crimes,  and  among  the  rest  of  offering 
sacrifice  to  idols,  Peter  deposed  him  in  a  general  Council  of 
the  Bishops.     Whereupon  Meletius  did  not  appeal  to 
another  Council,  or  attempt  to  justify  himself  before  those 
who  should  come  after,  but  made  a  schism,  so  that  they  who 
espoused  his  cause  are  even  yet  called  Meletians  instead  of 
^°i8o"  Christians8.    He  began  immediately  to  revile  the  Bishops, 
note  L  and  made  false  accusations,  first  against  Peter  himself,  and 
after  him  against  Achillas,  and  after  Achillas  against  Alex- 
3ad  Ep.  ander5.  And  he  thus  practised  craftily,  following  the  example 
22.rapr.of  Absalom,  to  the  end  that,  as  he  was  disgraced  by  his 
P#  29,    deposition,  he  might  by  his  calumnies  mislead  the  minds  of 
the  simple.    While  Meletius  was  thus  employed,  the  Arian 
heresy  arose,  and  in  the  Council  of  Nicaea,  when  that  heresy 
was  anathematized,  and  the  Arians  were  excommunicated, 
the  Meletians  on  whatever  grounds'  (for  it  is  not  necessary  now 
to  mention  the  reasons  of  this  proceeding)  were  received 
into  the  Church.    Five  months  however  had  not  elapsed 
when  the  blessed  Alexander  died,  and  the  Meletians,  who 
ought  to  have  remained  quiet,  and  to  have  been  grateful  that 
vid.  2    they  were  received  on  any  terms,  like  dogs  unable  to  forget 
Pet.  2,  ^eir  vomit,  began  again  to  trouble  the  Churches. 

r  Meletius  had  the  name  of  Bishop  Alexander  had  ordained,  and  performed 

secured  to  him,  but  was  interdicted  no  ecclesiastical  act  without  leave  of  the 

from  all  Episcopal  functions.   Those  Catholic  Bishop;  but  when  the  Catholic 

who  had  been  ordained  by  him  were  re-  Bishop  in  each  place  died,  they  were 

ceived  to  communion  and  allowed  to  to  be  considered  capable  of  succeeding, 

continue  in  ministerial  duties,  on  con-  A  than,  speaks  more  openly  against  this 

dition  that  they  gave  precedence  in  their  arrangement  infr,  §.  71.  vid,  vol*  viii. 

own  Church  or  Diocese  to  those  whom  p.  181,  note  g. 

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CoaUtum  of  the  Meletians  with  the  Eusebians. 


2.  Upon  learning  this,  Eusebius,  who  had  the  lead  in  the  T*.  II. 
Arian  heresy,  sends  and  bribes  the  Meletians  with  large  W'  *°' 
promises,  becomes  their  secret  friend,  and  arranges  with 
them  for  their  assistance  on  any  occasion  when  he  might 
wish  for  it.    At  first  he  sent  to  me,  urging  me  to  admit  the 
Arians  to  communion 1,  and  threatening  me  in  his  verbal  com* 1  *4  Eg. 
munications,  which  he  requested  me  in  his  letters.  And  when  1 
I  refused,  declaring  that  it  was  not  right  that  those  who  had 
invented  heresy  contrary  to  the  truth,  and  had  been  anathe- 
matized by  the  Ecumenical  *  Council,  should  be  admitted  to  *  rapr. 
communion,  he  caused  the  Emperor  also,  Constantine,  o{\J*™ 
blessed  memory,  to  write  to  me,  threatening  me,  in  case  I P- 
should  not  receive  the  Arians,  with  those  afflictions,  which  I 
have  before  undergone,  and  which  I  am  still  suffering.  The 
following  is  a  part  of  his  letter.    Syncletius  and  Gaudentius, 
officers  of  the  palace5,  were  the  bearers  of  it.  » **ju- 

3.  Part  of  a  Letter  from  the  Emperor  Constantine.  Com*.** 

Having  therefore  knowledge  of  my  will,  grant  free  ad-**19, 
mission  to  all  who  wish  to  enter  into  the  Church.  For  if  I 
learn  that  you  have  hindered  or  excluded  any  who  claim  to 
be  admitted  into  communion  with  the  Church,  I  will  im- 
mediately send  some  one  who  shall  depose  you  by  my 
command,  and  shall  remove  you  from  your  place. 

4.  When  upon  this  I  wrote  and  endeavoured  to  convince  §.  60. 
the  Emperor,  that  that  anti-Christian4  heresy  had  no  com- 4 
munion  with  the  Catholic  Church,  Eusebius  forthwith, 
availing  himself  of  the  occasion  which  he  had  agreed  upon  P*  6> 
with  the  Meletians,  writes  and  persuades  them  to  invent 
some  pretext,  so  that,  as  they  had  practised  against  Peter 
and  Achillas  and  Alexander,  they  might  also  lay  a  plot  for 
me,  and  might  spread  abroad  reports  to  my  prejudice. 
Accordingly,  after  seeking  for  a  long  time,  and  rinding 
nothing,  they  at  last  agree  together,  with  the  advice  of  the 
Eusebians,  and  fabricate  their  first  accusation  by  means  of 
Ision,  Eudaemon,  and  Callinicus5,  respecting  the  linen  vest-4infr. 
ments6,  to  the  effect  that  I  had  imposed  a  law  upon  thef'j^^ 
Egyptians,  and  had  required  its  observance  of  them  first.  *^.ec" 
But  when  certain  Presbyters  of  mine  were  found  to  beastJoal, 
present,  and  the  Emperor  took  cognizance  of  the  matter,  can^? 

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Letters  qf  Constantine  to  the  Alexandrians 

A  pol.  they  were   condemned,  (the   Presbyters   were   Apis  and 
AG- An-  Macarion,)  and  the  Emperor  wrote,  condemning  Ision,  and 
ordering  me  to  appear  before  him.    His  letters  were  as 

'they     follows1.  *  *  * 

are  08  5.  Eusebius,  having  intelligence  of  this,  persuades  them  to 
wait;  and  when  I  arrive,  they  next  accuse  Macarius  of 
breaking  the  chalice,  and  bring  against  me  the  most  heinous 
accusation  possible,  viz.  that,  being  an  enemy  of  the 
Emperor,  I  had  sent  a  purse  of  gold  to  one  Philamenus. 
The  Emperor  therefore  heard  us  on  this  charge  also  in 

*  suburb  Psammathia*,  when  they,  as  usual,  were  condemned,  and 

media,  driven  from  the  presence ;  and,  as  I  returned,  he  wrote  the 

*nf^     following  letter  to  the  people. 

6.  Constantine  Maximus,  Augustus,  to  the  people  of  the 
Catholic  Church  at  Alexandria. 

§.61.  Dearly  beloved  brethren,  I  greet  you  well,  calling  upon 
God,  who  is  the  chief  witness  of  my  good-will  towards  you, 
and  on  the  Only-begotten,  the  Author  of  our  Law,  who  is 
Sovereign  over  the  lives  of  all  men,  and  who  hates  dis 
sensions.  But  what  shall  1  say  to  you  ?  That  1  am  in  good 
health  ?  Nay,  but  I  should  be  able  to  enjoy  better  health 
and  strength,  if  you  were  possessed  with  mutual  love  one 
towards  another,  and  had  rid  yourselves  of  your  enmities, 
through  which,  in  consequence  of  the  storms  excited  by 
contentious  men,  we  have  left  the  haven  of  brotherly  love. 
Alas !  what  perverseness  is  this !  What  evil  consequences 
are  produced  every  day  by  the  tumult  of  envy  which  has 
been  stirred  up  among  you !  Hence  it  is  that  an  evil 
character  attaches  to  the  people  of  God.  Whither  has  the 
faith  of  righteousness  departed  ?  For  we  are  so  involved  in 
the  mists  of  darkness,  not  only  through  manifold  errors,  but 
through  the  faults  of  ungrateful  men,  that  we  bear  with  those 
who  favour  folly,  and  though  we  are  aware  of  them,  take  no 
heed  of  those  who  beat  down  goodness  and  truth.  What 
strange  inconsistency  is  this !  We  do  not  convict  our 
enemies,  but  we  follow  the  example  of  robbery  which  they 
set  us,  whereby  the  most  pernicious  errors,  finding  no  one  to 
oppose  them,  easily,  if  I  may  so  speak,  make  a  way  for 
themselves.    Is  there  no  understanding  among  us,  for  the 

Digitized  by  Google 

in  behalf  of  Athanasius. 


credit  of  our  common  nature,  since  we  are  thus  neglectful  of  Tr.  II. 
tie  injunctions  of  the  Law  ?  61  - 62* 

7.  But  some  one  will  say,  that  that  mutual  love  which  nature 
prompts  is  exercised  among  us.  But,  I  ask,  how  is  it  that 
we  who  have  the  law  of  God  for  our  guide,  in  addition  to  the 
light  of  nature,  thus  tolerate  the  disturbances  and  disorders 
raised  by  our  enemies,  who  set  every  thing  in  a  flame,  as  it 
were,  with  firebrands  ?  How  is  it,  that  having  eyes,  we  see 
not,  neither  understand,  though  we  are  surrounded  by  the 
intelligence  of  the  law  ?  What  a  stupor  has  seized  upon  our 
senses,  that  we  are  thus  neglectfiil  of  ourselves,  although  God 
admonishes  us  of  these  things!  Is  it  not  an  intolerable 
calamity?  and  ought  we  not  to  esteem  such  men  as  our 
enemies,  and  not  the  household  and  people  of  God  ?  For 
they  are  infuriated  against  us,  desperate  as  they  are :  they  lay 
grievous  crimes  to  our  charge,  and  persecute  us  as  enemies. 

8.  And  I  would  have  you  yourselves  to  consider  with  what  §.  62. 
exceeding  madness  they  do  this.  The  foolish  men  carry 
their  maliciousness  at  their  tongues'  end.  They  carry 
about  with  them  a  sort  of  sullen  anger,  so  that,  by  way  of 
retaliation,  they  smite  one  another,  and  give  us  a  share  in 
the  punishment  which  they  inflict  upon  themselves.  The 
good  teacher  is  accounted  an  enemy,  while  he  who  clothes 
himself  with  the  vice  of  envy,  contrary  to  all  justice  makes 
his  gain  of  the  gentle  temper  of  the  people ;  he  ravages,  and 
consumes,  he  decks  himself  out,  and  recommends  himself 
with  false  praises ;  he  subverts  the  truth,  and  corrupts  the 
faith,  until  he  finds  out  a  hole  and  hiding  place  for  his 
conscience.  Thus  their  very  perverseness  makes  them 
wretched,  while  they  impudently  prefer  themselves  to  places 
of  honour,  however  unworthy  they  may  be.  Ah !  what  a 
mischief  is  this  !  they  say,  "  Such  an  one  is  too  old;  such  an 
one  is  a  mere  boy;  the  office  belongs  to  me;  it  is  due  to  me, 
since  it  is  taken  away  from  him.  T  will  gain  over  all  men  to 
my  side,  and  then  I  will  endeavour  with  my  power  to  ruin 
him."  Plain  indeed  is  this  proclamation  of  their  madness  to 
all  the  world ;  the  sight  of  companies,  and  gatherings,  and 
rowers  under  command1  in  their  offensive  cabals.  Alas!1 
what  preposterous  conduct  is  ours,  if  I  may  say  it !  Do  they  V"*' 
make  an  exhibition  of  their  folly  in  the  Church  of  God  ? 

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92  Fresh  movements  of  the  Meletians  in  aid  of  the  Eusebians. 

Apol.  And  are  they  not  yet  ashamed  of  themselves  ?  Do  they  not 
LQ' AB,yet  blame  themselves?  Are  they  not  smitten  in  their  con- 
sciences, so  that  they  now  at  length  shew  that  they  entertain 
a  proper  sense  of  their  deceit  and  contentiousness  ?  Theirs 
is  the  mere  force  of  envy,  supported  by  those  baneful  influ- 
ences which  naturally  belong  to  it.  But  those  wretches  have 
no  power  against  your  Bishop.  Believe  me,  brethren,  their 
endeavours  will  have  no  other  effect  than  this,  after  they 
have  worn  down  our  days,  to  leave  to  themselves  no  place  of 
repentance  in  this  life. 

9.  Wherefore  I  beseech  you,  lend  help  to  yourselves;  receive 
kindly  our  love,  and  with  all  your  strength  drive  away  those 
who  desire  to  obliterate  from  among  us  the  grace  of  unanimity ; 
and  looking  unto  God,  love  one  another.  I  received  gra- 
ciously your  Bishop  Athanasius,  and  addressed  him  in  such 
a  manner,  as  being  persuaded  that  he  was  a  man  of  God. 
It  is  for  you  to  understand  these  things,  not  for  me  to  judge 
of  them.  I  thought  it  becoming  that  the  most  Reverend 
Athanasius  himself  should  convey  my  salutation  to  you, 
knowing  his  kind  care  of  you,  which,  in  a  manner  worthy 
of  that  peaceable  faith  which  I  myself  profess,  is  continually 
engaged  in  the  good  work  of  declaring  saving  knowledge, 
and  will  be  furnished  with  a  word  of  exhortation  for  you* 
May  God  preserve  you,  dearly  beloved  brethren. 
Such  was  the  letter  of  Constantine. 
§.  68.  10.  After  these  occurrences  the  Meletians  remained  quiet  for 
some  time,  but  afterwards  shewed  their  hostility  again,  and 
contrived  the  following  plot,  with  the  aim  of  pleasing  those 
who  had  hired  their  services.  The  Mareotis  is  a  region  of 
Alexandria,  in  which  Meletius  was  not  able  to  make  a 
schism.  Now  while  the  Churches  still  existed  within  their 
appointed  limits,  and  all  the  Presbyters  had  congregations 
in  them,  and  while  the  people  were  living  in  peace,  a  certain 
^upr.  person  named  Ischyras1,  who  was  not  a  Clergyman,  but 
48*  62*  depraved  in  his  habits,  endeavoured  to  lead  astray  the  people 
of  his  own  village,  declaring  himself  to  be  a  Clergyman. 
Upon  learning  this,  the  Presbyter  of  the  place,  informed  me 
of  it  when  I  was  going  through  my  visitation  of  the  Churches, 
and  I  sent  Macarius  the  Presbyter  with  him  to  summon 
Ischyras.    They  found  him  sick  and  lying  in  his  cell,  and 

Digitized  by  Google 

Retractation  and  confession  of  Ischyras.  93 

charged  his  father  to  admonish  his  son  not  to  continue  Tk.  II. 
any  such  practices  as  had  been  reported  against  him.  But  —  64* 
when  he  recovered  from  his  sickness,  being  prevented  by 
his  friends  and  his  father  from  pursuing  the  same  course,  he 
fled  over  to  the  Meletians ;  and  they  communicate  with 
the  Eusebians,  and  at  last  that  calumny  is  invented  by 
them,  that  Macarius  had  broken  a  chalice,  and  that  a  certain 
Bishop  named  Arsenius  had  been  murdered  by  me.  Arsenius 
they  placed  in  concealment,  in  order  that  he  might  seem 
taken  off,  when  he  did  not  make  his  appearance ;  and  they 
carried  about  a  hand  pretending  that  he  had  been  cut  to 
pieces.  As  for  Ischyras,  whom  they  did  not  even  know, 
they  began  to  spread  a  report  that  he  was  a  Presbyter,  in 
order  that  what  he  said  about  the  chalice  might  mislead  the 
people.  Ischyras,  however,  being  censured  by  his  friends, 
came  to  me  weeping,  and  said  that  no  such  thing  as  they 
l*ad  reported  had  been  done  by  Macarius,  and  that  himself 
had  been  suborned  by  the  Meletians  to  invent  this  calumny. 
And  he  wrote  the  following  letter. 

1 1 .  To  the  Blessed  Pope 1  Athanasius,  Ischyras  sends  health  in 1  ▼»<!• 

the  Lord.  p°96>" 

As  when  I  came  to  you,  my  Lord*  Bishop,  desiring  to  be^g^ 
received  into  the  Church,  you  reproved  me  for  what  I*»4e«> 
formerly  said,  as  though  I  had  proceeded  to  such  lengths  of  jJJPr* p* 
my  own  free  choice,  I  therefore  submit  to  you  this  my 
apology  in  writing,  in  order  that  you  may  understand,  that 
violence  was  used  towards  me,  and  blows  inflicted  on  me  by 
Isaac  and  Heraclides,  and  Isaac  of  Letopolis,  and  those  of 
their  party.  And  I  declare,  and  take  God  as  my  witness  in 
this  matter,  that  of  none  of  the  things  which  they  have 
stated,  do  I  know  you  to  be  guilty.  For  no  breaking  of  a 
chalice  or  overturning  of  the  holy  Table  ever  took  place,  but 
they  compelled  me  by  their  violent  usage  to  assert  all  this. 
And  this  defence  I  make  and  submit  to  you  in  writing, 
desiring  and  claiming  for  myself  to  be  admitted  among  the 
members  of  your  congregation.  I  pray  that  you  may  have 
health  in  the  Lord. 

1*2.  I  submit  this  my  handwriting  to  you  the  Bishop  Athana- 
sius in  the  presence  of  the  Presbyters,  Ammonias  of  Dicella, 

Digitized  by 


Judicial  proceeding  about  Arsenius. 

Apol.  Heraclius  of  Phascus,  Boccon  of  Chenebris,  Achillas  of 
i±^'Myrsine,  Didymus  of  Taphosiris,  and  Justus,  from  Bomo- 
theus;  .and  of  the  Deacons,  Paul,  Peter,  and  Olynipius,  of 
Alexandria,  and  Ammonius,  Pistus,  Demetrius,  and  Gaius, 
of  the  Mareotis. 

§.  65.  13.  Notwithstanding  this  statement  of  Ischyras,  they  again 
spread  abroad  the  same  charges  against  me  every  where, 
and  also  reported  them  to  the  Emperor  Constantine.    He  had 

lvid.  heard  before  of  the  affair  of  the  chalice  in  Psammathia1, 
60*  when  I  was  there,  and  had  detected  the  falsehood  of  my 
enemies.  But  now  he  wrote  to  Antioch  to  Dalmatius"  the 
Censor,  requiring  him  to  institute  a  judicial  enquiry  respect- 
ing the  murder.  Accordingly  the  Censor  sent  me  notice  to 
prepare  for  my  defence  against  the  charge.  Upon  receiving 
his  letters,  although  at  first  I  paid  no  regard  to  the  thing, 
because  I  knew  that  nothing  of  what  they  said  was  true,  yet 
seeing  that  the  Emperor  was  moved,  I  wrote  to  my  brethren 
in  Egypt,  and  sent  a  deacon,  desiring  to  learn  something  of 
Arsenius,  for  I  had  not  seen  the  man  for  five  or  six  years. 
Well,  not  to  relate  the  matter  at  length,  Arsenius  was  found 
in  concealment,  in  the  first  instance  in  Egypt,  and  at  last 
my  friends  discovered  him  still  in  concealment  at  Tyre.  And 
what  was  most  remarkable,  even  when  he  was  discovered  he 
would  not  confess  that  he  was  Arsenius,  until  he  was  con- 
victed in  court  before  Paul,  who  was  then  Bishop  of  Tyre, 
and  at  last  out  of  very  shame  he  could  not  deny  it. 

14.  This  he  did  in  order  to  fulfil  his  contract  with  the  Euse- 
bians,  lest,  if  he  were  discovered,  the  game  they  were  playing 
should  at  length  be  broken  up;  which  in  fact  came  to  pass. 
For  when  I  wrote  the  Emperor  word,  that  Arsenius  was 
discovered,  and  reminded  him  of  what  he  had  heard  in 
Psammathia  concerning  Macarius  the  Presbyter,  he  stopped 
the  proceedings  of  the  Censor's  court,  and  wrote  condemning 
the  proceedings  against  me  as  calumnious,  and  commanded 

*  Dalmatius  was  the  name  of  father  crates  mistaken.  The  younger  D al- 
and son,  the  brother  and  nephew  of  matian  was  created  Ceesar  by  Constan- 
Constantine.  Socrates,  Hist.  i.  27.  tine  a  few  ye  its  before  his  death ;  and, 
gives  the  title  of  Censor  to  the  son  ;  as  well  as  his  brother  Hannibalian,  and 
but  the  Alexandrian  Chronicon  (accord-  a  number  of  other  relatives,  was  put  to 
ing  to  Tillemont,  Empereurs,  vol.  4.  p.  death  by  Constantius,  or  his  ministers 
667.)  gives  it  to  the  father.  Valesius,  and  the  soldiery,  on  the  death  of  his 
and  apparently  Tillemont,  think  So-  father,  vid  Athan.  Hist.  Mon.  69. 

Digitized  by  Google 

Alexander  qf  Thessalonica  to  Athanasius.  95 

the  Eusebians  to  return,  who  were  coming  into  the  East  toTit.  II. 
appear  against  me.  Now  in  order  to  shew  that  they  accused  6ft~~67- 
me  of  having  murdered  Arsenius,  (not  to  bring  forward  the 
letters  of  many  persons  on  the  subject,)  it  shall  be  sufficient 
only  to  produce  one  from  Alexander  the  Bishop  of  Thessa- 
lonica^ from  which  the  tenor  of  the  rest  may  be  inferred. 
He  then  being  acquainted  with  the  reports  which  Archaph, 
who  is  also  called  John,  circulated  against  me  on  the  subject 
of  the  murder,  and  having  heard  that  Arsenius  was  alive, 
wrote  as  follows. 

1 5.  Letter  of  Alexander. 

To  his  dearly  beloved  son  and  brother  like-minded,  the 1 
Lord1  Athanasius,  Alexander  the  Bishop  sends  health  in  ^93. 
the  Lord. 

I  congratulate  the  most  excellent  Serapion,  that  he  is§»66. 
striving  so  earnestly  to  adorn  himself  with  holy  habits,  and 
is  thus  advancing  to  higher  praise  the  memory  of  his  father. 
For,  as  the  Holy  Scripture  somewhere  says,  though  his  father  Ecchw. 

yet  he  is  as  though  he  were  not  dead:  for  he  has  left30'4' 
behind  him  a  memorial  of  his  life.    What  my  feelings  are 
towards  the  ever-memorable  Sozon,  you  yourself  my  lordV**r* 
are  not  ignorant,  for  you  know  the  sacredness  of  his  memory,  xheod. 
as  well  as  the  excellent  disposition  of  the  young  man.    1  ^jjjj^' 
have  received  only  one  letter  from  your  reverence,  which  I 
tad  by  the  hands  of  this  youth.    I  mention  this  to  you,  my 
lord,  that  you  may  know  that  1  have  received  it.    Our  dearly 
beloved  brother  and  deacon  Macarius,  afforded  me  great 
pleasure  by  writing  to  me  from  Constantinople,  that  the 
false  accuser  Archaph  had  met  with  disgrace,  for  having 
given  out  before  all  men  that  a  live  man  had  been  mur- 
dered.   That  he  will  receive  from  the  righteous  Judge, 
together  with  all  the  tribe  of  his  associates,  that  punishment 
which  his  crimes  deserve,  the  infallible  Scriptures  assure 
os.  May  the  Lord  of  all  preserve  you  for  very  many  years, 
my  most  excellent  lord9.  3  *6Vt 

16.  And  they  who  lived  with  Arsenius  bear  witness,  that  he  §.  67. 
was  kept  in  concealment  for  this  purpose,  that  they  might 
pretend  his  death ;  for  in  searching  after  him  we  found  the 
foUowing  person,  and  he  in  consequence  wrote  the  following 

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96  Letter  of  Pinnes  to  John  about  Arsetriwt. 

Apol.  letter  to  John,  who  supported  this  false  accusation  against 

AO.  Ar.  n 
-  me. 

17.  To  his  dearly  beloved  brother  John,  Pinnes,  Presbyter 
of  the  Monastery  of  Ptemencyrcis,  in  the  district  of  Anteopolis, 
sends  greeting. 

I  wish  you  to  know,  that  Athanasius  sent  his  deacon  into 
the  Thebais,  to  search  every  where  for  Arsenius ;  and  Pecysius 
the  Presbyter,  and  Sylvanus  the  brother  of  Helias,  and  Tape- 
nacerameus,  and  Paul  monk  of  Hypsele,  whom  he  first  fell  in 
with,  confessed  that  Arsenius  was  with  us.  Upon  learning 
this  we  caused  him  to  be  put  on  board  a  vessel,  and  to  sail 
to  the  lower  countries  with  Helias  the  monk.  Afterwards 
the  deacon  returned  again  suddenly  with  certain  others,  and 
entered  our  monastery,  in  search  of  the  same  Arsenius,  and 
him  they  found  not,  because,  as  I  said  before,  we  had  sent 
him  away  to  the  lower  countries;  but  they  conveyed  me 
together  with  Helias  the  monk,  who  took  him  out  of  the  way, 
to  Alexandria,  and  brought  us  before  the  Duke1 ;  when  T  was 
unable  to  deny,  but  confessed  that  he  was  alive,  and  had  not 
been  murdered :  the  monk  also  who  took  him  out  of  the  way 
confessed  the  same.  Wherefore  I  acquaint  you  with  these 
things,  Father,  lest  you  should  determine  to  accuse  Atha- 
nasius ;  for  I  said  that  he  was  alive,  and  had  been  concealed 
with  us,  and  all  this  is  become  known  in  Egypt,  and  it  cannot 
any  longer  be  kept  secret. 
1  fufnf  I,  Paphnutius,  monk  of  the  same  monastery1,  who  wrote 
this  letter,  heartily  salute  you.  I  trust  that  you  are  in  health. 

18.  The  following  also  is  the  letter  which  the  Emperor  wrote 
when  he  learnt  that  Arsenius  was  found  to  be  alive. 

*  vid.     .19.  Victor,  Constantine,  Maximus,  Augustus,  to  the  Pope2 
Jg^'P-  Athanasius. 

§.  68.  Having  read  the  letters  of  your  wisdom,  I  felt  the  inclina- 
tion to  write  in  return  to  your  gravity,  and  to  exhort  you 
that  you  would  endeavour  to  restore  the  people  of  God  to 

1  According  to  the  system  of  go-  the  comites,  or  counts,  were  ten  out  of 
▼eminent  introduced  by  Dioclesian  and  the  number,  who  were  distinguished  as 
Constantine,  there  were  thirty-five  companions  of  the  Emperor,  vid.  Gib- 
military  commanders  of  the  troops,  bon,  ch.  17.  Three  of  these  dukes  were 
under  the  Magistri  militum,  and  all  of  stationed  in  Egypt, 
these  bore  the  name  of  duces  or  dukes ; 

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Letter  of  Constantine  to  Athanasius. 


tranquillity,  and  to  merciful  feelings.  For  in  my  own  mind  Tr.  II. 
I  hold  these  things  to  be  of  the  greatest  importance,  that  we  — — — 
should  cultivate  truth,  and  ever  keep  righteousness  in  our 
thoughts,  and  have  pleasure  especially  in  those  who  walk  in 
the  right  way  of  life.  But  as  concerning  those  who  are 
deserving  of  all  execration,  I  mean  the  most  perverse  and 
ungodly  Meletians,  who  have  at  last  stultified  themselves  by 
their  folly,  and  are  now  raising  unreasonable  commotions  by 
envy,  uproar,  and  tumult,  thus  making  manifest  their  own 
ungodly  dispositions,  I  will  say  thus  much.  You  see  that 
those  who  they  pretended  had  been  slain  with  the  sword,  are 
still  amongst  us,  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  life.  Now  what 
could  be  a  stronger  presumption  against  them,  and  one  so 
manifestly  and  clearly  tending  to  their  condemnation,  as  that 
those  whom  they  declared  to  have  been  murdered,  are  yet  in 
the  enjoyment  of  life,  and  accordingly  will  be  able  to  speak 
for  themselves  ? 

20.  But  this  further  accusation  was  advanced  by  these  same 
Meletians.  They  positively  affirmed  that  you,  rushing  in 
with  lawless  violence,  had  seized  upon  and  broken  a  chalice, 
which  was  deposited  in  the  most  Holy  Place;  than  which 
there  certainly  could  not  be  a  more  serious  charge,  nor  a 
more  grievous  offence,  had  such  a  crime  actually  been 
perpetrated.  But  what  manner  of  accusation  is  this  ?  What 
is  the  meaning  of  this  change  and  variation  and  difference  in 
the  circumstances  of  it,  insomuch  that  they  now  transfer  this 
same  accusation  to  another  person1,  a  fact  which  makes  it1  pp.  48, 
clearer,  so  to  speak,  than  the  light  itself,  that  they  designed 
to  lay  a  plot  for  your  wisdom  ?  After  this  who  can  be  willing 
to  follow  them,  men  that  have  fabricated  such  charges  to  the 
injury  of  another,  seeing  too  that  they  are  hurrying  them- 
selves on  to  rain,  and  are  conscious  that  they  are  accusing 
you  of  false  and  feigned  crimes?  Who  then,  as  I  said,  will 
follow  after  them,  and  thus  go  headlong  in  the  way  of 
destruction;  in  that  way  in  which  it  seems  they  alone 
suppose  that  they  have  hope  of  safety  and  of  help  ?  But  if 
they  were  willing  to  walk  according  to  a  pure  conscience, 
and  to  be  directed  by  the  best  wisdom,  and  to  go  in  the  way 
of  a  sound  mind,  they  would  easily  perceive  that  no  help  can 
come  to  them  from  Divine  Providence,  while  they  are  given 


Digitized  by 


Letter  of  Arsenitis  to  Athanasius. 

Apol.  up  to  such  doings,  and  tempt  their  own  destruction.    I  should 

—  -'not  call  this  a  harsh  judgment  of  them,  but  the  simple  truth. 

21.  And  finally,  I  will  add,  that  I  wish  this  letter  to  be  read 
frequently  by  your  wisdom  in  public,  that  it  may  thereby 
come  to  the  knowledge  of  all  men,  and  especially  reach  the 
ears  of  those  who  thus  act,  and  thus  raise  disturbances ;  for 
the  judgment  which  is  expressed  by  me  according  to  the  dic- 
tates of  equity  is  confirmed  also  by  real  facts.  Wherefore, 
seeing  that  in  such  conduct  there  is  so  great  criminality,  let 
them  understand  that  I  so  judge  of  them  ;  and  that  I  have 
come  to  this  determination,  that  if  they  excite  any  further  com- 
motion of  this  kind,  I  will  myself  in  person  take  cognizance 
of  the  matter,  and  that  not  according  to  the  ecclesiastical,  but 
according  to  the  civil  laws,  and  so  I  will  find  them  out, 
because  they  seem  to  be  offenders  not  only  against  human 
kind,  but  against  the  divine  doctrine  itself.  May  God  ever 
preserve  you,  dearly  beloved  brother ! 

§.  69.  2*2.  But  that  the  wickedness  of  the  calumniators  might  be 
more  fully  displayed,  behold  Arsenius  also  wrote  to  me  after 
he  was  discovered  in  his  place  of  concealment ;  and  as  the 
letter  which  Ischyras  had  written  confessed  the  falsehood  of 
their  accusation,  so  that  of  Arsenius  proved  their  maliciousness 
still  more  completely. 

23.  To  the  blessed  Pope  Athanasius,  Arsenius,  Bishop  of  those 
who  were  heretofore  under  Meletius  in  the  city  of  the 
Hypselites,  together  with  the  Presbyters  and  Deacons, 
wishes  much  health  in  the  Lord. 

Being  earnestly  desirous  of  peace  and  union  with  the 
Catholic  Church,  over  which  by  the  grace  of  God  you  are 
appointed  to  preside,  and  wishing  to  submit  ourselves  to  the 
Canon  of  the  Church,  according  to  the  ancient  rule",  we 
write  unto  you,  dearly  beloved  Pope,  and  declare  in  the  name 
of  the  Lord,  that  we  will  not  for  the  future  hold  communion 
with  those  who  continue  in  schism,  and  are  not  at  peace 
with  the  Catholic  Church,  its  Bishops,  Presbyters,  and 
Deacons.    Neither  will  we  take  part  with  them  if  they  wish 

n  vid.  supr.  p.  3,  note  a;  the  (so  referred  to  here,  is  Can.  27.  according 
called)  Apostolical  Canon  apparently,  to  Beveridge. 

Digitized  by  Google 

Letter  of  Constantine  to  John. 


to  establish  any  thing  in  a  Council;  neither  will  we  send  Tr.  1 1, 
letters  of  peace1  unto  them  nor  receive  such  from  than* »  69 > 70- 
neither  yet  without  the  consent  of  you  our  Metropolitan  r.Ps 8 ' 
will  we  publish  any  decree  concerning  Bishops,  or  on  any 
other  general  Ecclesiastical  question;  but  we  will  yield 
obedience  to  all  the  Canons  that  have  heretofore  been 
ordained,  after  the  example  of  the  Bishops*  Ammonian, 
Tyrannus,  Plusian,  and  the  rest.  Wherefore  we  beseech 
your  goodness  to  write  to  us  speedily  in  answer,  and  likewise 
to  our  fellow-ministers  concerning  us,  informing  them  that 
we  will  henceforth  abide  by  the  fore-mentioned  resolution 
and  will  be  at  peace  with  the  Catholic  Church,  and  at  unity 
with  our  fellow-ministers  in  every  part.  And  we  are  persuaded 
that  your  prayers,  being  acceptable  unto  God,  will  so  prevail 
with  Him,  that  this  peace  shall  be  firm  and  indissoluble  unto 
the  end,  according  to  the  will  of  God  the  Lord  of  all,  through 
Jesus  Christ  our  Lord. 

24.  The  sacred  Ministry  that  is  under  you,  we  and  those  that 
are  with  us  salute.  Very  shortly,  if  God  permit,  we  will  come 
unto  your  goodness,  I,  Arsenius,  pray  that  you  may  be 
strong  in  the  Lord  for  many  years,  most  blessed  Pope. 

But  a  stronger  and  clearer  proof  of  the  calumny  is  the§.  70. 
recantation  of  John,  of  which  the  most  godly  Emperor 
Constantine  of  blessed  memory  is  a  witness,  for  knowing  how 
John  had  accused  himself,  and  having  received  letters  from 
him  expressing  his  repentance,  he  wrote  to  him  as  follows. 

25.  Constantine  Maximus  Augustus  to  John. 

The  letters  which  J  have  received  from  your  prudence 
were  extremely  pleasing  to  me,  because  I  learned  from  them 
what  I  very  much  longed  to  hear,  that  you  had  laid  aside 
every  narrow  feeling2,  had  joined  the  communion  of  the9^»^- 
Church  as  became  you,  and  were  now  in  perfect  concord  tuL™' 
with  the  most  reverend  Bishop  Athanasius.    Be  assured  J1  > ref- 
therefore  that  so  far  I  entirely  approve  of  your  conduct; 
because,  dismissing  all  occasions  of  quarrel,  you  have  done 

x  i.  e.  Meletian  Bishops  who  had  the  conforming  party  were  familiar ;  or 
conformed;  or,  since  they  are  not  in  the  Meletians  after  the  return  of  Meletius. 
list,  §.  71.  Catholic  Bishops  with  whom   vid.  Tillemont,  Mem.  vol.  8.  p.  658. 


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Letter  qf  Constantine  to  John. 

A  pol.  that  which  is  pleasing  to  God,  and  have  embraced  the  unity 
aq.  Ar.  Qf  Hi8  Qnurcn  ja  or(jer  therefore  that  you  obtain  the 
accomplishment  of  your  wishes,  I  have  thought  it  right  to 
grant  you  permission  to  enter  the  public  conveyance*,  and  to 
come  to  the  court1  of  my  clemency.  Let  it  then  be  your 
care  to  make  no  delay ;  but  as  this  letter  gives  you  authority 
to  use  the  public  conveyance,  come  to  me  immediately,  that 
you  may  have  your  desires  fulfilled,  and  by  appearing  in  my 
presence  may  enjoy  that  pleasure  which  it  is  fit  for  you  to 
receive.  May  God  preserve  you  continually,  dearly  beloved 

y  On  the  "  cursus  publicus,"  vid. 
Gothofred.  in  Cod.  Theod.  viii.  tit.  5. 
It  was  provided  for  the  journeys  of  the 
Emperor,  for  persona  whom  he  sum- 
moned, for  magistrates,  ambassadors, 
and  for  such  private  persons  as  the 
Emperor  indulged  in  the  use  of  it, 
which  was  gratis.  The  use  was  granted 
by  Constantine  to  the  Bishops  who  were 
summoned  to  Nicffa,  as  far  as  it  went, 
in  addition  though  aliter  Valesius  in 
loc.  to  other  means  of  travelling.  Euseb. 
v.  Const,  iii.  6.  The  cursus  publicus 
brought  the  Bishops  to  the  Council  of 
Tyre.  ibid.  iv.  43.  In  the  conference 
between  Liberius  and  Constantius, 
Theod.  Hist.  ii.  13.  it  is  objected  that 
the  cursus  publicus  is  not  sufficient  to 
convey  Bishops  to  the  Council  which 
Liberius  pioposes ;  he  answers  that  the 
Churches  are  rich  enough  to  convey 
their  Bishops  as  far  as  the  sea.  Thus 
S.  Hilary  was  compelled,  (data  evec- 
tionis  copia,  Sulp.  Sev.  Hist.  ii.  57.) 
to  attend  at  Seleucia,  as  A  than,  at 
Tyre.  Julian  complains  of  the  abuse 
of  the  cursus  publicus,  perhaps  with  an 
allusion  to  these  Councils  of  Constan- 
tius. vid.  Cod.  Theod.  viii.  tit.  6. 1.  12. 
where  Gothofred  quotes  Liban.Epitaph. 
in  Julian,  (vol.  i.  p.  569.  ed.  Reiske.) 
Vid.  the  well-known  passage  of  Am- 
mianus,  who  speaks  of  the  Councils 

being  the  ruin  of  the  res  vehicularia 
Hist.  xxi.  16.  The  Eusebians  at  Phi- 
lippopolis  say  the  same  thing.  Hilar. 
Fragm.  iii.  25.  The  Emperor  provided 
board  and  perhaps  lodging  for  the  Bi- 
shops at  Ariminum ;  which  the  Bishops 
of  Aquitaine,  Gaul,  and  Britain,  de- 
clined, except  three  British  from 
poverty.  Sulp.  Hist.  ii.  66.  Hunneric  in 
Africa,  after  assembling  466  Bishops 
at  Carthage,  dismissed  them  without 
modes  of  conveyance,  provision,  or  bag- 
gage. Victor.  Utic.  Hist  iii.  init  In 
the  Emperor's  letter  previous  to  the 
assembling  of  the  sixth  Ecumenical 
Council,  A.D.  678,  (Harduin.  Cone, 
t.  3.  p.  1048  fin.)  he  says  he  has  given 
orders  for  the  conveyance  and  mainte- 
nance of  its  members.  Pope  John  VIII. 
reminds  Ureus,  Duke  of  Venice,  (A.D. 
876.;  of  the  same  duty  of  providing  for 
the  members  of  a  Council,  "  secundum 
pios  principes,  qui  in  tali  bus  munifice 
semper  erant  intenti."  Colet.  Concil. 
(Ven.  1730.)  t.  xi.  p.  14.  - 

*  rr{ara*t&o*.  vid.  Chrys.  on  the  Sta- 
tues, p.  118,  note  d.  Gothofr.  in  Cod. 
Theod.  \i.  32.  1.  1.  Castra  sunt  ubi 
Princens  est.  ibid.  35. 1.  15.  also  Kies- 
ling.  de  Discipl.  Cler.  i.  5.  p.  16. 
Beveridge  in  Can.  Apost.  83.  interprets 
rc{«cim  of  any  civil  engagement  as 
opposed  to  clerical. 

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J.  Thus  ended  the  conspiracy.  The  Meletians  were  repulsed  §.  71. 
and  covered  with  shame ;  but  notwithstanding  this  the  Euse- 
bians  still  did  not  remain  quiet,  for  it  was  not  for  the  Mele- 
tians but  for  the  Arians  that  they  cared,  and  they  were  afraid 
lest,  if  the  proceedings  of  the  former  should  be  stopped,  they 
should  no  longer  find  persons  to  play  the  parts1,  by  whose  as- 1  p-  34, 
sistance  they  might  bring  in  that  heresy.  They  therefore  again r" 
stirred  up  the  Meletians,  and  persuaded  the  Emperor  to  give 
orders  that  a  Council  should  be  held  afresh  at  Tyre,  and  Coimt 
Dionysius  was  despatched  thither,  and  a  military  guard  was 
given  to  the  Eusebians.  Macarius  also  was  sent  as  a  prisoner 
to  Tyre  under  a  guard  of  soldiers ;  and  the  Emperor  wrote  to 
me,  and  laid  a  peremptory  command  upon  me,  so  that,  how- 
ever unwilling,  I  was  obliged  to  go.  The  whole  conspiracy 
may  be  understood  from  the  letters  which  the  Bishops  of 
Egypt  wrote;  but  it  will  be  necessary  to  relate  how  it  was 
contrived  by  them  in  the  outset,  that  so  may  be  perceived 
the  malice  and  wickedness  that  was  exercised  against  me. 

2.  There  are  in  Egypt,  Libya,  and  Pentapolis,  nearly  one 
hundred  Bishops ;  none  of  whom  laid  any  thing  to  my 
charge ;  none  of  the  Presbyters  found  any  fault  with  me ; 
none  of  the  people  spoke  aught  against  me ;  but  it  was  the 
Meletians  who  were  ejected  by  Peter,  and  the  Arians,  that 
divided  the  plot  between  them,  while  the  one  party  claimed 
to  themselves  the  right  of  accusing  me,  the  other  of  sitting  in 
judgment  on  the  case.  1  objected  to  the  Eusebians  as  being 
my  enemies  on  account  of  the  heresy  ;  next,  1  shewed  in  the 
following  manner  that  the  person  who  was  called  my  accuser 
was  not  a  Presbyter  at  all.  When  Meletius  was  admitted  2  p.  88> 
into  communion,  (would  that  he  had  never  been  so  admitted2 !) 
the  blessed3  Alexander  who  knew  his  craftiness  required  of 
him  a  catalogue  of  the  Bishops  whom  he  said  he  had  injjfj^* 

Digitized  by 


102  Formal  catalogue  of  Meletian  Clergy. 

Apol.  Egypt,  and  of  the  Presbyters  and  Deacons  that  were  in 
— — —Alexandria  itself,  and  if  he  had  any  in  the  country  adjoining. 
This  the  Pope  Alexander  did,  lest  Meletius,  assuming  full 
liberty  of  action  in  the  Church,  should  sell  ordination  to 
many,  and  thus  continually,  by  a  fraudulent  procedure,  put  in 
whatever  ministers  he  pleased.  Accordingly  he  made  out 
the  following  catalogue  of  those  in  Egypt. 

3.  A  catalogue  presented  by  Meletius  to  the  Bishop 

I,  Meletius  of  Lycus,  Lucius  of  Antinopolis,  Phasileus  of 
Hermopolis,  Achilles  of  Cusae,  Ammonius  of  Diospolis. 

In  Ptolemais,  Pachymes  of  Tentyrae. 

In  Maximianopolis,  Theodoras  of  Coptus. 

In  Thebais,  Cales  of  Hermethes,  Colluthus  of  Upper 
Cynus,  Pelagius  of  Oxyrynchus,  Peter  of  Heracleopolis, 
Theon  of  Nilopolis,  Isaac  of  Letopolis,  Heraclides  of  Nicio- 
polis,  Isaac  of  Cleopatris,  Melas  of  Arsenoitis. 

In  Heliopolis,  Amos  of  Leontopolis,  Ision  of  Athribis. 

In  Pharbethus,  Harpocration  of  Bubastus,  Moses  of  Pha- 
cusae,  Callinicus  of  Pelusium,  Eudaemon  of  Tanis,  Ephraim 
of  Thmuis. 

In  Sais,  Hermaeon  of  Cynus  and  Busiris,  Soterichus  of 
Sebennytus,  Pininuthes  of  Phthenegys,  Chronius  of  Metelis, 
i  Mele-  Agathammon  of  the  district  of  Alexandria. 
«a vil-  *n  Memphis,  John  who  was  ordered  by  the  Emperor  to  be 
lage  on  with  the  Archbishop1.  These  are  those  of  Egypt, 
reotic*"  And  the  Clergy  that  he  had  in  Alexandria  were  Apollonius 
lake.  Presbyter,  Irenaeus  Presbyter,  Dioscorus  Presbyter,  Tyrannus 
SocV. w. Presbyter.  And  Deacons;  Timotheus  Deacon,  Antinous 
than*"  Deacon,  Hephaestion  Deacon.  And  Macarius  Presbyter  of 
Opp.  ed.  Parembole2. 

p.  86-89. 

§.  7*2.  4.  These  Meletius  presented  in  person  to  the  Bishop 
Alexander,  but  he  made  no  mention  of  the  person  called 
Ischyras,  nor  ever  professed  at  all  that  he  had  any  Clergy  in 
the  Mareotis.  Notwithstanding  our  enemies  did  not  desist 
from  their  attempts,  but  still  he  that  was  no  Presbyter  was 
3  p.  26.  feigned  to  be  one,  for  there  was  the  Count  ready  to  use 
p°4y  "  compulsion  towards  us,  and  soldiers  hurried  us  about3.  But 

note  h. 

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Eusebian  Commission  to  the  Mareotis.  103 

eren  then  the  grace  of  God  prevailed:  for  they  could  notTa.  II. 
convict  Macarius  in  the  matter  of  the  chalice ;  and  Arsenius, 
whom  they  reported  to  have  been  murdered  by  me,  stood 
before  them  alive  and  shewed  the  falseness  of  their  ac- 
cusation. When  therefore  they  were  unable  to  convict 
Macarius,  the  Eusebians,  who  became  enraged  that  they  had 
lost  the  prey  of  which  they  had  been  in  pursuit,  persuaded 
the  Count  Dionysius  who  is  one  of  them  to  send  to  the 
Mareotis,  in  order  to  see  whether  they  could  not  find  out 
something  there  against  the  Presbyter,  or  rather  that  they 
might  at  a  distance  patch  up  their  plot  as  they  pleased  in  my 
absence :  for  this  was  their  aim.  However,  when  I  repre- 
sented that  the  journey  to  the  Mareotis  was  a  superfluous 
undertaking,  (for  that  they  ought  not  to  pretend  that  state- 
ments were  defective  which  they  had  been  employed  upon 
so  long,  and  ought  not  now  to  defer  the  matter ;  for  they  had 
said  whatever  they  thought  they  could  say,  and  now  being  at 
a  loss  what  to  do,  they  were  making  pretences,)  or  if  they 
must  needs  go  to  the  Mareotis,  that  at  least  the  suspected 
parties  should  not  be  sent, — the  Count  was  convinced 
by  my  reasoning,  with  respect  to  the  suspected  persons ; 
but  they  did  any  thing  rather  than  what  I  proposed, 
for  the  very  persons  whom  I  objected  against  on  account 
of  the  Arian  heresy,  these  were  they  who  specially  went, 
viz.  Diognius,  Maris,  Theodoras,  Macedonius,  Ursacius,  and 
Valens.  Again,  letters  were  written  to  the  Prefect  of  Egypt, 
and  a  military  guard  was  provided ;  and,  what  was  remarkable 
and  altogether  most  suspicious,  they  caused  Macarius  the 
accused  party  to  remain  behind  under  a  guard  of  soldiers, 
while  they  took  with  them  the  accuser i.  1  tmpr. 

5.  Now  who  after  this  does  not  see  through  this  conspiracy  ? p* 3L 
Who  does  not  clearly  perceive  the  wickedness  of  these 
Eusebians  ?  For  if  a  judicial  enquiry  must  needs  take  place 
in  the  Mareotis,  the  accused  ought  also  to  have  been  sent 
thither.  But  if  they  did  not  go  for  the  purpose  of  such  an 
enquiry,  why  did  they  take  the  accuser  ?  It  was  enough  that 
he  had  not  been  able  to  prove  the  fact.  But  this  they  did 
in  order  that  they  might  carry  on  their  designs  against  the 
absent  Presbyter,  whom  they  could  not  convict  when  pre- 
sent, and  might  concoct  a  plan  as  they  pleased.    For  when 


104  Letter  qf  the  Alexandrian  Clergy  to  tJie  Commission. 

Apol.  the  Presbyters  of  Alexandria  and  of  the  whole  district  found 
aq  Ar-  fault  with  them  because  they  were  there  by  themselves,  and 
required  that  they  too  might  be  present  at  their  proceedings, 
(for  they  said  that  they  knew  both  the  circumstances  of  the 
case,  and  the  history  of  the  person  named  Ischyras,)  they 
would  not  allow  them ;  and  although  they  had  with  them  Phila- 
grius  the  Prefect  of  Egypt,  who  was  an  apostate,  and  heathen 
soldiers,  during  an  enquiry  which  it  was  not  becoming  even 
for  Catechumens  to  witness,  they  would  not  admit  the 
Clergy,  lest  there  as  well  as  at  Tyre  there  might  be  those  who 
would  expose  them. 
§.  73.     6.  But  in  spite  of  these  precautions  they  were  not  able  to 
escape  detection :  for  the  Presbyters  of  the  City  and  of  the 
Mareotis,  perceiving  their  evil  designs,  addressed  to  them 
the  following  protest. 

7.  To  Theognius,  Maris,  Macedonius,  Theodoras,  Ursacius, 
and  Valens,  the  Bishops  who  have  come  from  Tyre,  these 
from  the  Presbyters  and  Deacons  of  the  Catholic  Church 
of  Alexandria  under  the  most  reverend  Bishop  Athanasius. 

It  was  incumbent  upon  you  when  you  came  hither  and 
brought  with  you  the  accuser,  to  bring  also  the  Presbyter 
Macarius ;  for  trials  are  appointed  by  holy  Scripture  to  be  so 
constituted,  that  the  accuser  and  accused  may  stand  up 
together.  But  since  neither  you  brought  Macarius,  nor  our 
most  reverend  Bishop  Athanasius  came  with  you,  we  claimed 
for  ourselves  the  right  of  being  present  at  the  investigation, 
that  we  might  see  that  the  enquiry  was  conducted  impartially, 
and  might  ourselves  be  convinced  of  the  truth.  But  when 
you  refused  to  allow  this,  and  wished,  in  company  only  with 
the  Prefect  of  Egypt  and  the  accuser,  to  do  whatever  you 
pleased,  wTe  confess  that  we  entertained  an  evil  suspicion  of 
the  affair,  and  perceived  that  your  coming  was  only  the  act 
of  a  cabal  and  a  conspiracy.  Wherefore  we  address  to  you 
this  letter,  to  be  a  testimony  before  a  genuine  Council,  that 
it  may  be  known  to  all  men,  that  you  have  carried  on  an  ex 
'parte  proceeding  and  for  your  private  ends,  and  have  desired 
nothing  else  but  to  form  a  conspiracy  against  us.  A  copy 
of  this,  lest  it  should  be  kept  secret  by  you,  we  have  trans- 

Digitized  by  Google 

Letter  of  the  Clergy  qf  the  Mareotis  to  the  Commission.  105 

mitted  also  to  PaJladius  the  Controller*  of  Augustus.    ForTa  ir. 

78  74 

what  you  have  already  done  causes  us  to  suspect  you,  and  — - — - 

to  reckon  on  the  like  conduct  from  you  hereafter. 
IDionysius  Presbyter  have  delivered  this  letter,  Alexander 
Presbyter,  Nilaras  Presbyter,  Longus  Presbyter,  Aphthonius 
Presbyter,  Athanasius  Presbyter,  Amyntius  Presbyter,  Pistus 
Presbyter,  Plution  Presbyter,  Dioscorus  Presbyter,  Apollonius 
Presbyter,  Serapion  Presbyter,  Ammonius  Presbyter,  Gaius 
Presbyter,  Bhinus  Presbyter,  CEthales  Presbyter, 

Deacons ;  Marcellinus  Deacon,  Appianus  Deacon,  Theon 
Deacon,  Timotheus  Deacon,  a  second  Timotheus  Deacon. 

8.  This  is  the  letter,  and  these  the  names  of  the  Clergy  of§.  74. 
the  city ;  and  the  following  was  written  by  the  Clergy  of  the 
Mareotis,  who  know  the  character  of  the  accuser,  and  who 
were  with  me  in  my  visitation. 

9.  To  the  holy  Council  of  blessed  Bishops  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  all  the  Presbyters  and  Deacons  of  the  Mareotis 
send  health  in  the  Lord. 

Knowing  that  which  is  written,  Speak  that  thine  pyes  Prov.25, 
have  seen,  and,  A  false  ivitness  shall  not  he  unpunished;  we  19^5?*" 
testify  what  we  have  seen,  especially  since  the  conspiracy 
which  has  been  formed  against  our  Bishop  Athanasius  has 
made  our  testimony  necessary.  We  wonder  how  Ischyras 
ever  came  to  be  reckoned  among  the  number  of  the 
Ministers  of  the  Church,  which  is  the  first  point  we  think  it 
necessary  to  mention.  Ischyras  never  was  a  Minister  of  the 
Church ;  but  when  formerly  he  represented  himself  to  be  a 
Presbyter  of  Colluthus,  he  found  no  one  to  believe  him, 
except  only  his  own  relations.  For  he  never  had  a  Church, 
nor  was  ever  considered  a  Clergyman,  by  those  who  lived 
but  a  short  distance  from  his  village,  except  only,  as  we 
said  before,  by  his  own  relations.  But,  notwithstanding  he 
assumed  this  designation,  he  was  deposed  in  the  presence  of 
our  Father  Hosius   at  the  Council  which   assembled  at 

*  Curiosu8;  the  Curiosi  (in  curis  t.  2.  p.  194.  ed.  1665.  Constantius  con- 

agendis)  were  properly  the  overseers  fined  them  to  the  school  of  the  Agentes 

of  the  public  roads,  Ducange  in  voc.  in  rebus,  (infr.  Apol.  ad  Const.  §.  10.) 

but  they  became  in  consequence  a  sort  under  the   Master   of  the  Offices, 

of  imperial  spy,  and  were  called  the  Gothofr.  ibid.  p.  192. 
Emperor's  eyes.  Gothofr.  in  Cod.Theod. 

106  Letter  of  the  Clergy  of  the  Mareotis 

Apol.  Alexandria,  and  was  reduced  to  the  condition  of  a  layman, 

—  -'and  so  he  continued  subsequently,  being  deprived  of  his 

pretended  claim  to  the  priesthood.  Of  his  character  we 
think  it  unnecessary  to  speak,  as  all  men  have  it  in  their 
power  to  become  acquainted  therewith.  But  since  he  has 
falsely  accused  our  Bishop  Athanasius  of  breaking  a  chalice 
and  overturning  a  table,  we  are  necessarily  obliged  to 
address  you  on  this  point. 

10.  We  have  said  already  that  he  never  had  a  Church  in  the 
Mareotis ;  and  we  declare  before  God  as  our  witness,  that  no 
chalice  was  broken,  nor  table  overturned  by  our  Bishop,  nor 
by  any  one  of  those  who  accompanied  hhn ;  but  all  that  is 
alleged  respecting  this  affair  is  mere  calumny.  And  this  we 
say,  not  as  having  been  absent  from  the  Bishop,  for  we  are 
all  with  him  when  he  makes  his  visitation  of  the  Mareotis, 
and  he  never  goes  about  alone,  but  is  accompanied  by  all 
the  Presbyters  and  Deacons,  and  by  a  considerable  number 
of  the  people.  Wherefore  we  make  these  assertions,  as 
having  been  present  with  him  during  the  whole  of  the 
visitation  which  he  made  amongst  us,  and  testify  that 
neither  was  a  chalice  ever  broken,  nor  table  overturned, 
but  the  whole  story  is  false,  as  the  accuser  himself  also 
isupr.  witnesses  under  his  own  hand1.    For  when,  after  he  had 

p  93 

withdrawn  with  the  Meletians,  and  had  reported  these 
things  against  our  Bishop  Athanasius,  he  wished  to  be 
admitted  to  communion,  he  was  not  received,  although 
he  wrote  and  confessed  under  his  own  hand  that  none  of 
these  things  were  true,  but  that  he  had  been  suborned  by 
certain  persons  to  say  so. 
§•  75.  11.  Wherefore  also  Theognius,  Theodorus,  Maris,  Mace- 
donius,  Ursacius,  and  Valeus,  came  into  the  Mareotis,  and 
when  they  found  that  none  of  these  things  were  true,  but 
it  was  likely  to  be  discovered  that  they  had  framed  a  false 
accusation  against  our  Bishop  Athanasius,  the  party  of 
Theognius  being  themselves  his  enemies,  caused  the  re- 
2  s^Pr-  lations  of  Ischyras  and  certain  Arian  fanatics8  to  say 
r'l!  whatever  they  wished.  For  none  of  the  people  spoke 
against  the  Bishop  but  these  persons,  through  a  dread  of 
Philagrius  the  Prefect  of  Egypt,  and  by  threats  and  with  the 
support  of  the  Arian  fanatics2,  accomplished  whatever  they 

Digitized  by  Google 

to  the  Eusebian  Commission  from  Tyre.  107 

(feared.   For  when  we  came  to  disprove  the  calumny,  they  Ta.  II. 
would  not  permit  us,  but  cast  us  out,  while  they  admitted  75'  76' 
whom  they  pleased  to  a  participation  in  their  schemes,  and 
concerted  matters  with  them,  influencing  them  by  fear  of  the 
Prefect  Philagrius.    Through  his  means  they  prevented  us 
from  being  present,  that  we  might  discover  whether  those 
who  were  suborned  by  them  were  members  of  the  Church 
or  Arian  fanatics.    And  you  also,  dearly  beloved  Fathers, 
know,  as  you  teach  us,  that  the  testimony  of  enemies  avails 
nothing.    That  what  we  say  is  the  truth  the  handwriting1  of1 
Ischyras  testifies,  as  do  also  the  facts  themselves,  because  a j^. 
when  we  were  conscious  that  no  such  thing  as  was  pre- Const, 
tended  had  taken  place,  they  took  with  them  Philagrius,  that 
through  fear  of  the  sword  and  by  threats  they  might  frame 
whatever  plots  they  wished.    These  things  we  testify  as  in 
the  presence  of  God  ;  we  make  these  assertions  as  knowing 
that  there  will  be  a  judgment  held  by  God;  desiring  indeed 
all  of  us  to  come  to  you,  but  being  content  with  these  letters 
which  we  send  to  you,  that  they  may  be  instead  of  the 
presence  of  those  who  cannot  come. 

I,  Ingenius  Presbyter,  pray  that  you  may  be  strong  in 
the  Lord,  dearly  beloved  Fathers.  Theon  P.  Ammonas  P. 
Heraclius  P.  Boccon  P.  Tryphon  P.  Peter  P.  Hierax  P. 
Serapion  P.  Marcus  P.  Ptollarion  P.  Gaius  P.  Dioscorus  P. 
Demetrius  P.  Thyrsus  P. 

Deacons;  Pistus  D.  Apollos  D.  Serras  D.  Pistus  D. 
Polynicus  D.  Ammonius  D.  Maurus  D.  Hephaestus  D. 
Apollos  D.  Metopas  D.  Apollos  D.  Serapas  D.  Meli- 
phthongus  D.  Lucius  D.  Gregoras  D. 

12.  The  same  to  the  Controller,  and  to  Philagrius,  at  that  §.  76. 

time  Prefect  of  Egypt. 
To  Flavius  Philagrius,  and  to  Flavius  Palladius,  Ducenary b, 
Officer  of  the  Palace2,  and  Controller,  and  to  Flavius  Antoninus, 2  vid.  p. 
Commissary  of  Provisions3,  and  Centenary  of  my  Lords,  the 
most  illustrious  Prefects  of  the  sacred  Praetorium,  these  from 
the  Presbyters  and  Deacons  of  the  Mareotis,  a  district  of  the 

b  On  the  different  kinds  of  Duce-  whose  annual  pay  amounted  to  200 

naries,  vid.  Gothofr.  in  Cod.  Theod.  xi.  sestertia.  vid.  Salmas.  in  Hist.  Aug. 

7-  leg.  1.  Here,  as  in  Euseb.  Hist.  vii.  t.  1.  p.  533.    In  like  manner  a  Cente- 

30.  the  word  stands  for  a  Procurator,  nary  is  one  who  receives  100. 

Digitized  by 

108  The  Clergy  of  the  Mareotis  to  the  Prefect  and  Controller 

Apol.  Catholic  Church  which  is  under  the  most  Reverend  Bishop 
^-^lAthanasius,  we  address  this  testimony  by  those  whose  names 
are  under- written  : — 

Whereas  Theognius,  Maris,  Macedonius,  Theodoras,  Ursa- 
cius,  and  Valens,  as  if  sent  by  all  the  Bishops  who  assembled 
at  Tyre,  came  into  our  Diocese  alleging  that  they  had 
received  orders  to  investigate  certain  ecclesiastical  affairs, 
among  which  they  spoke  of  the  breaking  of  a  chalice  belong- 
ing to  the  Lord,  of  which  information  was  given  them  by 
Ischyras,  whom  they  brought  with  them,  and  who  says  that 
he  is  a  Presbyter,  although  he  is  not, — for  he  was  ordained  by 
the  Presbyter  Colluthus  who  pretended  to  the  Episcopate, 
and  was  afterwards  ordered  by  a  whole  Council,  by  Hosius 
and  the  Bishops  that  were  with  him,  to  take  the  place  of 
a  Presbyter,  as  he  was  before  ;  and  accordingly  all  that  were 
ordained  by  Colluthus,  resumed  the  same  rank  which  they 
held  before,  and  so  Ischyras  himself  proved  to  be  a  layman, — 
and  the  Church,  which  he  says  he  has,  never  was  a  Church 
at  all,  but  a  small  dwelling  house  belonging  to  an  orphan 
boy  of  the  name  of  Ision ; — for  this  reason  wre  have  offered 
this  testimony,  adjuring  you  by  Almighty  God,  and  by  our 
Lords  Constantine  Augustus,  and  the  most  illustrious  Caesars 
his  sons,  to  bring  these  things  to  the  knowledge  of  their 
piety.  Fot  neither  is  he  a  Presbyter  of  the  Catholic  Church, 
nor  does  he  possess  a  Church,  nor  has  a  chalice  ever  been 
broken,  but  the  whole  story  is  false  and  an  invention. 
1  A.D.      Dated  in  the  Consulship1  of  Julius  Coustantius  the  most 


illustrious  Patrician c,  brother  of  the  most  religious  Emperor 
Constantine  Augustus,  and  of  Rufinus  Albinus,  most  illus- 
*August.trious  men,  on  the  tenth  day  of  the  month  Thoth2, 
These  were  the  letters  of  the  Presbyters. 

§.  77.  13.  The  following  also  are  the  letters  and  protests  of  the 
Bishops  who  came  with  us  to  Tyre,  when  they  discovered 
the  conspiracy  and  plot. 

e  The  title  Patrician  was  revived  by  Julius  Constantius,  who  was  the  father  of 

Constantine  as  a  personal  distinction.  It  Julian,  was  the  first  who  bore  the  title, 

was  for  life,  and  gave  precedence  over  with  L.  Optatus,  who  had  been  consul 

all  the  great  officers  of  state  except  the  the  foregoing  year.   Illustrissimus  was 

Consul.   It  was  usually  bestowed  on  the  highest  of  the  three  ranks  of  honour, 

favourites,  or  on  ministers  as  a  reward  ibid, 
of  services.  Gibbon,  Hist.  ch.  17.  This 

Digitized  by  Google 

Tlie  Egyptian  Bishops  at  Tyre  to  the  whole  Council  of  Tyre.  109 

14.  To  the  Bishops  assembled  at  Tyre,  most  honoured  Lords,  Te.  II. 
those  of  the  Catholic  Church  who  have  come  from  Egypt— — — 
with  Athanasius  send  health  in  the  Lord. 

We  suppose  that  the  conspiracy  which  has  been  formed 
against  us  by  Eusebius,  Theognius,  Marus,  Narcissus,  Theo- 
doras, and  Patrophilus,  is  no  longer  uncertain.  From  the 
very  beginning  we  all  demurred,  through  our  fellow-minister 
Athanasius,  to  the  holding  of  the  inquiry  in  their  presence, 
knowing  that  the  presence  of  even  one  enemy  only,  much 
more  of  many,  is  able  to  disturb  and  injure  the  hearing  of  a 
cause.  And  you  also  yourselves  know  the  enmity  which 
they  entertain,  not  only  towards  us,  but  towards  all  the 
orthodox,  how  that  for  the  sake  of  the  fanaticism  of  Arius, 
and  his  impious  doctrine,  they  direct  their  assaults,  they 
form  conspiracies  against  all.  And  when,  being  confident 
in  the  truth,  we  desired  to  shew  the  falsehood,  which  the 
Meletians  had  employed  against  the  Church,  the  Eusebians 
endeavoured  by  some  means  or  other  to  interrupt  our  repre- 
sentations, and  strove  eagerly  to  set  aside  our  testimony, 
threatening  those  who  gave  an  honest  judgment,  and  insult- 
ing others,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  design 
they  had  against  us.  Your  divinely  inspired1  piety,  most'l***? 
honoured  Lords,  was  probably  ignorant  of  their  conspiracy, 
but  we  suppose  that  it  has  now  been  made  manifest. 

15.  For  indeed  they  have  themselves  plainly  disclosed  it; 
for  they  desired  to  send  to  the  Mareotis  those  of  their  party 
who  are  suspected  by  us,  so  that,  while  we  were  abseut  and 
remained  here,  they  might  disturb  the  people  and  accomplish 
what  they  wished.  They  knew  that  the  Arian  fanatics,  and 
Colluthiansd  and  Meletians,  were  enemies  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  and  therefore  they  were  anxious  to  send  them,  that 
in  the  presence  of  our  enemies  they  might  devise  against  us 
whatever  schemes  they  pleased.  And  those  of  the  Meletians 
who  are  here,  even  four  days  previously,  (as  they  knew  that 
this  inquiry  was  about  to  take  place,)  despatched  at  evening 
certain  of  their  party,  as  a  post,  for  the  purpose  of  collecting 
Meletians  out  of  Egypt  into  the  Mareotis,  because  there  were 

d  Colluthus  formed  a  schism  on  the  on  himself  to  ordain,  even  to  the  Priest- 
doctrine  that  God  was  not  the  cause  of  hood.  vid.  supr.  p.  30,  rote  1.  St.  Alex- 
any  sort  of  evil,  e.  g.  did  not  inflict  pain  ander  even  seems  to  imply  that  he  did 
and  suffering.  Though  a  Priest,  he  took  so  for  money.  Theod.  Hist.  i.  3. 

Digitized  by 

1 10  The  Egyptian  Bishops  at  Tyre  to  the  whole  Councilat  Tyre, 

Apol.  none  at  all  there,  and  Colluthians  and  Arian  fanatics,  from 
ackAr. Qtner  parjgj  an(j  i0  prepare  them  to  speak  against  us.  For 
you  also  know  that  Ischyras  himself  confessed  before  you, 
that  he  had  not  more  than  seven  persons  in  his  congregation. 
When  therefore  we  heard  that,  after  they  had  made  what 
preparations  they  pleased  against  us,  and  had  sent  these 
suspected  persons,  they  were  going  about  to  each  of  you, 
and  requiring  your  subscriptions,  in  order  that  it  might 
appear  as  if  this  had  been  done  with  the  consent  of  you 
all;  for  this  reason  we  hastened  to  write  to  you,  and  to 
present  this  our  testimony  ;  declaring  that  we  are  the  objects 
of  a  conspiracy  under  which  we  are  suffering  by  and  through 
them,  and  demanding  that  having  the  fear  of  God  in  your 
minds,  and  condemning  their  conduct  in  sending  whom  they 
pleased  without  our  consent,  you  would  refuse  your  sub- 
scriptions, lest  they  pretend  that  those  things  are  done  by 
you,  which  they  are  contriving  only  among  themselves. 

16.  Surely  it  becomes  those  who  are  in  Christ,  not  to  regard 
men,  but  to  prefer  the  truth  before  all  things.  And  be  not 
afraid  of  their  threatenings,  which  they  employ  against  all, 
nor  of  their  plots,  but  rather  fear  God.  If  it  was  at  all 
necessary  that  persons  should  be  sent  to  the  Mareotis,  we 
also  ought  to  have  been  there  with  them,  in  order  that  we 
might  convict  the  enemies  of  the  Church,  and  point  out  those 
who  were  aliens,  and  that  the  investigation  of  the  matter 
might  be  impartial.  For  you  know  that  the  Eusebians 
contrived  that  a  letter  should  be  presented,  as  coming  from 
the  Colluthians,  the  Meletians,  and  Arians,  and  directed 
against  us:  but  it  is  evident  that  these  enemies  of  the 
Catholic  Church  speak  nothing  that  is  true  concerning  us, 
but  say  every  thing  against  us.  And  the  law  of  God  forbids 
an  enemy  to  be  either  a  witness  or  a  judge.  Wherefore  as 
you  will  have  to  give  an  account  in  the  day  of  judgment, 
receive  this  testimony,  and  recognising  the  conspiracy  which 
has  been  framed  against  us,  beware,  if  you  are  requested  by 
them,  of  doing  any  thing  against  us,  and  of  taking  part  in  the 
designs  of  the  Eusebians.  For  you  know,  as  we  said  before, 
that  they  are  our  enemies,  and  are  aware  why  Eusebius  of 
Caesarea  became  such  last  year.  We  pray  that  you  may  be 
1  xiyu  in  health,  greatly  beloved  Lords l. 

Digitized  by  Google 

The  Egyptian  Bishops  at  Tyre  to  Count  Dionysius.  Ill 

17.  To  the  most  illustrious  Count  Flavius  Dionysius,  from  the  Tr.  II. 
Bishops  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Egypt  who  have  come  7S' 
to  Tyre1.  ^  §•  78- 

1  nearly 

We  suppose  that  the  conspiracy  which  has  been  formed  [f^a* 
against  us  by  Eusebius,  Theognius,  Maris,  Narcissus,  the  fore- 
Theodoras,  and  Patrophilus,  is  no  longer  uncertain.  From  g0,ng* 
the  very  beginning  we  all  demurred,  through  our  fellow- 
minister  Athanasius,  to  the  holding  of  the  inquiry  in  their 
presence,  knowing  that  the  presence  of  even  one  enemy 
only,  much  more  of  many,  is  able  to  disturb  and  injure  the 
hearing  of  a  cause.  For  their  enmity  is  manifest  which  they 
entertain,  not  only  towards  us,  but  also  towards  all  the 
orthodox,  because  they  direct  their  assaults,  they  form  con- 
spiracies against  all.  And  when,  being  confident  in  the 
truth,  we  desired  to  shew  the  falsehood  which  the  Meletians 
had  employed  against  the  Church,  the  Eusebians  en- 
deavoured by  some  means  or  other  to  interrupt  our  repre- 
sentations, and  strove  eagerly  to  set  aside  our  testimony, 
threatening  those  who  gave  a  honest  judgment  and  insulting 
others,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  design  they 
had  against  us.  Your  goodness  was  probably  ignorant  of 
the  conspiracy  which  they  have  formed  against  us,  but  we 
suppose  that  it  has  now  been  made  manifest. 

18.  For  indeed  they  have  themselves  plainly  disclosed  it;  for 
they  desired  to  send  to  the  Mareotis  those  of  their  party  who 
are  suspected  by  us,  so  that,  while  we  were  absent,  and 
remained  here,  they  might  disturb  the  people  and  accomplish 
what  they  wished.  They  knew  that  Arian  fanatics,  Collu- 
thians,  and  Meletians  were  enemies  of  the  Church,  and 
therefore  they  were  anxious  to  send  them,  that  in  the 
presence  of  our  enemies,  they  might  devise  against  us 
whatever  schemes  they  pleased.  And  those  of  the  Meletians 
who  are  here,  even  four  days  before,  (as  they  knew  that  this 
inquiry  was  about  to  take  place,)  despatched  at  evening  two 
individuals  of  their  own  party,  as  a  post,  for  the  purpose  of 
collecting  Meletians  out  of  Egypt  into  the  Mareotis,  because 
there  were  none  at  all  there,  and  Colluthians,  and  Arian 
fanatics,  from  other  parts,  and  to  prepare  them  to  speak 
against  us.    And  your  goodness  knows  that  he  himself 

Digitized  by  G(5ogIe 

112  Second  Letter  from  the  Egyptian  Bishops  to  Dionysius. 

Apol.  confessed  before  you,  that  he  had  not  more  than  seven 
—  Ab*  persons  in  his  congregation.  When  therefore  we  heard  that, 
after  they  had  made  what  preparations  they  pleased  against 
us,  and  had  sent  these  suspected  persons,  they  were  going 
about  to  each  of  the  Bishops  and  requiring  their  sub- 
scriptions, in  order  that  it  might  appear  that  this  was  done 
with  the  consent  of  them  all ;  for  this  reason  we  hastened  to 
refer  the  matter  to  your  honour,  and  to  present  this  our 
testimony,  declaring  that  we  are  the  objects  of  a  conspiracy, 
under  which  we  are  suffering  by  and  through  them,  and 
demanding  of  you  that  having  in  your  mind  the  fear  of  God, 
and  the  pious  commands  of  our  most  religious  Emperor,  you 
would  no  longer  tolerate  these  persons,  but  condemn  their 
conduct  in  sending  whom  they  pleased  without  our  consent. 

I  Adamantius  Bishop  have  subscribed  this  letter,  Ischyras, 
Ammon,  Peter,  Ammonianus,  Tyrannus,  Taurinus,  Sarapam- 
mon,  CElurion,  Harpocration,  Moses,  Optatus,  Anubion, 
Saprion,  Apollonius,  Ischyrion,  Arbcethion,  Potamon,  Paph- 
nutius,  Heraclides,  Theodorus,  Agatharamon,  Gaius,  Pistus, 
Athas,  Nicon,  Pelagius,  Theon,  Paninuthius,  Nonnus, 
Ariston,  Theodorus,  Irenaeus,  Blastammon,  Philippus,  Apol- 
los,  Dioscorus,  Timotheus  of  Diospolis,  Macarius,  Heraclam- 
mon,  Cronius,  Muis,  James,  Ariston,  Artemidorus,  Phinees, 
Psais,  Heraclides. 

19.  Another  front  the  same. 

The  Bishops  of  the  Catholic  Church  who  have  come  from 
Egypt  to  Tyre,  to  the  most  illustrious  Count  Flavius  Diony- 

Perceiving  that  many  conspiracies  and  plots  are  being 
formed  against  us  through  the  machinations  of  Eusebius, 
Narcissus,  Flacillus,  Theognius,  Maris,  Theodorus,  and 
Patrophilus,  (against  whom  we  wished  at  first  to  enter  an 
objection,  but  were  not  permitted,)  we  are  constrained  to 
have  recourse  to  the  present  appeal.  We  observe  also  that 
great  zeal  is  exerted  in  behalf  of  the  Meletians,  and  that  a 
plot  is  laid  against  the  Catholic  Church  in  Egypt  in  our  per- 
sons. Wherefore  we  address  this  letter  to  you,  beseeching  you 
to  bear  in  mind  the  Almighty  Power  of  God,  who  defends 
the  kingdom  of  our  most  religious  and  godly  Emperor  Con- 

Digitized  by  Google 

Letter  of  Alexander  of  Tfiessalonica  to  Dionysius.  118 

stantine,  and  to  reserve  the  hearing  of  the  affairs  which  Tr.  ii. 
concern  us  for  the  most  religious  Emperor  himself.    For  it  is  79>  — 
but  reasonable,  since  you  were  commissioned  by  his  Majesty, 
that  you  should  reserve  the  matter  for  him  upon  our  appealing 
to  his  piety.    We  can  no  longer  endure  to  be  the  objects  of 
the  treacherous  designs  of  the  fore-mentioned  Kusebians,  and 
therefore  we  demand  that  the  case  be  reserved  for  the  most 
religious  and  godly  Emperor,  before  whom  we  shall  be  able 
to  set  forth  our  own  and  the  Church's  just  claims.    And  we 
are  convinced  that  when  his  piety  shall  have  heard  our 
cause,  he  will  not  condemn  us.    Wherefore  we  again  adjure 
you  by  Almighty  God,  and  by  our  most  religious  Emperor, 
who,  together  with  the  children  of  his  piety,  has  thus  ever 
been  victorious 1  and  prosperous  these  many  years,  that  you 1  pp.  79 
proceed  no  further,  nor  suffer  yourself  to  move  at  all  in  the  p^g6' 
Council  in  relation  to  our  affairs,  but  reserve  the  hearing  of r- 2- 
them  for  his  piety.    We  have  likewise  made  the  same  repre- 
sentations to  my  Lords2  the  orthodox  Bishops.  2  *»t*«s 

20.  Alexander3,  Bishop  of  Thessalonica,  on  receiving  these  §.  80. 
letters,  wrote  to  the  Count  Dionysius  as  follows.  note?' 

21.  The  Bishop  Alexander  to  my  Lord4  Dionysius.       4  W#rj 

I  see  that  a  conspiracy  has  evidently  been  formed  against 
Athanasius ;  for  they  have  determined,  I  know  not  on  what 
grounds,  to  send  all  those  to  whom  he  has  objected,  without 
giving  any  information  to  us,  although  it  was  agreed  that  we 
should  consider  together  who  ought  to  be  sent.  Take  care 
therefore  that  nothing  be  done  rashly,  (for  they  have  come  to 
me  in  great  alarm,  saying  that  the  wild  beasts  have  already 
roused  themselves,  and  are  going  to  rush  upon  them;  for 
they  had  heard  it  reported,  that  John  had  sent  certain,)  lest 
they  be  beforehand  with  us,  and  concoct  what  schemes  they 
please.  For  you  know  that  the  Colluthians5  who  are  enemies  s  p.  109, 
of  the  Church,  and  the  Arians,  and  Meletians,  are  all  ofnoted- 
them  leagued  together,  and  are  able  to  work  much  evil. 
Cousider  therefore  what  is  best  to  be  done,  lest  some 
mischief  befal,  and  we  be  subject  to  censure,  as  not  having 
judged  the  matter  fairly.  Great  suspicions  are  also  enter- 
tained of  these  persons,  lest,  as  being  devoted  to  the  Meletians, 


Digitized  by 


Letter  of  Count  Dionysius  to  the  Eusebians. 

Apol.  they  should  go  through  those  Churches  whose  Bishops  are 
ItTyre  ^eTG  *'  anc*  ra*se  an  a'arm  amongst  them,  and  so  disorder  the 
*  whole  of  Egypt.  For  they  see  that  this  is  already  taking  place 
to  a  great  extent. 

22.  In  consequence  of  this,  the  Count  Dionysius  wrote  to 
the  Eusebians  as  follows. 

§.81.     23.  This  is  what  I  have  already  mentioned  to  my  lords 
Verhaps  associated  with  Flacillus2,  that  Athanasius  has  come  forward 
Sentof  an^  complained  that  those  very  persons  have  been  sent 
Council,  whom  he  objected  to ;  and  crying  out  that  be  has  been 
note  b.  'wronged  and  deceived.    Alexander  the  lord  of  my  soul  has 
also  written  to  me  on  the  subject;  and  that  you  may 
perceive  that  what  his  Excellence  has  said  is  reasonable,  I 
have  subjoined  his  letter  to  be  read  by  you.  Remember 
also  what  I  wrote  to  you  before:   I  impressed  upon  your 
Excellences,  my  lords,  that  the  persons  who  were  sent 
ought  to  be  commissioned  by  the  general  vote  and  decision 
of  all.    Take  care  therefore  lest  our  proceedings  fall  under 
censure,  and  we  give  just  grounds  of  blame  to  those  who  are 
disposed  to  find  fault  with  us.    For  as  the  accuser's  side 
ought  not  to  suffer  any  oppression,  so  neither  ought  the 
defendant's.    And  I  think  that  there  is  no  slight  ground  of 
blame  against  us,  when  my  lord  Alexander  appears  to 
disapprove  of  what  we  have  done. 

§.  82.     24.  While  matters  were  proceeding  thus  we  withdrew  from 
Jer.9,2.them,  as  from  an  assembly  of  treacherous  men,  for  what- 
soever they  pleased  they  did,  whereas  there  is  no  man  in 
the  world  but  knows  that  ex  parte  proceedings  cannot 
stand  good.    This  the  divine  law  determines ;  for  when  the 
blessed  Apostle  was  suffering  under  a  similar  conspiracy  and 
Acts  24,  was  brought  to  trial,  he  demanded,  saying,  The  Jews  from 
18#  l9,  Asia  ought  to  have  been  here  before  thee,  and  object,  if  they 
had  ought  against  me.    On  which  occasion  Festus  also, 
when  the  Jews  wished  to  lay  such  a  plot  against  him,  as 
Acts  26,  these  men  have  now  laid  against  me,  said,  It  is  not  the 
manner  of  the  Romans  to  deliver  any  man  to  die,  before 
that  he  which  is  accused  have  the  accuser  face  to  face, 

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Inconsistencies  in  the  testimonies  in  behalf  of  Ischyras.  115 

and  have  licence  to  answer  for  himself  concerning  f7*eTa  II. 
crime  laid  against  him.  But  the  Eusebians  have  both — • — - 
had  the  boldness  to  pervert  the  law,  and  have  acted  more 
unjustly  even  than  those  unjust  persons.  For  they  did 
not  proceed  privately  at  the  first,  but  when  in  conse- 
quence of  our  being  present  they  found  themselves  weak, 
then  they  straightway  went  out,  like  the  Jews,  and  took 
counsel  together  alone,  how  they  might  destroy  us  and 
bring  in  their  heresy,  as  they  demanded  Barabbas.  For 
this  purpose  it  was,  as  they  have  themselves  confessed,  that 
they  did  all  these  things. 

25.  Although  these  circumstances  were  amply  sufficient  for  §.  83. 
our  vindication,  yet  in  order  that  the  wickedness  of  these 
men  and  the  freeness  of  the  truth  might  be  more  fully  ex- 
hibited, I  have  not  felt  averse  to  repeat  them  again,  in  order 
to  shew  that  they  have  acted  in  a  manner  inconsistently  with 
themselves,  and  as  men  scheming  in  the  dark  have  fallen 
foul  upon  one  another,  and  while  they  desired  to  destroy  us 
have  like  insane  persons  wounded  themselves.  For  in  their 
investigation  of  the  subject  of  the  Mysteries,  they  questioned 
Jews,  they  examined  Catechumens  1 ;  "  Where  were  you," 1  vid. 
they  said,  "  when  Macarius  came  and  overturned  the  Table  ?"p* 73* 
They  answered,  "  We  were  present  within  doors  ;**  whereas 
there  could  be  no  oblation  if  Catechumens  were  present. 
Again,  although  they  had  written  word  every  where,  that 
Macarius  came  and  overthrew  every  thing,  while  the  Pres- 
byter was  standing  and  celebrating  the  Mysteries,  yet  when 
they  questioned  whomsoever  they  pleased,  and  asked  them, 
"  Where  was  Ischyras  when  Macarius  rushed  in  ?"  those 
persons  answered  that  he  was  lying  sick  in  a  cell.  Now  he 
that  was  lying  could  not  be  standing,  nor  could  one  that  lay 
sick  in  his  cell  offer  the  oblation.  Besides  whereas  Ischyras 
said  that  certain  books  had  been  burnt  by  Macarius,  the 
witnesses  who  were  suborned  to  give  evidence,  declared  that 
nothing  of  the  kind  had  been  done,  but  that  Ischyras  spoke 
falsely.  And  what  is  most  remarkable,  although  they  had 
again  written  word  every  where,  that  those  who  were  able  to 
give  evidence  had  been  concealed  by  us,  yet  these  persons 
made  their  appearance,  and  ihey  questioned  them,  and  were 
not  ashamed  to  find  it  proved  on  all  sides  that  they  were 


Digitized  by  Google 

116  Lettero/theCounciloJ Jerusalem  totheAlexandrianChurch. 

Apol.  slanderers,  and  had  acted  in  this  matter  clandestinely,  and  ac- 

AO' Ab*  cording  to  their  pleasure.  For  they  prompted  the  witnesses 
by  signs,  while  the  Prefect  threatened  them,  and  the  soldiers 
pricked  them  with  their  swords ;  but  the  Lord  revealed  the 
truth,  and  shewed  them  to  be  slanderers.  Therefore  also  they 
concealed  the  Records  of  their  proceedings,  which  they 
retained  themselves,  and  charged  those  who  wrote  them  to 
keep  out  of  sight,  and  to  communicate  to  no  one  whom- 
soever. But  in  this  too  also  they  were  disappointed ;  for 
the  person  who  wrote  them  was  Rufus,  who  is  now  public 

1  vid.    executioner  in  the  Augustalian 1  prefecture,  and  is  able  to  testify 

note  d.  to  the  truth  of  this ;  and  the  Eusebians  sent  them  to  Rome  by 
the  hands  of  their  own  friends,  and  Julius  the  Bishop  trans- 
mitted them  to  me.  And  now  they  are  mad  with  rage,  because 
we  have  obtained  and  read  what  they  wished  to  conceal. 

§.  84.  26.  As  such  was  the  character  of  their  machinations,  so  they 
very  soon  shewed  plainly  the  reasons  of  their  conduct.  For 
when  they  went  away,  they  took  the  Arians  with  them  to 
Jerusalem,  and  there  admitted  them  to  communion,  having 

'  sent  out  a  letter  concerning  them,  part*  of  which,  and  the 

siT(vol.  beginning,  is  as  follows. 

103.)  07.  The  holy  Council  by  the  grace  of  God  assembled  at  Jeru- 
salem, to  the  Church  of  God  which  is  in  Alexandria,  and 
to  the  Bishops,  Presbyters,  and  Deacons,  in  all  Egypt,  the 
Thebais,  Libya,  Pentapolis,  and  throughout  the  world, 
sends  health  in  the  Lord. 

Having  come  together  out  of  different  Provinces  to  a 
great  meeting  which  we  have  held  for  the  consecration  of  the 
Martyry  of  the  Saviour,  which  has  been  appointed  to  the 
service  of  God  the  King  of  all  and  of  His  Christ,  by  the 
zeal  of  our  most  religious  Emperor  Constantine,  the  grace 
of  God  hath  afforded  us  more  abundant  rejoicing  of  heart; 
which  our  most  religious  Emperor  himself  hath  occasioned 
us  by  his  letters,  wherein  he  hath  stirred  us  up  to  do  that 
which  is  right,  putting  away  all  envy  from  the  Church  of 
God,  and  driving  far  from  us  all  malice,  by  which  the 
members  of  God  have  been  heretofore  torn  asunder,  and 
•that  we  should  with  single  and  peaceable  minds  receive  the 
Arians,  whom  envy,  that  enemy  of  all  goodness,  has  caused 

Digitized  by  Google 

Bargain  of  the  Eusebiam  with  Ischyras. 


for  a  season  to  be  excluded  from  the  Church.    Our  most  Tr.  II. 
religious  Emperor  has  also  in  his  letter  testified  to  the  cor-  84<  85' 
rectness  of  their  faith,  which  he  has  ascertained  from  them- 
selves, himself  receiving  the  profession  of  it  from  them  by  word 
of  mouth,  and  has  now  made  manifest  to  us  by  subjoining  a 
written  declaration  of  their  orthodox  belief. 

28.  Every  one  that  hears  of  these  things  must  see  through  §.  85. 
their  treachery.    For  they  made  no  concealment  of  what 

they  were  doing ;  unless  perhaps  they  confessed  the  truth 
without  wishing  it.  For  if  I  was  the  hindrance  to  the 
admittance  of  the  Arians  into  the  Church,  and  if  they  were 
received  while  I  was  suffering  from  their  plots,  what  other 
conclusion  can  be  arrived  at,  than  that  these  things  were 
done  on  their  account,  and  that  all  their  proceedings  against 
me,  and  the  story  which  they  fabricated  about  the  breaking 
of  the  chalice  and  the  murder  of  Arsenius,  were  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  introducing  impiety  into  the  Church,  and  of  pre- 
venting their  being  condemned  as  heretics?  For  this  was 
what  the  Emperor  threatened  long  ago  in  his  letters  to  me. 
And  they  were  not  ashamed  to  write  in  the  manner  they  did, 
and  to  affirm  that  those  persons  whom  the  whole  Ecumenical 
Council  anathematized  held  orthodox  sentiments.  And  as 
they  undertook  to  say  and  do  any  thing  without  scruple,  so 
they  were  not  afraid  to  meet  together  in  a  corner,  in  order 
to  overthrow,  as  far  as  was  in  their  power,  the  authority  of  so 
great  a  Council. 

29.  Moreover,  the  price  which  they  paid  for  false  testimony 
yet  more  fully  manifests  their  wickedness  and  impious  in- 
tentions. The  Mareotis,  as  I  have  already  said,  is  a  district 
of  Alexandria,  in  which  there  has  never  been  either  a  Bishop 
or  a  Chorepiscopus6;  but  the  Churches  of  the  whole  district 
are  subject  to  the  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  and  each  Presbyter 
has  under  his  charge  one  of  the  largest  villages,  which  are 
about  ten  or  more  in  number f.  Now  the  village  in  which 
Ischyras  lives,  is  a  very  small  one,  and  possesses  so  few 
inhabitants,  that  there  has  never  been  a  Church  built  there, 

*  That  Chorepiscopi  were  real  Bi-  i.  2.  c.  1. 

shops,  vid.  Bevereg.  in  Cone.  Ancyr.  f  Ten  under  each  Presbyter.  Vales. 

Can.  13.  Routh  in  Cone.  Neocffls.  Can.  ad  Socr.  Hist.  i.  27.   Ten  altogether, 

13.  referring  to  Rhabanus  Maurus.  Montfaucon  in  loc.  with  more  proba- 

Thomassin  on  the  other  hand  denies  bility;   and  so  Tillemont,  vol.  8.  p. 

that  they  were  Bishops,  Discipl.  Eccl.  20. 

118  The  Receiver-General  to  the  Tax-collector  oftheMareotis. 

Apol.  but  only  in  the  adjoining  village.    Nevertheless,  they  deter- 
A0'  AR-mined,  contrary  to  ancient  usage *,  to  nominate  a  Bishop  for 
this  place,  and  not  only  so,  but  even  to  appoint  one,  who  was 
not  so  much  as  a  Presbyter.    Knowing  as  they  did  the 
unusual  nature  of  such  a  proceeding,  yet  being  constrained 
by  the  promises  they  had  given  in  return  for  his  false  impeach- 
ment of  me,  they  submitted  even  to  this,  lest  that  abandoned 
person,  if  he  were  ill-treated  by  them,  should  disclose  the 
truth,  and  thereby  shew  the  wickedness  of  the  Eusebians. 
Notwithstanding  this,  he  has  no  Church,  nor  a  people  to 
obey  him,  but  is  scouted  by  them  all,  like  a  dog h,  although 
they  have  even  caused  the  Emperor  to  write  to  the  Receiver- 
1  Catho-  General l,  (for  every  thing  is  in  their  power,)  commanding 
p.C32.    lnat  a  Church  should  be  built  for  him,  that  being  possessed 
Apol.  ad  of  that,  his  statement  may  appear  credible  about  the  chalice 
§.  10.    and  the  table.    They  caused  him  immediately  to  be  nomi- 
nated a  Bishop,  because  if  he  were  without  a  Church,  and 
not  even  a  Presbyter,  he  would  appear  to  be  a  false  accuser, 
and  a  fabricator  of  the  whole  matter.    Nevertheless  he  pos- 
*  pp.     sesses  but  an  empty  title,  as  he  has  no  people2,  and  even  his 
i08,uo.  own  re]a^ons  are  not  obedient  to  him,  and  the  letter  also  has 
failed  to  accomplish  its  purpose,  remaining  only  as  a  con- 
vincing proof  of  the  utter  wickedness  of  himself  and  the 
Eusebians.    It  runs  as  follows. 

30.  The  Letter  of  the  Receiver-General. 

3  Ex-     Flavius  Hemerius  sends  health  to  the  Tax-collector3  of  the 
Mtor-  Mareotis. 

Ischyras  the  Presbyter  having  petitioned  the  piety  of  our 
Lords,  Caesars  Augusti,  that  a  Church  might  be  built  in  the 

4  p.  34,  district  of  the  Peace  of  Secontarurus4,  their  divinity  has  com- 
note  o.  mano»e(i  that  this  sbould  be  done  as  soon  as  possible.  Take 

care  therefore,  as  soon  as  you  receive  the  copy  of  the  sacred 
Edict,  which  with  all  due  veneration  is  placed  above,  and  the 
Reports  which  have  been  formed  before  my  sanctity,  that  you 

8  It  was  against  the  Canon  of  Sar-  however,  makes  him  a  Deacon.  Frag  in. 

dica,  and  doubtless  against  ancient  ii.  16. 

usage,  to  ordain  a  Bishop  for  so  small      h  Dogs  without  owners,  and  almost 

a  village,  vid.  Bingham,  Antiqu.  ii.  12.  in  a  wild  state,  abound,  as  is  well  known, 

who,  however,  maintains  by  instances,  in  Eastern  cities ;  vid.  Psalm  lix.  6, 14, 

that  at  least  small  towns  might  be  sees.  15.  2  Kings  ix.  35, 36.  and  for  the  view 

AIko  it  was  against  usage  that  a  lay-  taken  in  Scripture  of  dogs,  vid.  Bochart, 

man,  as  Ischyras,  should  be  made  a  Hieroz.  ii.  56. 
Bishop,  ibid.  10.  §.  4,  &c.  St.  Hilary, 

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Letter  of  Constantine  to  the  Council  of  Tyre.  119 

quickly  make  an  abstract  of  them,  and  transfer  them  to  the  Tr.  ii. 
Order  book,  so  that  the  sacred  command  may  be  put  in  85' 86' 

31.  While  they  were  thus  plotting  and  scheming,  I  went  up1  §.  86. 
and  represented  to  the  Emperor  the  unjust  conduct  of  thej^26' 
Eusebians,  for  he  it  was  who  had  commanded  the  Council  to 
be  held,  and  his  Count  presided  at  it.    When  he  heard  my 
report,  he  was  greatly  moved,  and  wrote  to  them  as  follows. 

32.  Victor2,  Constantine,  Maximus,  Augustus,  to  the  Bishops *  Euseb. 

assembled  at  Tyre.  li?48*U 

I  know  not  what  the  decisions  are  which  you  have  arrived 
at  in  your  Council  amidst  noise  and  tumult ;  but  somehow 
the  truth  seems  to  have  been  perverted  in  consequence  of 
certain  confusions  and  disorders,  in  that  you,  through  your 
mutual  contentiousness,  which  you  are  resolved  should  pre- 
vail, have  failed  to  perceive  what  is  pleasing  to  God.  How- 
ever, it  will  rest  with  Divine  Providence  to  disperse  the 
mischiefs  which  manifestly  are  found  to  arise  from  this 
contentious  spirit,  and  to  shew  plainly  to  us,  whether  you, 
while  assembled  in  that  place,  have  had  any  regard  for  the 
truth,  and  whether  you  have  made  your  decisions  uninfluenced 
by  either  favour  or  enmity.  Wherefore  I  wish  you  all  to 
assemble  with  all  speed  before  my  piety,  in  order  that  you 
may  render  in  person  a  true  account  of  your  proceedings. 

33.  The  reason  why  I  have  thought  good  to  write  thus  to 
you,  and  why  I  summon  you  before  me  by  letter,  you  will 
learn  from  what  I  am  going  to  say.  As  I  was  entering  on  a 
late  occasion  our  all-happy  home  of  Constantinople,  which 
bears  our  name,  (I  chanced  at  the  time  to  be  on  horseback,) 
on  a  sudden  the  Bishop  Athanasius,  with  certain  others 
whom  he  had  with  him,  approached  me  in  the  middle  of  the 
road,  so  unexpectedly,  as  to  occasion  me  much  amazement. 
God,  who  knoweth  all  things,  is  my  witness,  that  I  should 
have  been  unable  at  first  sight  even  to  recognise  him,  had 
not  some  of  my  attendants,  on  my  naturally  enquiring  of 
them,  informed  me  both  who  it  was,  and  under  what  injustice 
he  was  suffering.  I  did  not  however  enter  into  any  conver- 
sation with  him  at  that  time,  nor  grant  him  an  interview;,  but 

Digitized  by 

120      Letter  of  Constantine  to  the  Council  of  Tyre. 

Apol.  when  he  requested  to  be  heard  I  refused,  and  all  but  gav£ 
orders  for  his  removal:  when  with  increasing  boldness  he 
claimed  only  this  favour,  that  you  should  be  summoned  to 
appear,  that  he  might  have  an  opportunity  of  complaining 
before  me  in  your  presence,  of  the  ill-treatment  which  he  has 
met  with.  As  this  appeared  to  me  to  be  a  reasonable  request, 
and  suitable  to  the  times,  I  willingly  ordered  this  letter  to  be 
written  to  you,  in  order  that  all  of  you,  who  constituted  the 
Council  which  was  held  at  Tyre,  might  hasten  without  delay 

1  *«-{««-••  to  the  Court1  of  my  clemency,  so  as  to  prove  by  facts  that  you 
**"0'0  had  passed  an  impartial  and  uncorrupt  judgment.  This,  I 
note  z!  say,  you  must  do  before  me,  whom  not  even  you  will  deny  to 

2  be  a  true  servant  of  God  * 

*w«  34  por  m(jeeci  through  my  devotion5  to  God,  peace  is  pre- 
r^timt  served  every  where,  and  the  Name  of  God  is  truly  worshipped 
even  by  the  barbarians,  who  have  hitherto  been  ignorant  of 
the  truth.  And  it  is  manifest,  that  he  who  is  ignorant  of  the 
truth,  does  not  know  God.  Nevertheless,  as  I  said  before, 
even  the  barbarians  have  now  come  to  the  knowledge  of  God, 
by  means  of  me,  His  true  servant1,  and  have  learned  to  fear 
Him  whom  they  perceive  from  actual  facts  to  be  my  shield 
and  protector  every  where.  And  from  this  chiefly  they  have 
come  to  know  God,  whom  they  fear  through  the  dread  which 
they  have  of  me.  But  we,  who  profess  to  set  forth  (for  I  will 
not  say  to  guard)  the  holy  mysteries  of  His  Goodness,  we, 
I  say,  engage  in  nothing  but  what  tends  to  dissension  and 
hatred,  and,  in  short,  whatever  contributes  to  the  destruction 
of  mankind.  But  hasten,  as  I  said  before,  and  all  of  you 
with  all  speed  come  to  us,  being  persuaded  that  I  shall 
endeavour  with  all  my  might  to  amend  what  is  amiss,  so 
that  those  things  specially  may  be  preserved  and  firmly 
established  in  the  law  of  God,  to  which  no  blame  nor 
dishonour  may  attach ;  while  the  enemies  of  the  law,  who 
under  pretence  of  His  holy  Name  bring  in  manifold  and 
divers  blasphemies,  shall  be  scattered  abroad,  and  entirely 
crushed,  and  utterly  destroyed. 

1  "  Once  in  an  entertainment,  at  of  matters  within  the  Church,  I  am 

which  he  (Constantine)  received  Bi-  appointed  by  God  to  be  Bishop  of 

shops,  he  made  the  remark  that  he  too  matters  external  to  it.'  "  Euseb.  Vit 

was  a  Bishop ;  using  pretty  much  these  Const,  iv.  24.  vid.  supr.  p.  76,  note 

words  in  my  hearing,  *  You  are  Bishops  m. 

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Letter  of  Con  start  tine  to  the  Alexandrian  laity.  121 

35.  When  the  Eusebians  read  this  letter,  being  conscious  of  Tb.  II. 
what  they  had  done,  they  prevented  the  rest  of  the  Bishops  97' 
from  going  up,  and  only  themselves  went,  viz.  Eusebius,  §• 
Theognius,  Patrophilus,  the  other  Eusebius,  Ursacius,  and 
Valens.    And  they  no  longer  said  any  thing  about  the 
chalice  and  Arsenius,  (for  they  had  not  the  boldness  to  do 
so,)  but  inventing  another  accusation  which  concerned  the 
Emperor  himself,  they  declared  before  him,  that  Athanasius 
had  threatened  that  he  would  cause  the  corn  to  be  withheld 
which  was  sent  from  Alexandria  to  his  own  home1.    The1  Con- 
Bishops  Adamantius,  Anubion,  Agathammon,  Arbethion,  and^e." 
Peter,  were  present  and  heard  this.    It  was  proved  also  by 
the  anger  of  the  Emperor ;  for  although  he  had  written  the 
preceding  letter,  and  had  condemned  their  injustice,  as  soon 
as  he  heard  such  a  charge  as  this,  he  was  immediately  in- 
censed, and  instead  of  granting  me  a  hearing,  he  sent  me  away 
into  Gaul.    And  this  again  shews  their  wickedness  further  : 
for  when  the  younger  Constantine,  of  blessed  memory,  sent 
me  back  home,  remembering  what  his  father  had  written,  he 
also  wrote  as  follows. 

36.  Constantine  Caesar,  to  the  people  of  the  Catholic  Church 
of  the  city  of  Alexandria. 

I  suppose  that  it  has  not  escaped  the  knowledge  of  your 
pious  minds,  that  Athanasius,  the  interpreter  of  the  adorable 
Law,  was  sent  away  into  Gaul  for  a  time,  with  the  intent 
that,  as  the  savageness  of  his  bloodthirsty  and  inveterate 
enemies  persecuted  him  to  the  hazard  of  his  sacred  life2,  he**ip«A« 
might  thus  escape  suffering  some  irremediable  calamity, 
through  the  perverse  dealing  of  those  evil  men.  In  order 
therefore  to  escape  this,  he  was  snatched  out  of  the  jaws  of 
his  assailants,  and  was  ordered  to  pass  some  time  under  my 
government,  and  so  was  supplied  abundantly  with  all  neces- 
saries in  this  city,  where  he  lived,  although  indeed  his  cele- 
brated virtue,  relying  entirely  on  divine  assistance,  set  at 
nought  the  sufferings  of  adverse  fortune.  Now  seeing  that  it 
was  the  fixed  intention  of  our  Lord5  Constantine  Augustus,  ray 3 
Father,  to  restore  the  said  Bishop  to  his  own  place,  and  tornt 
your  most  beloved  piety,  but  he  was  taken  away  by  that 
fate  which  is  common  to  all  men,  and  went  to  his  rest  before 

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Conclusion  of  the  Apology. 

Apol.  he  could  accomplish  his  wish ;  I  have  thought  proper  to  fulfil 
aq.  All*that  intention  of  the  Emperor  of  sacred  memory  which  I 
have  inherited  from  him.  When  he  comes  to  present  him- 
self before  you,  you  will  learn  with  what  reverence  he  has 
been  treated.  Indeed  it  is  not  wonderful,  whatever  I  have 
done  on  his  behalf;  for  the  thoughts  of  your  longing 
desire  for  him,  and  the  appearance  of  so  great  a  man,  moved 
my  mind,  and  urged  me  thereto.  May  Divine  Providence 
continually  preserve  you,  dearly  beloved  brethren. 
*  June      Dated  from  Treves  the  15th  before  the  Calends  of  July l. 



§.  88.  37.  This  being  the  reason  why  I  was  sent  away  into  Gaul, 
who,  I  ask  again,  does  not  plainly  perceive  the  intention  of 
the  Emperor,  and  the  murderous  spirit  of  the  Eusebians, 
and  that  the  Emperor  did  this  in  order  to  prevent  their 
forming  some  more  desperate  scheme?  for  he  listened  to  them 
with  a  sincere  purpose k.  Such  were  the  practices  of  the 
Eusebians,  and  such  their  machinations  against  me.  Who 
that  has  witnessed  them  will  deny  that  nothing  has  been 
done  in  my  favour  out  of  partiality,  but  that  that  great 
number  of  Bishops  both  individually  and  collectively  wrote 
as  they  did  in  my  behalf  and  condemned  the  falsehood  of 
my  enemies  justly,  and  in  accordance  with  the  truth  ?  Who 
that  has  observed  such  proceedings  as  these  will  deny  that 
Valens  and  Ursacius  had  good  reason  to  condemn  them- 
selves, and  to  write  as  they  did,  to  accuse  themselves  on 
their  repentance,  choosing  rather  to  suffer  shame  for  a  short 
time,  than  to  undergo  the  punishment  of  false  accusers  for 
ever  and  ever1  ? 

§.  89.  38.  Wherefore  also  my  blessed  brothers  in  ministry,  acting 
justly  and  according  to  the  laws  of  the  Church,  while  certain 

k  Wn*$vrt  ykt  irXSt.  Montfaucon 
in  Onomast.  (Atban.  t.  2.  ad  calc.) 
points  out  some  passages  in  his  author, 
where  Wmmvui  like  &r«*#vf*r,  means 
"to  answer."  vid.  Apol.  ad  Const.  $. 
16.  init  Orat.  iii.  27  tin. 

1  Here  ends  the  second  part  of  the 
Apology,  as  is  evident  by  turning  back 
to  §.  58.  (supra,  p.  87  tin.)  to  which 
this  paragraph  is  an  allusion.  The 
express  object  of  the  second  part  was 
to  prove,  what  has  now  been  proved 

by  documents,  that  Valens  and  Ursacius 
did  but  succumb  to  plain  facts  which 
they  could  not  resist.  It  is  observable 
too  from  this  passage  that  the  Apology 
was  written  before  their  relapse,  i.  e. 
before  A. D.  351,  or  352.  The  remain- 
ing two  sections  are  written  after  357, 
as  they  mention  the  fall  of  Liberius  and 
Hosius,  and  speak  of  Constantius  in 
different  language  from  any  which  has 
been  found  above,  vid.  Libr.  F.  vol.  8. 
p.  90,  note  p. 

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affirmed  that  my  case  was  doubtful,  and  endeavoured  toT*.  II. 
compel  them  to  annul  the  sentence  which  was  passed  in  my  89>  — 
favour,  have  now  endured  all  manner  of  sufferings,  and  have 
chosen  rather  to  be  banished  than  to  see  the  judgment  of  so 
many  Bishops  reversed.  Now  if  those  genuine  Bishops  had 
withstood  by  words  only  those  who  plotted  against  me,  and 
wished  to  undo  all  that  had  been  done  in  my  behalf;  or 
if  they  had  been  ordinary  men,  and  not  the  Bishops  of 
illustrious  cities,  and  the  heads  of  great  Churches,  there 
would  have  been  room  to  suspect  that  in  this  instance  they 
too  had  acted  contentiously  and  in  order  to  gratify  me. 
But  when  they  not  only  endeavoured  to  convince  by  argument, 
hut  also  endured  banishment,  and  one  of  them  is  Liberius 
Bishop  of  Rome,  (for  although  he  did  not  endure  to  the  end 
the  sufferings  of  banishment,  yet  he  remained  in  his  exile  for 
two  years,  being  aware  of  conspiracy  formed  against  me,)  and 
since  there  is  also  the  great  Hosius,  together  with  the  Bishops 
of  Italy,  and  of  Gaul,  and  others  from  Spain,  and  from 
Egypt,  and  Libya,  and  all  those  from  Pentapolis,  (for 
although  for  a  little  while,  through  fear  of  the  threats  of 
Constantius,  he  seemed  not  to  resist  them,  yet  the  great 
violence  and  tyrannical  power  exercised  by  Constantius,  and 
the  many  insults  and  stripes  inflicted  on  him,  prove  that  it 
was  not  because  he  gave  up  my  cause,  but  through  the 
weakness  of  old  age,  being  unable  to  bear  the  stripes,  that 
he  yielded  to  them  for  a  season,)  therefore  I  say,  it  is  alto- 
gether right  that  all,  as  being  folly  convinced,  should  hate 
and  abominate  the  injustice  and  the  violence  which  they  have 
used  towards  me ;  especially  as  it  is  well  known  that  I  have 
suffered  these  things  on  account  of  nothing  else  but  the 
Arian  impiety. 

39.  Now  if  any  one  wishes  to  become  acquainted  with  my  §.  90. 
case,  and  the  falsehood  of  the  Eusebians,  let  him  read  what 
has  been  written  in  my  behalf,  and  let  him  hear  the  witnesses, 
not  one,  or  two,  or  three,  but  that  great  number  of  Bishops ; 
and  again  let  him  attend  to  the  witnesses  of  these  proceed- 
ings, Liberius  and  Hosius,  and  their  associates,  who  when 
they  saw  the  attempts  made  against  me,  chose  rather  to 
endure  all  manner  of  sufferings  than  to  give  up  the  truth, 
and  the  judgment  which  had  been  pronounced  in  my  favour. 

Digitized  by 



Apol.  And  this  they  did  with  an  honourable  and  righteous  intention, 
aq.  AR*for  wnat  tjjey  suffered  proves  to  what  straits  the  other 
Bishops  were  reduced.    And  they  are  memorials  and  records 
against  the  Arian  heresy,  and  the  wickedness  of  the  false 
accusers,  and  afford  a  pattern  and  model  for  those  who  come 
after,  to  contend  for  the  truth  unto  death,  and  to  abominate 
1  x?rr$-  the  Arian  heresy  which  fights  against  Christ1,  and  is  a  fore- 
voL8?p.mnner  °^  Antichrist4;  and  not  to  believe  those  who  attempt 
6,  speak  against  me.    For  the  defence  put  forth,  and  the 
p.  79,    sentence  given,  by  so  many  Bishops  of  high  character,  are  a 
note  q.  trustworthy  and  sufficient  testimony  in  my  behalf. 

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[The  Circular  Epistle  which  follows  was  addressed  by  S.  Athanasius  to  the 
Bishops  of  his  Patriarchate  in  the  beginning  of  356,  immediately  after 
his  flight  from  Egypt  on  the  outrages  committed  against  the  Church  hy 
Syrianus.  Some  indeed  have  referred  it  to  the  year  361,  with  some 
plausibility,  on  the  ground  of  a  passage  in  §.  22,  where  he  speaks  of  the 
Arians  being  "  declared  heretics  36  years  ago  and  cast  out  of  the  Church 
by  decree  of  the  whole  Ecumenical  Council i.  e  325.  However,  if  a  stop 
is  placed  after  "  ago,"  the  former  clause  may  be  made  to  refer  to  S.  Alex- 
ander's condemnation  of  them,  as  Montfaucon  observes.  On  the  other 
hand  it  is  plainly  proved  from  §.  7,  that  it  was  written  just  as  the  Arians 
were  sending  George  of  Cappadocia  to  Alexandria,  i.  e.  before  Easter 
356,  and  after  Feb.  9,  the  date  of  A  thanasius's  leaving  Alexandria.  The 
stress  too  which  is  laid  upon  maintaining  the  Nicene  Creed,  and  the 
notice  of  the  Arian  appeal  to  Scripture,  and  the  respectful  language  he 
uses  of  Constantius,  all  agree  with  the  date  356,  if  corroboration  is 
necessary.  There  is  very  little  in  this  Epistle  which  is  not  contained  in 
his  other  Treatises,  and  a  considerable  portion  is  of  a  doctrinal  character. 
It  was  written  on  occasion  of  an  attempt  made  by  the  Arians  to  seduce 
the  Bishops  addressed  into  subscribing  one  of  the  specious  Creeds  of 
which  so  much  is  read  in  the  history  of  the  times ;  but  nothing  can  be 
gathered  of  the  circumstances  from  collateral  sources.  The  Treatise 
was  formerly  put  at  the  head  of  the  Orations  against  the  Arians,  and 
numbered  as  the  first  of  them.] 

CHAP.  I. 

1.  All  things  whatsoever  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  ^  j 
as  Luke  hath  written,  both  did  and  taught,  He  did  for  ourvid 
salvation,  for  which  He  appeared  in  the  world  ;  for  He  came,  Actsi, 

Digitized  by 

126    Christ  warned  His  followers  against  false  prophets. 

Lett,  as  John  saith,  not  to  condemn  the  world,  but  that  the  world 
TLib?  through  Him  might  be  saved.    And  among  the  rest  we  have 
John  3}  especially  to  admire  this  instance  of  His  goodness,  that  He 
^      was  not  silent  concerning  those  who  should  fight  against  us, 
but  plainly  told  us  beforehand,  that,  when  those  things 
should  come  to  pass,  we  might  straightway  be  found  with 
Mat.24,  minds  established  by  His  teaching.    For  He  said,  There 
24' 26*  shall  arise  false  prophets  and  false  Christs,  and  shall  shew 
great  signs  and  wonders ;  insomuch  that,  if  it  were  possible, 
the  very  elect  shall  be  deceived.    Behold,  I  have  told  you 
before.    Manifold  indeed  and  beyond  human  conception  are 
the  instructions  and  gifts  of  grace  which  He  has  laid  up  in 
us ;  as  the  pattern  of  heavenly  conversation,  power  against 
devils,  the  adoption  of  sons,  and  that  exceeding  great  and 
singular  grace,  the  knowledge  of  the  Father  and  of  the  Word 
Himself,  and  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost.    But  the  mind  of 
man  is  prone  to  evil  exceedingly ;  moreover,  our  adversary 
the  devil,  envying  us  the  possession  of  such  great  blessings, 
goeth  about  seeking  to  snatch  away  the  seed  of  the  word 
which  is  sown  within  us.    Wherefore  as  if  by  His  prophetic 
warnings  He  would  seal  up  His  instructions  in  our  hearts  as 
Lnte2i,His  own  peculiar  treasure,  the  Lord  said,  Take  heed  that  no 
8*       man  deceive  you:  for  many  shall  come  in  My  name,  saying, 
I  am  he;  and  the  time  draweth  near;  and  they  shall 
deceive  many:  go  ye  not  therefore  after  them. 

2.  This  is  a  great  gift  which  the  Word  has  bestowed  upon 
us,  that  we  should  not  be  deceived  by  appearances,  but  that, 
howsoever  these  things  are  concealed,  we  should  distinguish 
them  by  the  grace  of  the  Spirit.  For  whereas  the  inventor 
of  wickedness  and  great  spirit  of  evil,  the  devil,  is  utterly 
i  /Wxxi-  hateful,  and  as  soon  as  he  shews  himself  is  rejected1  of  all 
vol!  8.d *men5 — as  a  serpent,  as  a  dragon,  as  a  lion  seeking  whom  he 
p.  53,    may  seize  upon  and  devour, — therefore  he  conceals  and 
note  *  covers  what  he  really  is,  and  craftily  personates  that  Name 
which  all  men  desire,  so  that  deceiving  by  a  false  appear- 
ance, he  may  bind  fast  in  his  chains  those  whom  he  has  led 
astray.    And  as  if  one  that  desired  to  kidnap  the  children  of 
others  during  the  absence  of  their  parents,  should  personate 
their  appearance,  and  so  putting  a  cheat  on  the  affections  of 
the  offspring,  should  carry  them  far  away  and  destroy  them ; 

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Satan  pretending  to  be  holy,  is  detected  by  the  Christian.  127 

in  like  manner  this  evil  and  wily  spirit  the  devil,  having  noTn.HI. 
confidence  in  himself,  and  knowing  the  love  which  men  1~3* 
bear  to  the  truth,  puts  on  the  resemblance  thereof,  and  so 
spreads  his  poison  among  those  that  follow  after  him. 

3.  Thus  he  deceived  Eve,  not  speaking  his  own,  but  artfully  §.  2. 
adopting  the  words  of  God,  and  perverting  their  meaning. 
Thus  he  suggested  evil  to  the  wife  of  Job,  persuading  her  to 
feign  affection  for  her  husband,  while  he  taught  her  to  blas- 
pheme God.  Thus  does  the  crafty  spirit  mock  men  by  false 
appearances,  deluding  and  drawing  each  into  his  own  pit  of 
wickedness.  When  of  old  he  deceived  the  first  man  Adam, 
thinking  that  through  him  he  should  have*  all  men  subject 

unto  bim,  he  exulted  with  great  boldness  and  said,  My  handu.  10, 
hath  found  as  a  nest  the  riches  of  the  people;  and  as  one14' 
gathereth  eggs  that  are  left,  have  I  gathered  all  the  earth ; 
and  there  was  none  that  moved  the  wing,  or  opened  the 
mouth,  or  'peeped.    But  when  the  Lord  came  upon  earth, 
and  the  enemy  made  trial  of  His  human  economy,  being 
unable  to  deceive  the  flesh  which  He  had  taken  upon  Him, 
from  that  time  forth  He,  who  promised  Himself  the  occupation 
of  the  whole  world,  is  for  His  sake  mocked  even  by  children : 
that  proud  one  is  mocked  as  a  sparrow1.  For  now  the  infant  lvid. Job 
child  lays  his  hand  upon  the  hole  of  the  asp,  and  laughs  ^f4, 
at  him  that  deceived  Eve ;  and  all  that  rightly  believe 
in  the  Lord  tread  under  foot  him  that  said,  /  will  ascend  U.u, 
above  the  heights  of  the  clouds ;  I  will  be  like  the  Most u* 

4.  Thus  he  suffers  and  is  dishonoured;  and  although  he  still 
ventures  with  shameless  confidence  to  disguise  himself,  yet 
now,  wretched  spirit,  he  is  detected  the  rather  by  them  that 
bear  the  Sign  on  their  foreheads;  yea,  more,  he  is  rejected  of 
them,  and  is  humbled,  and  put  to  shame.  For  even  if, 
now  that  he  is  a  creeping  serpent,  he  shall  transform  himself 
into  an  angel  of  light,  yet  his  deception  will  not  profit  him ; 

for  we  have  been  taught  that  though  an  angel  from  heaven  ™^Gal. 
preach  unto  us  any  other  gospel  than  that  we  have  received,  9 
he  shall  be  accursed.    And  although,  again,  he  eonceal  his  §.  3. 
natural  falsehood,  and  pretend  to  speak  truth  with  his  lips ; 
yet  are  we  not  ignorant  of  his  devices,  but  are  able  to  answer  2  Cor.  2, 
him  in  the  words  spoken  by  the  Spirit  against  him;  But11' 

128    Satan  being  hateful  in  himself  pretends  to  be  holy. 

Lett,  unto  the  ungodly,  said  God,  why  dost  thou  preach  My  laws? 
T  LiB.°#  and,  Praise  is  not  seemly  in  the  mouth  of  a  sinner.  For  even 
Ps.  60,  though  he  speak  the  truth,  the  deceiver  is  not  worthy  of  credit. 
Ec'clus  ^'  *^n(^  wnereas  Scripture  has  shewn  this,  when  relating  his 
15, 9.  wicked  artifices  against  Eve  in  Paradise,  so  the  Lord  also 
Job  41,  reproved  him, — first  in  the  mount,  when  He  laid  open  the  folds 

*  vfd.Pt  of  his  breast-plate1,  and  shewed  who  the  crafty  spirit  was,  and 

VOli78  Prove<^  ^at  was  not  one  °f  *e  samts*>  DUt  Satan  that 
?or  "  was  tempting  Him.  For  He  said,  Get  thee  behind  me,  Satan; 
writers  for  written,  Thou  shall  worship  the  Lord  thy  God,  and 
ky\m. 9  Him  only  shall  thou  serve.  And  again,  when  He  put  a  curb 
Mat.  4,  «n  tne  moutjlg  0f  tne  devils  that  cried  after  Him  from  the 

tombs.  For  although  what  they  said  was  true,  and  they  lied 
Mat.  8,  not  then,  saying,  Thou  art  the  Son  of  God,  and  the  Holy 
Mark  l,  One  °f  God;  yet  He  would  not  that  the  truth  should  proceed 
24«      from  an  unclean  mouth,  and  especially  from  such  as  them, 

lest  under  pretence  thereof  they  should  mingle  with  it  their 
3  vol.  8,  own  malicious  devices,  and  sow 3  them  while  men  slept. 
Dotek.  Therefore  He  suffered  them  not  to  speak  these  words,  neither 

would  He  have  us  to  suffer  such,  but  hath  charged  us  by 
Mat.  7,  His  own  mouth,  saying,  Beware  of  false  prophets,  which 
m*      come  to  you  in  sheeps*  clothing,  but  inwardly  they  are 

ravening  wolves;  and  by  the  mouth  of  His  Holy  Apostles, 
l  John  Believe  not  every  spirit. 

4?  L  6.  Such  is  the  method  of  our  adversary's  operations ;  and  of 
the  like  nature  are  all  these  inventions  of  heresies,  each  of 
which  has  for  the  father  of  its  own  device  the  devil,  who 
changed  and  became  a  murderer  and  a  liar  from  the 
beginning.  But  being  ashamed  to  profess  his  hateful  name, 
they  usurp  the  glorious  Name  of  our  Saviour  which  is  above 
Phil.  2,  every  name,  and  deck  themselves  out  in  the  language  of 
9t  Scripture,  speaking  indeed  the  words,  but  stealing  away  the 
true  meaning  thereof;  and  so  disguising  by  some  artifice  their 
false  inventions,  they  also  become  the  murderers  of  those 
whom  they  have  led  astray.  For  to  what  benefit  do 
Marcion  and  Manichaeus  receive  the  Gospel  while  they 

*  vol.  8,  reject  the  Law4  ?   For  the  New  Testament  arose  out  of  the 

'  Old,  and  bears  witness  to  the  Old;  if  then  they  reject  this, 
how  can  they  receive  that  which  proceeds  from  it  ?  Thus 
Paul  was  an  Apostle  of  the  Gospel,  which  God  promised 

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// profits  not ,  to  receive  part  of  Scripture,  and  reject  part.  1 29 

afore  by  His  prophets  in  the  holy  Scriptures;  and  ourTn.Hi. 
Lord  Himself  said,  Search  the  Scriptures,  for  they  are  they  ^3>  ll 
which  testify  of  Me.  How  then  shall  they  confess  the  2.  9 
Lord,  unless  they  first  search  the  Scriptures  which  are^bn6> 
written  concerning  Him  ?  And  the  disciples  say  that  they 
have  found  Him,  of  whom  Moses  and  the  Prophets  did  John  1, 

7.  And  to  what  end  do  the  Sadducees  retain  the  Law, 

if  they  receive  not  the  Prophets  1  ?   For  God  who  gave  the  'vid.Pri- 
Law,  Himself  promised  in  the  Law  that  He  would  raise  upcomUi. 
Prophets  also,  so  that  the  same  is  Lord  both  of  the  Law  and6 
of  the  Prophets,  and  he  that  denies  the  one  must  of  necessity  ed. 
deny  the  other  also.    And  again,  how  can  the  Jews  receive l725'* 
the  Old  Testament,  unless  they  acknowledge  the  Lord 
whose  coming  was  expected  according  to  it  ?   For  had  they 
believed  the  writings  of  Moses,  they  would  have  believed 
the  words  of  the  Lord ;  for  He  said,  He  wrote  of  Me.  John  6, 


Moreover,  what  are  the  Scriptures  to  Paul*  of  Samosata,  who*  v'0\m  Sm 
denies  the  Word  of  God  and  His  incarnate  Presence*,  wmchM6.» 
is  signified  and  declared  both  in  the  Old  and  New  Testa-  »  ibid, 
ment?   And  of  what  use  are  the  Scriptures  to  the  Ariaus^6^ 
also,  and  why  do  they  bring  them  forward,  men  who  say 
that  the  Word  of  God  is  a  creature,  and  like  the  Gentiles, 
serve  the  creature  more  than  God  the  Creator?  Thus  eachRom' 


of  these  heresies,  in  respect  of  the  peculiar  impiety  of  its 
invention4,  has  nothing  in  common  with  the  Scriptures. 4  Wtuimt 
And  their  advocates  are  aware  of  this,  that  the  Scriptures 
are  very  much,  or  rather  altogether,  opposed  to  the  doctrines 
of  every  one  of  them ;  but  for  the  sake  of  deceiving  the 
more  simple  sort,  (such  as  are  those  of  whom  it  is  written  in 
the  Proverbs,  The  simple  believeth  every  word,)  they  pretend  ^*ov'5 
like  their  father  the  devil5  to  study  and  to  quote  the  language  John  8, 
of  Scripture,  in  order  that  they  may  appear  by  their  words  tof*0rat 
have  a  right  belief,  and  so  may  persuade  their  wretched  K.  73,74. 
followers  to  believe  contrary  to  the  Scriptures8.  p^8, 

8.  Assuredly  in  every  one  of  these  heresies  the  devil  hasj?ote3. 
thus  disguised  himself,  and  has  suggested  to  them  words  p.  i89. 
ftdl  of  craftiness.    The  Lord  spake  concerning  them,  that 
there  shall  arise  false  Christs  and  false  prophets,  so  *Aa/Mat.24, 
they  shall  deceive  many.    Accordingly  the  Devil  has  come, 


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180       All  heresies  agree  to  lie,  but  in  nothing  else. 

Lett,  speaking  by  each  and  saying,  "  I  am  Christ,  and  the  truth 

*Lib?  *s  w*tn  me an(^  ne  ^as  ma(^e  tnem>  one  and  all,  to  be 
liars  like  himself.     And  strange  it  is,  that  while  all 
heresies  are  at  variance  with  one  another  concerning  the 
mischievous  inventions  which  each  has  framed,  they  are 
1  vol.  8,  united  together  only  by  the  common  purpose  of  lying1.  For 
lotell  they  have  one  and  the  same  father  that  has  sown  in  them  all 
^d*t  ..  the  seeds  of  falsehood.    Wherefore  the  faithful  Christian 
$*18.    and  true  disciple  of  the  Gospel,  having  grace  to  discern 
spiritual  things,  and  having  built  the  house  of  his  faith  upon 
a  rock,  stands  continually  firm  and  secure  from  their  deceits. 
But  the   simple  person,  as  I  said  before,  that  is  not 
thoroughly  grounded  in  knowledge,  such   an   one,  con- 
sidering only  the  words  that  are  spoken  and  not  perceiving 
9  p.  134,  their  meaning2,  is  immediately  drawn  away  by  their  wiles. 
Wherefore  it  is  good  and  needful  for  us  to  pray  that  we  may 
receive  the  gift  of  discerning  spirits,  so  that  every  one  may- 
know,  according  to  the  precept  of  John,  whom  he  ought  to 
reject  and  whom  to  receive  as  friends  and  of  the  same  faith. 
Now  one  might  write  at  great  length  concerning  these 
things,  if  one  desired  to  go  into  details  respecting  them; 
for  the  impiety  and  perverseness  of  heresies  will  appear  to 
be  manifold  and  various,  and  the  craft  of  the  deceivers  to  be 
very  terrible.    But  since  holy  Scripture  is  of  all  things  most 
3  vol.  8,  sufficient3  for  us,  therefore  recommending  to  those  who  desire 
J'f1'    to  know  more  of  these  matters,  to  read  the  Divine  word,  I  now 
hasten  to  set  before  you  that  which  most  claims  attention, 
and  for  the  sake  of  which  principally  I  have  written  these 

§.  5.      9.  I  have  heard  during  my  sojourn  in  these  parts4,  (and  they 
leRtine"  were  true  an(^  ortno^ox  brethren  that  informed  me,)  that 
Tillem.  certain  professors  of  Arian  opinions  have  met  together,  and 
P?*i86.  nave  drawn  up  a  confession  of  faith  to  their  own  liking,  and 
that  they  intend  to  send  word  to  you,  that  you  must  either 
subscribe  to  what  pleases  them,  or  rather  to  what  the  Devil 
has  inspired  them  with,  or  in  case  of  refusal  must  suffer 
banishment.    They  have  indeed  already  begun  to  molest 
the  Bishops  of  these  parts ;  and  thereby  have  plainly 
manifested  their  disposition.    For  inasmuch  as  they  have 
framed  this  document  only  for  the  purpose  of  inflicting 

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Attempt  of  Avians  to  substitute  a  Creed  for  the  Nicene.  131 

banishment  or  other  punishments,  what  does  such  con-TR.iii. 
duct  prove  them  to  be,  but  enemies  of  the  Christians,  6>  6' 
and  friends  of  the  Devil  and  his  angels  ?  and  especially, 
since  they  spread  abroad  what  they  like  contrary  to  the 
mind  of  that  gracious  Prince,  our  most  religious  Emperor 
Constantius1.    And  this  they  do  with  great  craftiness,  and,  as 1  vol.  8, 
appears  to  me,  chiefly  with  two  ends  in  view  ;  first,  that  by Jotep. 
obtaining  your  subscriptions,  they  may  seem  to  remove  the 
evil  repute  that  rests  upon  the  name  of  Arius,  and  may 
escape  notice  themselves  as  if  not  professing  his  opinions ; 
and  again,  that  by  putting  forth  these  statements  they  may 
cast  a  shade  over  the  Council  of  Nicaea2,  and  the  confession 8  ibid, 
of  faith  which  was  then  put  forth  against  the  Arian  heresy.  no^e 

10.  But  this  proceeding  does  but  prove  the  more  plainly 
their  own  maliciousness  and  heterodoxy.    For  had  they 
believed  aright,  they  would  have  been  satisfied  with  the 
confession  put  forth  at  Nicaea  by  the  whole  Ecumenic33 ibid. 
Council ;  and  had  they  considered  themselves  calumniated  nottfo, 
and  falsely  called  Arians,  they  ought  not  to  have  been  so de  Svn- 

f  ,  .  .  .       ,  passim. 

eager  to  innovate  upon  what  was  written  against  Anus,  lest 
what  was  directed  against  him  might  seem  to  be  aimed  at 
them  also.  This  however  is  not  the  course  they  pursue,  but 
they  conduct  the  struggle  in  their  own  behalf,  just  as  if  they 
were  Arius.  Observe  how  entirely  they  disregard  the  truth, 
and  how  every  thing  they  say  and  do  is  for  the  sake  of  the 
Arian  heresy.  For  in  that  they  dare  to  question  those 
sound  definitions  of  the  faith,  and  take  upon  themselves  to 
produce  others  contrary  to  them,  what  else  do  they  but 
accuse  the  Fathers,  and  stand  up  in  defence  of  that  heresy 
which  they  opposed  and  protested  against  ?  And  what  they 
now  write  proceeds  not  from  any  regard  for  the  truth,  as  I 
said  before,  rather  they  do  it  as  in  mockery  and  by  an 
artifice,  for  the  purpose  of  deceiving  men ;  that  by  sending 
about  their  letters  they  may  engage  the  ears  of  the  people  to 
listen  to  these  notions,  and  so  put  off  the  time  when  they 
will  be  brought  to  trial ;  and  that  by  concealing  their  impiety  4  *  p.  35, 
from  observation,  they  may  have  room  to  extend  their  heresy, r" 1# 
which  like  a  gangrene  eats  its  way  every  where.  jj  Tim. 

11.  Accordingly  they  disturb  and  disorder  every  thing,  and  |  q 
yet  are  never  satisfied  with  their  own  proceedings.  For 

k  2 

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132    Rejecting  the  truth,  they  wander  from  lie  to  lie. 

Lett,  every  year,  as  if  they  were  going  to  draw  up  a  contract,  they 
T£ib?  meet  together  and  pretend  to  write  about  the  faith,  whereby 
they  expose  themselves  the  more  to  ridicule  and  disgrace, 
because  their  expositions  are  rejected,  not  by  others,  but 
1  vol.8,  by  themselves1.  For  had  they  had  any  confidence  in  their 
note  c.  previous  statements,  they  would  not  have  desired  to  draw  up 
others;  nor  again,  rejecting  these  last,  would  they  now  have 
set  down  the  one  in  question,  which  no  doubt  true  to  their 
custom,  they  will  again  alter,  after  a  very  short  interval,  and 
as  soon  as  they  shall  find  a  pretence  for  their  customary  plotting 
against  certain  persons.  For  when  they  have  a  design 
against  any,  then  it  is  that  they  make  a  great  shew  of  writing 
about  the  faith ;  that,  as  Pilate  washed  his  hands,  so  they  by 
a  like  proceeding  may  destroy  those  who  rightly  believe  in 
Christ,  hoping  that,  as  making  definitions  about  the  faith,  they 
will  appear,  as  I  have  repeatedly  said,  to  be  free  from  the 
charge  of  false  doctrine. 

12.  But  they  will  not  be  able  to  hide  themselves,  nor  to 
*  ^id'    escape ;  for  they  continually  become  their  own  accusers*  even 
noteo.  while  they  defend  themselves.    Justly  so,  since  instead  of 
answering  those  who  bring  proof  against  them,  they  do  but 
persuade  themselves  to  believe  whatever  they  wish.  And 
when  is  an  acquittal  obtained,  upon  the  criminal  becoming 
his  own  judge?    Hence  it  is  that  they  are  always  writing, 
and  always  altering  their  own  previous  statements,  and  thus 
» ibid.    thev  shew  an  uncertain  faith5,  or  rather  a  manifest  unbelief 
notek.  and  perverseness.    And  this,  it  appears  to  me,  must  needs 
note  L   De  the  case  with  them ;  for  since,  having  fallen  away  from 
the  truth,  and  desiring  to  overthrow  that  sound  confession 
of  faith  which  was  drawn  up  at  Nicaea,  they  have,  in  the 
Jer.  u,  language  0f  Scripture,  loved  to  wander,  and  have  not  refrained 
their  feet;  therefore,  like  Jerusalem  of  old,  they  labour  and 
toil  in  these  their  changes,  sometimes  writing  one  thing,  and 
4  xc***+-  sometimes  another,  but  only  for  the  sake  of  gaining  time, 
134.  §.  8  and  that  they  may  continue  enemies  of  Christ4,  and  deceivers 
1^,  £3.  of  mankind. 

§.  7.  13.  Who  then,  that  has  any  real  regard  for  truth,  will  be 
^u^'|; willing  to  suffer  these  men  any  longer?  who  will  not  justly 
ycLs. p. reject  their  expositions?  who  will  not  denounce  their  auda- 
iy,  that  being  but  few6  in  number,  they  would  have  their 

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The  Eusebians  really  Avians .  133 

decisions  to  prevail  over  every  thing,  and  as  desiring 
supremacy  of  their  own  meetings,  held  in  corners  and — - — 
suspicious  in  their  circumstances,  would  forcibly  cancel  the 
decrees  of  an  uncorrupt,  pure,  and  Ecumenic  Council? 
Men  who  have  been  promoted  by  the  Eusebians  for  ad- 
vocating this  Antichristian  heresy,  venture  to  define  articles 
of  faith,  and  while  they  ought  to  be  brought  to  judgment 
as  criminals,  like  Caiaphas,  they  take  upon  themselves  to 
judge.    They  compose  a  Thalia1,  and  would  have  it  received 1  vol.  8. 
as  a  standard  of  faith,  while  they  are  not  yet  themselves  p'94,&c" 
determined  what  they  believe. 

14.  Who  does  not  know  that  Secundus8  of  Pentapolis,  who  2ibid.pP. 

88  89 

was  several  times  degraded  long  ago,  was  received  by  them  gUpr  p 
for  the  sake  of  the  Arian  fanaticism;  and  that  George3  nowJ4. 
of  Laodicea,  and  Leontius  the  Eunuch,  and  before  him  Ste-  25?note 
pbanus,  and  Theodoras  of  Heraclea4,  were  promoted  by  them?  J* 
Ursacius  and  Valens  also,  who  from  the  first  were  instructed  yTw! 
by  Arius  as  young  men5,  though  they  had  been  formerly 5  supr. 
degraded  from  the  Priesthood,  afterwards  got  the  title  of£otem. 
Bishops  on  account  of  their  impiety;  as  did  also  Acacius, 
Patrophilus6,  and  Narcissus,  who  have  been  most  forward  in6omitted 
all  manner  of  impiety.    These  were  degraded  in  the  great  rightly 
Council  of  Sardica;  Eustathius  also  now  of  Sebastea,  Demo- (?)68«Pr« 
philus  and  Germinius7,  Eudoxius  and  Basil,  who  are  sup-  ? "vol.'s. 
porters  of  that  impiety,  were  advanced  in  the  same  manner,  gg*  85> 
Of  Cecropius8,  and  him  they  call  Auxentius,  and  of  Epictetus9sof  Nico- 
the  stage-player,  it  were  superfluous  for  me  to  speak,  since  it  J0^1** 
is  manifest  to  all  men,  in  what  manner,  on  what  pretexts,  and  Hist 
by  what  enemies  of  ours  these  were  promoted,  that  they  might  74°^ 
play  their  false  charges  against  the  orthodox  Bishops  who 
were  the  objects  of  their  designs.    For  although  they  resided 
at  the  distance  of  eighty  posts10,  and  were  unknown  to  the'°supr. 
people,  yet  on  the  ground  of  their  impiety  they  were  able  to  ^te°h. 
procure  for  themselves  the  title  of  Bishop.    For  the  same 
reason  also  they  have  now 11  hired  one  George  of  Cappadocia, 11  p.  125. 
whom  they  wish  to  impose  upon  you.    But  no  respect  is  due 
to  him  any  more  than  to  the  rest;  for  there  is  a  report  in 
these  parts  that  he  is  not  even  a  Christian,  but  is  devoted  to 
the  worship  of  idols ;  and  he  has  a  hangman's  temper l2.  And  18  ™\.  8. 
this  person,  such  as  he  is  described  to  be,  they  have  taken  %0tef! 

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184  JVordsbad9thoughScripturalyWhichproceed/rom  badmen, 

Lett,  into  their  ranks,  that  they  may  be  able  to  injure,  to  plunder, 
TLib.°  ana<  to  s^ay  5  *°r  m  ^ese  things  he  is  a  great  proficient,  but 

is  ignorant  of  the  very  principles  of  the  Christian  faith. 
§.  8.      15.  Such  are  the  machinations  of  these  men  against  the 
truth  :  but  their  designs  are  manifest  to  all  the  world,  though 
they  attempt  in  ten  thousand  ways,  like  eels,  to  elude  the 
grasp,  and  to  escape  detection  as  enemies  of  Christ.  Where- 
fore I  beseech  you,  let  no  one  among  you  be  deceived,  no 
one  seduced  by  them;  rather,  considering  that  a  sort  of 
judaical  impiety  is  invading  the  Christian  faith,  be  ye  all 
zealous  for  the  Lord ;  hold  fast,  every  one,  the  faith  we 
have  received  from  the  Fathers,  which  they  who  assembled 
1  vol.  8,  at  Nicaea  recorded  in  writing1,  and  endure  not  those  who 
note9p.  endeavour  to  innovate  thereon.    And  however  they  may 
quote  phrases  out  of  the  Scripture,  endure  not  their  com- 
positions; however  they  may  speak  the  language  of  the 
orthodox,  yet  attend  not  to  what  they  say ;  for  they  speak 
not  with  an  upright  mind,  but  putting  on  such  language  like 
sheeps'  clothing,  in  their  hearts  they  think  with  Arius,  after 
*supr.  the  manner  of  the  devil2  who  is  the  author  of  all  heresies. 
P- 129-  For  he  too  made  use  of  the  words  of  Scripture,  but  was  put 
to  silence  by  our  Saviour.    For  if  he  had  indeed  meant  them 
as  he  used  them,  he  would  not  have  fallen  from  heaven;  but 
3  Cypr.  now  having  fallen  through  his  pride  3,  he  artfully  dissembles 
tr'pa24,m  his  speech,  and  oftentimes  maliciously  endeavours  to 
note  a.  iea(j  men  astray  by  the  subtleties  and  sophistries  of  the 

<vol.  8,  16.  Had  these  expositions  of  theirs  proceeded  from  the 
not/m.  orthodox4,  from  such  as  the  great  Confessor  Hosius,  and  Maxi- 

5  supr.  minus5  of  Gaul,  or  his  successor,  or  from  such  as  Philogonius 
r.  2. '    and  Eustathius6,  Bishops  of  the  East7,  or  Julius  and  Liberius 

6  at  Ni-0f  Rome,  or  Cyriacus  of  Mysia8,  or  Pistus  and  Aristaeus  of 

csBa  as  m 

most  of  Greece,  or  Silvester  and  Protogenes  of  Dacia,  or  Leontius 
others.  an(*  Eupsychius  of  Cappadocia,  or  Cecilian  of  Africa,  or 

7  i.  e.  of  Eustorgius  of  Italy,  or  Capito  of  Sicily,  or  Macarius  of 
« of  Pa-  Jerusalem,  or  Alexander  of  Constantinople,  or  Pederos  of 
SSeont  Heraclea,  or  those  great  Bishops  Meletius,  Basil,  and  Lon- 
in  Nest,  gianus,  and  the  rest  from  Armenia  and  Pontus,  or  Lupus  and 
[el!.560 'Amphion  from  Cilicia,  or  James  and  the  rest  from  Meso- 
Can.]    potamia,  or  our  own  blessed  Alexander,  with  others  of  the 

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for  they  do  but  serve  as  their  cloak.  135 
same  sentiments  as  these; — there  would  then  have  beenTR.m. 

8  9 

nothing  to  suspect  in  their  statements,  for  the  minds  of — 
apostolical  men  are  sincere  and  incapable  of  fraud.    But  §.  9. 
when  they  proceed  from  those  who  are  hired  to  advocate  the 
cause  of  heresy,  and  since,  according  to  the  divine  proverb, 
The  words  of  the  wicked  are  to  lie  in  wait,  and  The  mouth  o/*Prov. 

12  6 

the  wicked  poureth  out  evil  things,  and  The  counsels  of  the  \$  28, 
wicked  are  deceit:  it  becomes  us  to  watch  and  be  sober,12'6, 
brethren,  as  the  Lord  has  said,  lest  any  deception  arise  from 
subtlety  of  speech  and  craftiness;  lest  any  one  come  and 
pretend  to  say,  *  I  preach  Christ,'  and  after  a  little  while  he 
be  found  to  be  Antichrist.  These  indeed  are  Antichrists, 
whosoever  come  to  you  in  the  cause  of  the  Arian  fanaticism. 

17.  For  what  defect  is  there  among  you,  that  any  one  need 
to  come  to  you  from  without  ?    Or,  of  what  do  the  Churches 
of  Egypt  and  Libya  and  Alexandria  stand  so  much  in  need, 
that  these  men  should  make  a  purchase 1  of  the  Episcopate  as 
of  wood  and  goods,  and  intrude  into  Churches  which  do  not§.  28." 
belong  to  them  ?    Who  is  not  aware,  who  does  not  perceive 
clearly,  that  they  do  all  this  in  order  to  support  their  impiety?  §.  73, 
Wherefore  although  they  should  make  themselves  mute,  or8upr' 
although  they  should  bind  on  their  garments  larger  borders 
than  the  Pharisees,  and  pour  themselves  forth  in  long 
speeches,  and  practise  the  tones  of  their  voice8,  they  ought 
not  to  be  believed;  for  it  is  not  the  mode  of  speaking,  but Ep. 223, 
the  intentions  of  the  heart  and  a  godly  conversation  that3, 
recommend  the  faithful  Christian.    And  thus  the  Sadducees 
and  Herodians,  although  they  had  the  law  in  their  mouths, 
were  put  to  rebuke  by  our  Saviour,  who  said  unto  them,  Ye  Mat.22, 
do  err,  not  knowing  the  Scriptures,  nor  the  pawer  of  God: 
and  all  men  witnessed  the  exposure  of  those  who  pretended  jjjjjjj^* 
to  quote  the  words  of  the  Law,  as  being  in  their  minds  heretics  14. 
and  enemies  of  God3.    Others  indeed  they  deceived  by  these  f£  94> 
professions,  but  when  our  Lord  became  man  they  were  notJohn8> 
able  to  deceive  Him;  for  the  Word  was  made  flesh,  who  28.  ' 
knoweth  the  thoughts  of  men  that  they  are  vain.    Thus  He  \**"' 
exposed  the  evasions  of  the  Jews,  saying,  If  God  were  your  Hipp. 
Father,  ye  would  love  Me,  for  I  proceeded  forth  from  f/^jJolt. 
Father,  and  am  come  to  you*.    In  like  manner  these  men  16.  and 
seem  now  to  act ;  for  they  disguise  their  real  sentiments,  and ^%s' 

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136  They  ought  Jvrst  to  condemn  Arius,  if  they  are  to  be  heard. 

Lett,  make  use  of  the  language  of  Scripture  in  their  writings,  which 
TLjb?  tney  n°ld  forth  as  a  bait  for  the  ignorant,  that  they  may 

inveigle  them  into  their  own  wickedness. 
§.  10.  18.  Consider,  whether  this  be  not  so.  If,  when  there  is  no 
reason  for  their  doing  so,  they  write  confessions  of  faith, 
it  is  a  superfluous,  and  perhaps  also  a  mischievous  proceed- 
ing, because,  when  no  question  is  proposed  for  consideration, 
they  give  occasion  for  controversy  of  words,  and  unsettle 
the  simple  hearts  of  the  brethren,  disseminating  among 
them  such  notions  as  have  never  entered  into  their  minds. 
And  if  they  profess  to  clear  themselves  in  regard  to  the 
Arian  heresy,  they  ought  first  to  remove  the  seeds  of  those 
evils  which  have  sprung  up,  and  to  proscribe  those  who 
produced  them,  and  then  in  the  room  of  former  statements 
to  set  forth  others  which  are  sound ;  or  else  let  them  openly 
vindicate  the  opinions  of  Arius,  that  they  may  no  longer  covertly 
»p.  132,  but  openly  shew  themselves  enemies  of  Christ1,  and  that  all 
r* 4"  men  may  fly  from  them  as  from  the  sight  of  a  serpent.  But 
now  they  keep  back  those  opinions,  and  for  a  pretence  write 
on  other  matters ;  just  as  if  a  surgeon,  when  summoned  to 
attend  a  person  wounded  and  suffering,  should  upon  coming 
in  to  him  say  not  a  word  concerning  his  wounds,  but 
proceed  to  discourse  about  his  sound  limbs.  Such  an  one 
would  be  chargeable  with  utter  stupidity,  for  saying  nothing 
on  the  matter  for  which  he  came,  but  discoursing  on  those 
other  points  in  which  he  was  not  needed.  Yet  just  in  the 
same  manner  these  men  omit  those  matters  which  concern 
their  heresy,  and  take  upon  themselves  to  write  on  other 
subjects ;  whereas,  if  they  had  any  regard  for  the  Faith,  or 
any  love  for  Christ,  they  ought  first  to  remove  out  of  the 
way  those  blasphemous  expressions  uttered  against  Him,  and 
then  in  the  room  of  them  to  speak  and  to  write  sound  words. 
But  this  they  neither  do  themselves,  nor  permit  those  that 
desire  to  do  so,  whether  it  be  from  ignorance,  or  through 
craft  and  artifice. 
§.11.  1 9.  If  they  do  this  from  ignorance  they  must  be  charged  with 
rashness,  because  they  affirm  positively  concerning  things 
that  they  know  not ;  but  if  they  dissemble  knowingly,  their 
condemnation  is  the  greater,  because  while  they  overlook 
nothing  in  consulting  for  their  own  interests,  in  writing  about 

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No  profit  to  do  right  in  one  way,  if  tee  do  wrong  in  another.  187 

faith  in  our  Lord  they  make  a  mockery,  and  do  any  thing  Tr.11I. 
rather  than  speak  the  truth;  they  keep  back  those  particulars — i^— 
respecting  which  their  heresy  is  accused,  and  merely  bring 
forward  passages  out  of  the  Scriptures.  Now  this  is  a 
manifest  robbery  of  the  truth,  and  a  practice  full  of  all 
iniquity  ;  and  so  I  am  sure  your  piety  will  readily  perceive 
it  to  be  from  the  following  illustrations.  No  person  being 
accused  of  adultery  defends  himself  as  innocent  of  theft; 
nor  would  any  one  in  prosecuting  a  charge  of  murder  suffer 
the  accused  parties  to  defend  themselves  by  saying,  *  We 
have  not  committed  perjury,  but  have  preserved  the  deposit 
which  was  entrusted  to  us.'  This  would  be  mere  child's 
play,  instead  of  a  refutation  of  the  charge  and  a  demonstra- 
tion of  the  truth.  For  what  has  murder  to  do  with  a  deposit, 
or  adultery  with  theft?  The  crimes  are  indeed  related  to 
each  other  as  proceeding  from  the  same  evil  heart;  yet  in 
respect  to  the  refutation  of  an  alleged  offence,  they  have  no 
connection  with  each  other. 

20.  Accordingly  as  it  is  written  in  the  Book  of  Jesus  the  son  Josh.  7, 
of  Nave,  when  Achan  was  charged  with  theft,  he  did  not20,&0* 
excuse  himself  with  the  plea  of  his  zeal  in  the  wars;  but 
being  convicted  of  the  offence  was  stoned  by  all  the  people. 
And  when  Saul  was  charged  with  negligence  and  a  breach  of  1  Sam. 
the  law,  he  did  not  benefit  his  cause  by  alleging  his  conduct 
on  other  matters.  For  a  defence  in  one  sort  will  not  operate 
to  obtain  an  acquittal  in  another  sort;  but  if  all  things 
should  be  done  according  to  law  and  justice,  a  man  must 
defend  himself  in  those  particulars  wherein  he  is  accused, 
and  must  either  disprove  the  past,  or  else  confess  it  with  the 
promise  that  he  will  do  so  no  more.  But  if  he  is  guilty  of 
the  crime,  and  will  not  confess,  but  in  order  to  conceal  the 
truth  speaks  on  other  points  instead  of  the  one  in  question, 
he  shews  plainly  that  he  has  acted  amiss,  nay,  and  is  con- 
scious of  his  delinquency.  But  what  need  of  many  words, 
seeing  that  these  persons  are  themselves  the  accusers  of  the 
Ariau  heresy?  For  since  they  have  not  the  boldness  to 
speak  out,  but  conceal  their  blasphemous  expressions,  it  is 
plain  that  they  know  that  this  heresy  is  separate  and  alien 
from  the  truth.  But  since  they  conceal  this  and  are  afraid 
to  speak,  it  is  necessary  for  me  to  strip  off  the  veil  from  their 


138    Athanasius's  apology  for  uttering  Arian  statements. 

Lett,  impiety,  and  to  expose  the  heresy  to  public  view,  Knowing 
Tl/b?  as  *  d°       statements  which  the  Arians  formerly  made,  and 

how  they  were  cast  out  of  the  Church,  and  degraded  from 
*  vol.  8,  the  Clergy.  But  here  first  1  ask  for  pardon 1  of  the  foul 
notec!  wor^s  to  which  I  am  about  to  give  utterance,  since  I  use 

them,  not  because  1  thus  think,  but  in  order  to  convict  the 


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1.  Now  the  Bishop  Alexander  of  blessed  memory  cast  Arius  §•  12. 
out  of  the  Church  for  holding  and  maintaining  the  following 
sentiments1 ;  "  God  was  not  always  a  Father:  The  Son  was1  vo1-  8- 
not  always:   But  whereas  all  things  were  made  out  of 94,185. 
nothing,  the  Son  of  God  also  was  made  out  of  nothing: 
And  since  all  things  are  creatures,  He  also  is  a  creature  and 
a  production*:  And  since  all  things  once  were  not, but  were2 
afterwards  made,  there  was  a  time  when  the  Word  of  God 
Himself  was  not ;  and  He  was  not  before  He  was  begotten3,3 
but  He  had  a  beginning4  of  existence:  For  He  was  then^s, 
begotten  when  God  determined  to  produce5  Him:  For  HeP-,2^. 
also  is  one  among  the  rest  of  His  works.    And  since  He  is  5 
by  nature  changeable  6>  and  only  continues  good  because  He  J"**5r-M 
chooses  by  His  own  free  will,  He  is  capable  of  being  changed,  cfr,  vid. 
as  are  all  other  things,  whenever  he  wishes.    And  therefore  ™ ^36, 
God,  as  foreknowing  that  He  would  be  good,  gave  Him  by  note  a. 
anticipation  that  glory  which  He  would  have  obtained 
afterwards  by  His  virtue ;  and  He  is  now  become  good  by 
His  works  which  God  foreknew."    Accordingly  they  say, 
that  Christ  is  not  truly  God,  but  that  He  is  called  God  on 
account  of  His  participation  in  God's  nature,  as  are  all 
other  creatures.    And  they  add,  that  He  is  not  that  Word 
which  is  by  nature  in  the  Father,  and  is  proper  to  His 
Substance,  nor  is  He  His  proper  wisdom  by  which  He 
made  this  world  ;  but  that  there  is  another  Word7  which  is 'ibid. 
properly8  in  the  Father,  and  another  Wisdom  which  isfjj^1' 
properly  in  the  Father,  by  which  Wisdom  also  He  made 
this  Word ;  and  that  the  Lord  Himself  is  called  the  Word 
by  a  fiction9  in  regard  of  things  endued  with  reason10,  and  is9w 
called  the  Wisdom  fictitiously  in  regard  of  things  endued  i*oJat. 
with  wisdom.    Nay,  they  say  that  as  all  things  are  in  sub-"- 38- 

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Avian  statements. 

Lbtt.  stance  separate  and  alien  from  the  Father,  so  He  also  is  in 
TLib1* "  *H  respects  separate  and  alien  from  the  substance  of  the 
Father,  and  properly  belongs  to  things  made  and  created, 
and  is  one  of  them ;  for  He  is  a  creature,  and  a  production, 
and  a  work. 

2.  Again,  they  say  that  God  did  not  create  us  for  His  sake, 
but  Him  for  our  sakes.  For  they  say,  "  God  was  alone,  and 
the  Word  was  not  with  Him,  but  afterwards  when  He  would 

1  vol.  8.  create  us  \  then  He  made  Him ;  and  from  the  time  He  was 
"  made,  He  called  Him  the  Word,  and  the  Son,  and  the 
Wisdom,  in  order  that  He  might  create  us  by  Him.  And  as 
all  things  subsisted  by  the  will  of  God,  and  did  not  exist 
before ;  so  He  also  was  made  by  the  will  of  God,  and  did 
not  exist  before.  For  the  Word  is  not  the  proper  and 
natural  Offspring  of  the  Father,  but  was  Himself  made  by 
grace:  for  God  who  existed  before  made  by  His  will  the 
Son  who  did  not  exist,  by  which  will  also  He  made  all 

'yufcto  things,  and  produced,  and  created,  and  willed  them  to  beV 
Moreover  they  say  also,  that  Christ  is  not  the  natural  and  true 

Joel  2,  power  of  God ;  but  as  the  locust  and  the  cankerworm  are 

3  ibid,   called  a  power3,  so  also  He  is  called  the  power  of  the  Father. 

p.  100.  Furthermore  he  said,  that  the  Father  cannot  be  described  by 
the  Son,  and  that  the  Son  can  neither  see  nor  know  the  Father 

* 1 96#   Perfectly  and  exactly4.  For  having  a  beginning  of  existence^ 

p*  *  He  cannot  know  Him  that  is  without  beginning ;  but  what 
He  knows  and  sees,  He  knows  and  sees  in  a  measure  pro- 

MWd.p.portionate  to  His  capacity6,  as  we  also  know  and  see  in 
proportion  to  our  powers.  And  he  added  also,  that  the  Son 
not  only  does  not  know  His  own  Father  exactly,  but  that 

•  Mm  He  does  not  even  know  His  own  nature6. 

§.  13.  3.  For  maintaining  these  and  the  like  opinions  Arius  was 
declared  a  heretic ;  for  myself,  while  I  have  merely  been 

*P^  138,  writing  them  down,  I  have  been  cleansing  myself7  by  think- 
ing of  the  contrary  doctrines,  and  by  possessing  my  mind 
with  the  idea  of  the  true  faith.  For  the  Bishops  who  all 
assembled  from  all  parts  at  the  Council  of  Nicaea,  stopped 
their  ears  when  they  heard  these  statements,  and  all  with  one 
voice  condemned  this  heresy  on  account  of  them,  and  ana- 
thematized it,  declaring  it  to  be  alien  and  estranged  from  the 
faith  of  the  Church.    It  was  no  necessity  which  led  the 

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Arguments  from  Scripture  against  Avian  statements.  141 

judges  to  this  decision,  but  tbey  all  by  free  choice  vindicated  TrJII. 
the  truth':  and  they  did  so  justly  and  rightly.  For  infidelity  13' 
is  coming  in  through  these  men,  or  rather  a  Judaism  beside 
the  Scriptures,  which  has  close  upon  it  Gentile  superstition, 
so  that  he  who  holds  these  opinions  can  no  longer  be  called 
a  Christian,  for  they  are  all  contrary  to  the  Scriptures. 

4.  John,  for  instance,  saith,  In  the  beginning  was  the  Word;  John  1, 
but  these  men  say,  "  He  was  not,  before  He  was  begotten." !" 
And  again  he  has  written,  And  we  are  in  Him  that  is  true,  1  John 
even  in  His  Son  Jesus  Christ;  this  is  the  true  God,  and5'20' 
eternal  life;  but  these  men,  as  if  in  contradiction  to  this, 
allege  that  Christ  is  not  the  true  God,  but  that  He  is  only 
called  God,  as  are  other  creatures,  in  regard  of  His  parti- 
cipation in  the  divine  nature.    And  the  Apostle  blames  the 
Gen  tiles,  because  they  worship  creatures,  saying,  They  served  Jj*»- 1> 
the  creature  more  than  God  the  Creator1.    But  if  these  men  i  ropr. 
say  that  the  Lord  is  a  creature,  and  worship  Him  as  a  crea- 
ture,  how  do  they  differ  from  the  Gentiles  ?  If  they  hold  this  p.  191, 
opinion,  is  not  this  passage  also  against  them;  and  does  notDoted* 
the  blessed  Paul  write  as  blaming  them?    The  Lord  also 
says,  /  and  My  Father  are  One:  and  He  that  hath  seen  Me,  Jobnio, 
hath  seen  the  Father*;  and  the  Apostle  who  was  sent  by  Him  >  ibid.'  * 
to  preach,  writes,  Who  being  the  Brightness  of  His  ff^ory^^f 
and  the  express  Image  of  His  Person.    But  these  men  dareHebfi, 
to  separate  them,  and  to  say  that  He  is  alien  from  the3* 
substance  and  eternity  of  the  Father;  and  impiously  to 
represent  Him  as  changeable,  not  perceiving,  that  by  speak- 
ing thus,  they  make  Him  to  be,  not  one  with  the  Father,  but 
one  with  created  things.    Who  does  not  see,  that  the  bright- 
ness cannot  be  separated  from  the  light8,  but  that  it  is  by 3  ibid, 
nature  proper  to  it,  and  co-existent  with  it,  and  is  notp*48. 

»  "Know,"  Fays  St.  A  than,  to  Jovian. 
"  that  these  things  have  been  preached 
from  the  beginning,  and  this  Creed  the 
Fathers  who  assembled  at  Nicca  con- 
fessed, and  to  these  have  been  awarded 
the  suffrages  of  all  the  Churches  every 

where  in  their  respective  places  

And  thou  knowest  that,  should  there 
lie  some  few  who  are  in  opposition  to  this 
faith,  they  cannot  create  any  prejudice 
against  it,  the  whole  world  maintaining 
the  Apostolical  Creed.1'  Athan.  Ep.  ad 

Jov.  §.2.  "  Whether  it  be  persecutions 
or  afflictions  or  threats  from  our  sove- 
reign, or  cruelties  from  persons  in  office, 
....we  endured  it  on  behalf  of  the 
Apostolical  faith,  &c."  Theod.  Hist, 
v.  9.  vid.  Keble  on  Primitive  Trad, 
p.  122. 10.  "  Let  each  boldly  set  down 
his  faith  in  writing,  having  the  fear  of 
God  before  his  eyes."  Cone.  Chalced. 
without  fear,  favour,  or  dislike,  to  set 
out  the  faith  in  its  purity.1'  ibid.  p.  286. 

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142    Arguments  from  Scripture  against  Arian  statements. 

Lett,  produced  after  it  ?    Again,  when  the  Father  says,  This  is 
TLrB?  My  beloved  Son,  and  when  the  Scriptures  say  that  He  is  the 
Mat.i7,  Word  of  the  Father,  by  whom  the  heavens  were  established, 
pg 33  6>and  in  short,  All  things  were  made  by  Him;  these  inventors 
John  l,  of  new  doctrines  and  fables  represent  that  there  is  another 
Word,  and  another  Wisdom  of  the  Father,  and  that  He  is 
only  called  the  Word  and  the  Wisdom  by  a  fiction  in  regard 
of  things  endued  with  reason,  while  they  perceive  not  the 
1  p.  139.  absurdity  of  this1. 

§.14.     5.  But  if  He  be  styled  the  Word  and  the  Wisdom  by  a 
8  vol. 8.  fiction  on  our  account,  what  He  really  is  they  cannot  tell*, 
note  u.  F°r  if tne  Scriptures  affirm  that  the  Lord  is  both  these,  and 
yet  these  men  will  not  allow  Him  to  be  so,  it  is  plain  that  in 
their  impious  opposition  to  the  Scriptures  they  would  deny 
His  existence  altogether.    The  faithful  are  able  to  conclude 
this  truth  both  from  the  voice  of  the  Father  Himself,  and 
from  the  Angels  that  worshipped  Him,  and  from  the  Saints 
that  have  written  concerning  Him;  but  these  men,  as  they 
have  not  a  pure  mind,  and  cannot  bear  to  hear  the  words  of 
holy  men  who  teach  of  God,  may  be  able  to  learn  something 
even  from  the  devils  who  resemble  them,  for  they  spoke  of 
Him,  not  as  if  there  were  many  beside,  but,  as  knowing  Him 
Mark  l,  alone,  they  said,  Thou  art  the  Holy  One  of  God,  and  the 
Mat.  8,  Son  of  God.    He  also  who  suggested  to  them  this  heresy  3, 
29.      while  tempting  Him  in  the  mount,  said  not, '  If  thou  also  be 
p.  129,  a  Son  of  God,'  as  though  there  were  others  beside  Him,  but, 
Luke  4      Th°u  be  the  Son  of  God,  as  being  the  only  one.    But  as 
3.      '  the  Gentiles,  having  renounced  the  notion  of  one  God,  have 
sunk  into  polytheism,  so  these  wonderful  men,  not  believing 
that  the  Word  of  the  Father  is  one,  have  come  to  adopt  the 
idea  of  many  words,  and  they  deny  Him  that  is  really  God 
and  the  true  Word,  and  have  dared  to  conceive  of  Him  as  a 
creature,  not  perceiving  how  full  of  impiety  is  such  an 
opinion.    For  if  He  be  a  creature,  how  is  He  at  the  same 
time  the  Creator  of  creatures?  or  how  the  Son  and  the 
Wisdom  and  the  Word?    For  the  Word  is  not  created, 
but  begotten ;  and  a  creature  is  not  a  Son,  but  a  production. 
And  if  all  creatures  were  made  by  Him,  and  He  is  also  a 
creature,  then  by  whom  was  He  made  ?    Productions  must 
of  necessity  proceed  from  some  one ;  as  in  fact  they  pro- 

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Arguments  from  Scripture  against  Arian  statements.  143 

ceeded  from  the  Word;  because  He  was  not  Himself  aTn.Hi. 
production,  but  the  Word  of  the  Father.  And  again,  if  14' 15' 
the  Wisdom  in  the  Father  be  beside  the  Lord,  then  there 
is  a  Wisdom  in  a  Wisdom  :  and  if  the  Word  of  God  be  the 
Wisdom  of  God,  then  there  is  a  Word  in  a  Word :  and  if 
the  Word  of  God  be  the  Son  of  God,  then  there  is  a  Son 
produced  in  the  Son. 

6.  How  is  it  that  the  Lord  has  said,  1  am  in  the  Father,  §.  15. 
and  the  Father  in  Me,  if  there  be  another  in  the  Father,  by  Johni4, 
whom  the  Lord  Himself  also  was  made  ?    And  how  is  it  that 10* 
John,  passing  over  that  other,  relates  of  this  One,  saying,  All  John  l, 
things  were  made  by  Him ;  and  without  Him  was  not  any 3* 
thing  made1?   If  all  things  that  were  made  by  the  will  of1  vol.  8. 
God  were  made  by  Him,  how  can  He  be  Himself  one  of  the  notes! 
things  that  were  made  ?    And  when  the  Apostle  says,  For  Heb.  2, 
whom  are  all  things,  and  by  whom  are  all  things,  how  can I0' 
these  men  say,  that  we  were  not  made  for  Him,  but  He  for 

us  ?  If  it  be  so,  He  ought  to  have  said,  "  For  whom  the 
Word  was  made;"  but  He  saith  not  so,  but,  For  whom  are 
all  things,  and  by  whom  are  all  things,  thus  proving  these 
men  to  be  heretical  and  false. 

7.  But  further,  as  they  have  had  the  boldness  to  say  that 
there  is  another  Word  in  God,  and  since  they  cannot  bring 
any  clear  proof  of  this  from  the  Scriptures,  let  them  but  shew 
one  work  of  His,  or  one  work  of  the  Father  that  was  made 
without  this  Word;  so  that  they  may  seem  to  have  some 
ground  at  least  for  this  their  imagination*.  The  works  of  the*lr/W# 
true  Word  are  manifest  to  all,  and  according  to  the  evidence 

they  afford  is  He  known  by  them.    For  as,  when  we  see  the 
creation,  we  conceive  of  God  as  the  Creator  of  it;  so  when  we 
see  that  nothing  is  without  order  therein,  but  that  all  things 
move  and  continue  with  order  and  design,  we  have  an  idea 
of  a  Word  of  God  who  is  over  all  and  governs  all.    This  too 
the  holy  Scriptures  testify,  declaring  that  He  is  the  Word  of 
God,  and  that  all  things  were  made  by  Him,  and  without  John  l, 
Him  was  not  any  thing  made.    But  of  that  other  Word,  of3* 
whom  they  speak,  there  is  neither  word  nor  work  that  they 
have  to  shew.   Nay,  even  the  Father  Himself,  when  He  says, 
This  is  My  beloved  Son,  signifies  that  besides  Him  there  is  Mat.i7, 
none  other. 

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144  Avians  parallel  to  the  Manichees. 

Lett.     8.  It  appears  then  that  so  far  as  these  doctrines  are  con- 
TLrB?  cerned,  these  wonderful  men  have  now  joined  themselves  to 
§.  16.  ^e  Manichees.    For  these  also  confess  the  existence  of  a 
good  God,  so  far  as  the  mere  name  goes,  but  they  are  unable 
to  point  out  any  of  His  works  either  visible  or  invisible. 
But  inasmuch  as  they  deny  Him  who  is  truly  and  indeed 
God,  the  Maker  of  heaven  and  earth,  and  of  all  things 
invisible,  they  are  mere  inventors  of  fables.   And  this  appears 
to  me  to  be  the  case  with  these  evil-minded  men.    They  see 
the  works  of  the  true  Word  who  alone  is  in  the  Father,  and 
Md.paa-yet  they  deny  Him,  and  make  to  themselves  another  Word1, 
OratH. wnose  existence  they  are  unable  to  prove  either  by  His 
39  fin.  works  or  by  the  testimony  of  others.    Unless  it  be  that  they 
have  adopted  a  fabulous  notion  of  God,  that  He  is  a  com- 
pound being  like  man,  speaking  and  then  changing  His 
words,  and  as  a  man  exercising  understanding  and  wisdom  ; 
*iA#y/«»iiot  perceiving  to  what  absurdities*  they  are  reduced  by  such 
3  vol.  8.  an  opinion.    For  if  God  has  a  succession  of  words5,  they 
note6g.  certainly  must  consider  Him  as  a  man.    And  if  those  words 
proceed  from  Him  and  then  vanish  away,  they  are  guilty  of 
a  greater  impiety,  because  they  resolve  into  nothing  what 
proceeds  from  the  self-existent  God.    If  they  conceive 
that  God  doth  at  all  beget,  it  were  surely  better  and  more 
religious  to  say  that  He  is  the  Father  of  One  Word,  who  is 
the  fulness  of  His  Godhead,  in  whom  are  hidden  the  trea- 
sures of  all  knowledge,  and  that  He  is  co-existent  with  His 
Father,  and  that  all  things  were  made  by  Him  ;  rather  than 
to  suppose  God  to  be  the  Father  of  many  words  which  are 
no  where  to  be  found,  or  to  represent  Him  who  is  simple  in 
« ibid.   His  nature  as  compounded  of  many4,  and  as  being  subject  to 
n0te  y.  human  passions5  and  variable. 

r  rllSS  ^"  ^ext' wnereas  ^e  Apostle  says,  Christ  the  power  of  God 
ibid,  p.'  and  the  tcudom  of  God,  these  men  reckon  Him  but  as  one 
l  Cor  l"  amon8  many  powers ;  nay,  worse  than  this,  they  compare 
84.  "  '  Him,  transgressors  as  they  are,  with  the  cankerworm  and  other 
irrational  creatures  which  are  sent  by  Him  for  the  punish-,  ment  of  men.  Next,  whereas  the  Lord  says,  No  one  knoweth 
Jobn  6,  the  Father,  save  the  Son ;  and  again,  Not  that  any  man 
46'  hath  seen  the  Father,  save  He  which  is  of  the  Father;  are 
i35Pr  3.not  *ese  m<*eed  enemies  of  God6  which  say  that  the  Father 

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Arguments  from  Scripture  against  Arian  statements.  145 

is  neither  seen  nor  known  of  the  Son  perfectly?   If  the  Lord  Tr.III. 
says,  As  the  Father  knoweth  Me,  even  so  know  I  the  Father,  j^j^ 
and  if  the  Father  knoweth  not  the  Son  partially,  are  they  15.  ' 
not  mad  to  pretend  that  the  Son  knoweth  the  Father  only 
partially,  and  not  fully  ?    Next,  if  the  Son  has  a  beginning 
of  existence,  and  all  things  likewise  have  a  beginning,  let 
them  say,  which  is  prior  to  the  other.    But  indeed  they  have 
nothing  to  say,  neither  can  they  with  all  their  craft  prove 
such  a  beginning  of  the  Word.    For  He  is  the  true  and 
proper  Offspring  of  the  Father,  and  in  the  beginning  was  John  J, 
the  Wordy  and  the  Word  was  with  God,  and  the  Word  was l' 
God.   With  regard  to  their  assertion,  that  the  Son  knows  not 
His  own  nature1,  it  is  superfluous  to  reply  to  it,  except  only 1 
so  far  as  to  condemn  their  madness;  for  how  does  not  the 
Son  know  Himself,  when  He  imparts  to  all  men  the  know- 
ledge of  His  Father  and  of  Himself,  and  blames  those  who 
know  Them  not  ? 

10.  But  it  is  written*,  say  they,  Jlte  Lord  created  Me  in  §.  17. 
the  beginning  of  His  ways  for  His  works.    O  untaught  ig™^1/ 
and  insensate  that  ye  are  !    He  is  called  also  in  the  Scrip-  Prov.8, 
tures,  servant,  and  son  of  a  handmaid,  and  lamb,  andps'.  n6, 
sheep,  and  it  is  said  that  He  suffered  toil,  and  thirst,  and16  &0' 
was  beaten,  and  endured  pain.     But  there  is  plainly  a 
reasonable  ground  and  cause5,  why  such  representations  as3  vol.  8. 
these  are  given  of  Him  in  the  Scriptures ;  and  it  is  because p* 22' 
He  became  man  and  the  Son  of  man,  and  took  upon  Him 
the  form  of  a  servant,  which  is  the  human  flesh:  for  the  John  1, 
Word,  says  John,  was  made  flesh.    And  since  He  became 
man,  no  one  ought  to  be  offended  at  such  expressions ;  for 
it  is  proper  to  man  to  be  created,  and  bora,  and  formed,  to 
suffer  toil  and  pain,  to  die  and  to  rise  again  from  the  dead. 
And  as,  being  the  Word  and  Wisdom  of  the  Father,  He 
has  all  the  attributes  of  the  Father,  His  eternity,  and  His 
unchangeableness,  and  is  like  Him  in  all  respects  and  in  all  V58" 
things4,  and  is  neither  before  nor  after,  but  co-existent  with  the  note  e. 
Father,  and  is  the  very  form5  of  the  Godhead,  and  is  the-b'^ 
Creator,  and  is  not  created:  (for  since  He  is  in  substance P- 

note  e. 

like6  the  Father,  He  cannot  be  a  creature,  but  must  be  the6ibid. 
Creator,  as  Himself  hath  said,  My  Father  worketh  hither  to,^^ 
and  I  work:)  so  being  made  man,  and  bearing  our  flesh,  John  5, 

L  17' 

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146  If  the  Avians felt  they  were  right,  they  would  apeak  openly, 

Lett.  He  is  necessarily  said  to  be  created  and  made,  and  to 
TLib?  nave  &l  ^e  attributes  of  the  flesh  ;  howsoever  these  men, 
MDrat.  like  Jewish  vintners,  who  mix  their  wine  with  water1,  debase 
Hi. §-35.  the  Word,  and  subject  His  Godhead  to  their  notions  of 

also  vol.  ;  J 

8.  p.  17.  created  things. 

11.  Wherefore  the  Fathers  were  with  reason  and  justice 
indignant,  and  anathematized  this  most  impious  heresy  ; 
which  these  persons  are  now  cautious  of  and  keep  back,  as 
being  easy  to  be  disproved  and  unsound*  in  every  part  of  it. 
These  that  I  have  set  down  are  but  a  few  of  the  arguments 
which  go  to  condemn  their  doctrines;  but  if  any  one  desires  to 
enter  more  at  large  into  the  proof  against  them,  he  will  find 
that  this  heresy  is  not  far  removed  from  the  Gentile  super- 
stitions, and  that  it  is  the  lowest  and  the  very  dregs  of  all  the 
other  heresies.    These  last  are  in  error  either  concerning 
the  body  or  the  incarnation  of  the  Lord,  falsifying  the  truth, 
some  in  one  way  and  some  in  another,  or  else  they  deny 
that  the  Lord  has  come  at  all,  as  the  Jews  erroneously 
suppose.    But  this  alone  more  madly  than  the  rest  has 
dared  to  assail  the  very  Godhead,  and  to  assert  that  the 
3  vol.  8,  Word  is  not  at  all3,  and  that  the  Father  was  not  always  a 
notef.  father;  so  that  one  might  reasonably  say  that  that  Psalm 
Ps.53,1.  was  written  against  them  ;    The  fool  hath  said  in  his  heart, 
*  ibi84    There  is  no  God4.  Corrupt  are  they,  and  become  abominable 
note  k!  in  their  doings. 

§.18.     12.  "But,"  say  they,  "  we  are  strong,  and  are  able  to  de- 
fend our  heresy  by  our  many  devices."    They  would  have 
a  better  answer  to  give,  if  they  were  able  to  defend  it,  not 
by  artifice  nor  by  Gentile  sophisms,  but  by  the  simplicity 
of  the  faith.    If  however  they  have  confidence  in  it,  and 
know  it  to  be  in  accordance  with  the  doctrines  of  the 
Church,  let  them  openly  express  their  sentiments;  for  no 
Mat  6,  man  when  he  hath  lighted  a  candle  putteth  it  under  a 
5  vol.  8.  bushel5,  but  on  a  candlestick,  and  so  it  gives  light  to  all  that 
P*]93>  come  in.    If  therefore  they  are  able  to  defend  it,  let  them 
record  in  writing  the  opinions  above  imputed  to  them,  and 
expose  their  heresy  bare  to  the  view  of  all  men,  as  they 
would  a  candle,  and  let  them  openly  accuse  the  Bishop 
Alexander,  of  blessed  memory,  as  having  unjustly  ejected* 
note  a!  Arius  for  professing  these  opinions ;  and  let  them  blame  the 

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but  they  follow  the  pattern  of  Arius.  147 

Council  of  Nicaea  for  putting  forth  a  written  confession  of  Tr.III. 
the  true  faith  in  opposition  to  their  impiety.    But  they  will  18>  19' 
not  do  this,  I  am  sure,  for  they  are  not  so  ignorant  of  the 
evil  nature  of  those  notions  which  they  have  invented  and 
are  ambitious  of  spreading  abroad;  but  they  know  well 
enough,  that  although  they  may  at  first  lead  astray  the 
simple  by  vain  deceit,  yet  their  imaginations  will  soon  be 
extinguished,  as  the  light  of  the  ungodly1 ,  and  themselves  Job  18, 
branded  every  where  as  enemies  of  the  Truth.  f'vol  8 

13.  Therefore  although  they  do  all  things  foolishly,  andp-l93« 
speak  as  fools,  yet  in  this  at  least  they  have  acted  wisely,  as 
children  of  this  world,  hiding  their  candle  under  a  bushel,  Lukei6, 
that  it  may  be  supposed  to  give  light,  and  lest,  if  it  appear,  it8, 

be  condemned  and  extinguished.    Thus  when  Arius  himself, 
the  author  of  the  heresy,  and  the  associate  of  Eusebius,  was 
summoned  through  the  interest  of  the  Eusebians  to  appear 
before  Congtantine  Augustus  of  blessed  memory*,  and  was*™L 
required  to  present  a  written  declaration  of  his  faith,  the  ^apf 
wily  man  wrote  one,  but  kept  out  of  sight  the  peculiars- 
expressions  of  his  impiety,  and  pretended,  as  the  Devil  did, 
to  quote  the  simple  words  of  Scripture,  just  as  they  are 
written.    And  when  the  blessed  Constantine  said  to  him, 
"  If  thou  holdest  no  other  opinions  in  thy  mind  besides 
these,  take  the  Truth  to  witness  for  thee;  the  Lord  will 
repay  thee  if  thou  swear  falsely the  wretched  man  swore 
that  he  held  no  other,  and  that  he  had  never  either  spoken 
or  thought  otherwise  than  as  he  had  now  written.    But  as 
soon  as  he  went  out  he  dropped  down,  as  if  paying  the 
penalty  of  his  crime,  and  falling  headlong  burst  asunder  in  Acts  l, 
the  midst.  18# 

14.  Death,  it  is  true,  is  the  common  end  of  all  men,  and  we  §.  19. 
ought  not  to  insult  the  dead,  though  be  be  an  enemy,  for  it 

is  uncertain  whether  the  same  event  may  not  happen  to 
ourselves  before  evening.  But  the  end  of  Arius  was  not 
after  an  ordinary  manner,  and  therefore  it  deserves  to  be 
related.  The  Eusebians  threatening  to  bring  him  into  the 
Church,  Alexander  the  Bishop  of  Constantinople  resisted 
them;  but  Arius  trusted  to  the  violence  and  menaces  of 
Eusebius.  It  was  the  Sabbath,  and  he  expected  to  join 
communion3  on  the  following  day.    There  was  therefore  a3"^- 

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148  The  death  of  Arius  has  not  been  a  warning  to  them. 

Lett,  great  struggle  between  them ;  the  Eusebians  threatening, 
TLib?  Alexander  praying.    But  the  Lord,  being  judge  of  the  case, 
decided  against  the  unjust  party ;  for  the  sun  had  not  set, 
when  the  necessities  of  nature  compelled  him  to  that  place, 
where  he  fell  down,  and  was  forthwith  deprived  of  com- 
munion with'  the  Church  and  of  his  life  together.  The 
1 /*«««-  blessed1  Constantine  hearing  of  this  soon  after,  was  struck 
*tTns     with  wonder  to  find  him  thus  convicted  of  perjury.  And 
indeed  it  was  then  evident  to  all  that  the  threats  of  the 
Eusebians  had  proved  of  no  avail,  and  the  hope  of  Arius 
had  become  vain.  It  was  shewn  too  that  the  Arian  fanaticism 
2        was  rejected  from  communion*  by  our  Saviour  both  here  and 
*nr"     in  the  Church  of  the  first-born  in  heaven. 

15.  Now  who  will  not  wonder  to  see  the  unrighteous  ambition 
of  these  men,  wrhom  the  Lord  has  condemned ; — to  see  them 
vindicating  the  heresy  which  the  Lord  has  pronounced 
excommunicate,  (since  He  did  not  suffer  its  author  to  enter 
into  the  Church,)  and  not  fearing  that  which  is  written,  but 
Is.  14,  attempting  impossible  things?    For  the  Lord  of  hosts  hath 
purposed,  and  who  shall  disannul  it?  and  whom  the  Lord 
hath  condemned,  who  shall  justify  ?   Let  them  however  in 
defence  of  their  own  imaginations  write  what  they  please ; 
Is.  52,  but  do  you,  brethren,  as  bearing  the  vessels  of  the  Lord, 
and  vindicating  the  doctrines  of  the  Church,  examine  this 
matter,  I  beseech  you ;  and  if  they  write  in  other  terms  than 
those  above  recorded  as  the  language  of  Arius,  then  con- 
demn them  as  hypocrites,  who  hide  the  poison  of  their 
opinions,  and  like  the  serpent  flatter  with  the  words  of  their 
lips.    For,  though  they  thus  write,  they  have  associated  with 
^iM^'them  those  who  were  formerly  rejected3  with  Arius.  Such  as 
*supr.  Secundus4  of  Pentapolis,  and  the  Clergy  who  were  convicted 
P^14g    at  Alexandria ;  and  they  write  to  them  in  Alexandria.  But, 
p.  88.    what  is  most  astonishing,  they  have  caused  us  and  our 
friends  to  be  persecuted,  although  the  most  religious  Emperor 
Constantine  sent  us  back  in  peace  to  our  country  and 
Church,  and  shewed  his  concern  for  the  harmony  of  the 
people.    But  now  they  have  caused  the  Churches  to  be 
given  up  to  these  men,  thus  proving  to  all  that  for  the  sake 
of  the  Arians  the  whole  conspiracy  against  us  and  the  rest 
has  been  carried  on  from  the  beginning. 

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While  they  are  his  friends,  in  vain  their  moderate  words.  149 

16.  Now  while  such  is  their  conduct,  how  can  they  claim  Tr.HI. 
credit  for  what  they  write  ?   Had  the  opinions  they  have  *  '20- 
put  in  writing  been  orthodox,  they  would  have  expunged*' 
from  their  list  of  books  the  Thalia  of  Arius,  and  have 
rejected  the  scions  of  the  heresy,  viz.  those  disciples  of  Arius, 

and  the  partners  of  his  impiety  and  his  punishment.  But 
since  they  have  not  renounced  these1,  it  is  manifest  to  all1  vol.  8. 
that  their  sentiments  are  not  orthodox,  though  they  write  note  b. 
them  over  ten  thousand  times*.    Wherefore  it  becomes  us  to 2  ibid.  p. 
watch,  lest  some  deception  be  conveyed  under  the  clothing  p' 81^°* 
of  their  phrases,  and  they  lead  away  certain  from  the  true note  fc- 
faith.    And  if  they  venture  to  advance  the  opinions  of  Arius, 
when  they  see  themselves  proceeding  in  a  prosperous  course, 
nothing  remains  for  us  but  to  use  great  boldness  of  speech, 
remembering  the  predictions  of  the  Apostle,  which  he  wrote 
to  forewarn  us  of  such  like  heresies,  and  which  it  becomes 
us  to  repeat. 

17.  For  we  know  that,  as  it  is  written,  in  the  latter  times  iTim.4, 
some  shall  depart  from  the  sound  faith*,  giving  heed  tol\hld  p 
seducing  spirits,  and  doctrines  of  devils,  that  turn  from  the}$},^3. 
truth;  and,  as  many  as  will  live  godly  in  Christ  shall  suffer  14.'  ' 
persecution.  But  evil  men  and  seducers  shall  wax  worse^Jim-3f 
and  worse,  deceiving  and  being  deceived.  But  none  of  these 
things  shall  prevail  over  us,  nor  separate  us  from  the  love  of  'Rom.  g, 
Christ,  though  the  heretics  threaten  us  with  death.  For35- 

we  are  Christians,  not  Arians 4 ;  would  that  they  too,  who  4  i^a. 
have  written  these  things,  had  not  embraced  the  doctrines  of  J^*8** > 
Arius !  Yea,  brethren,  there  is  need  now  of  such  boldness  of  p.  194 
speech;  for  we  have  not  received  the  spirit  of  bondage^D'l5 
again  to  fear,  but  God  hath  called  us  to  liberty.    And  it  Gal.  5, 
were  indeed  disgraceful  to  us,  most  disgraceful,  were  we,  on 13' 
account  of  Arius  or  of  those  who  embrace  and  advocate  his 
sentiments,  to  lose  the  faith  which  we  have  received  from 
our  Saviour  through  His  Apostles.    Already  very  many  in 
these  parts,  perceiving  the  craftiness  of  these  writers,  are 
ready  even  unto  blood  to  oppose  their  wiles,  especially  since 
they  have  heard  of  your  firmness.    And  seeing  that  the 
refutation  of  the  heresy  hath  gone  forth  from  you5,  and  it  has  5  vjd. 
been  drawn  forth  from  its  concealment,  like  a  serpent  from,nfJ* , 

p.  151, 

note  a. 

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150  To  make  a  stand  for  the  Faith  equivalent  to  martyrdom. 

Lett,  his  hole,  the  Child  that  Herod  sought  to  destroy  is  preserved 
TLib?  among  you,  and  the  Truth  lives  in  you,  and  the  Faith  thrives 
among  you. 

§.  21.     18.  Wherefore  I  exhort  you,  having  always  in  your  hands 
the  confession  which  was  framed  by  the  Fathers  at  Nicaea, 
and  defending  it  with  great  zeal  and  confidence  in  the  Lord, 
be  ensamples  to  the  brethren  every  where,  and  shew  them 
that  a  struggle  is  now  before  us  in  support  of  the  Truth 
against  heresy,  and  that  the  wiles  of  the  enemy  are  various. 
»vid.    For  a  martyr's  token  lies1,  not  only  in  refusing  to  burn 
TheTin incense  to  idols;  but  to  refuse  to  deny  the  Faith  is  also  an 
voo«  ...  illustrious  testimony*  of  a  good  conscience.    And  not  only 
, '  those  who  turned  aside  unto  idols  were  condemned  as  aliens, 
but  those  also  who  betrayed  the  Truth.    Thus  Judas  was 
degraded  from  the  Apostolical  office,  not  because  he  sacri- 
ficed to  idols,  but  because  he  was  a  traitor ;  and  Hymenaeus 
and  Alexander  fell  away  not  by  betaking  themselves  to  the 
iTim.i,  service  of  idols,  but  because  they  made  shipwreck  concerning 
the  faith.    On  the  other  hand,  the  Patriarch  Abraham  re- 
ceived the  crown,  not  because  he  suffered  death,  but  because 
he  was  faithful  unto  God ;  and  the  other  Saints,  of  whom 
Paul  speaks,  Gedeon,  Barak,  Samson,  Jephtha,  David,  and 
Samuel,  and  the  rest,  were  not  made  perfect  by  the  shedding 
of  their  blood,  but  by  faith  they  were  justified ;  and  to  this 
day  they  are  the  objects  of  our  admiration,  as  being  ready 
even  to  suffer  death  for  piety  towards  the  Lord. 

19.  And  if  one  may  add  an  instance  from  our  own  times,  ye 
know  how  the  blessed  Alexander  contended  even  unto  death 
against  this  heresy,  and  what  great  afflictions  and  labours,  old 
man  as  he  was,  he  sustained,  until  in  extreme  age  he  also  was 
gathered  to  his  fathers.  And  how  many  beside  have  undergone 
great  toil,  in  their  teachings  against  this  impiety,  and  now  enjoy 
in  Christ  the  glorious  reward  of  their  confession !  Where- 
fore, let  us  also,  considering  that  this  struggle  is  for  our  all, 
and  that  the  choice  is  now  before  us,  either  to  deny  or  to 
preserve  the  faith,  let  us  also  make  it  our  earnest  care  and 
aim  to  guard  what  we  have  received,  taking  as  our  in- 
struction the  Confession  framed  at  Nicaea,  and  let  us  turn 
away  from  novelties,  and  teach  our  people  not  to  give  heed 

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Coalition,  of  sordid  Meletians  with  fanatic  Avians.  151 

to  seducing  spirits1,  but  altogether  to  withdraw  from  theTR.lII. 

impiety  of  the  Arian  fanatics,  and  from  the  coalition  which 

the  Meletians  have  made  with  them.  l.    "  ' 

20.  For  you  perceive  how,  though  they  were  formerly  at*8°Pg 
variance  with  one  another,  they  have  now,  like  Herod  and  §.  22. 
Pontius,  agreed  together  in  order  to  blaspheme  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ.  And  for  this  they  truly  deserve  the  hatred  of 
every  man,  because  they  were  at  enmity  with  one  another  on 
private  grounds,  but  have  now  become  friends  and  join 
hands,  in  their  hostility  to  the  Truth  and  their  impiety 
towards  God.  Nay,  they  are  content  to  do  or  suffer  any 
thing,  however  contrary  to  their  principles,  for  the  satis- 
faction of  securing  their  several  objects;  the  Meletians  for 
the  sake  of  preeminence  and  the  mad2  love  of  money,  and 9 
the  Arian  fanatics  for  their  own  impiety.  And  thus  by  this 
coalition  they  are  able  to  assist  one  another  in  their  malicious 
designs,  while  the  Meletians  pretend  to  the  impiety  of  the 
Arians,  and  the  Arians  from  their  own  wickedness  concur 
in  their  baseness,  so  that  by  thus  mingling  together  their 
respective  crimes,  like  the  cup  of  Babylon,  they  may  carry 
on  their  plots  against  the  orthodox  worshippers  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ.  The  wickedness  and  falsehood  of  the  Me- 
letians were  indeed  even  before  this  evident  unto  all  men;  so 
too  the  impiety  and  godless  heresy  of  the  Arians  have  long 
been  known  every  where  and  to  all ;  for  the  period  of  their 
existence  has  not  been  a  short  one.  The  former  became 
schismatics  five  and  fifty  years  ago,  and  it  is  thirty-six  years 
since  the  latter  were  pronounced  heretics*,  and  they  were 
rejected  from  the  Church  by  the  judgment  of  the  whole 
Ecumenic  Council.  But  by  their  present  proceedings  they 
have  proved  at  length,  even  to  those  who  seem  openly  to 
favour  them,  that  they  have  carried  on  their  designs  against 
me  and  the  rest  of  the  orthodox  Bishops  from  the  very  first 
solely  for  the  sake  of  advancing  their  own  impious  heresy. 

For  observe,  that  which  was  long  ago  the  great  object  of 

*  This  kwtittyf  or  declaration  is  that  an  additional  reason  for  assigning 

ascribed  to  S.Alexander,(asMontfaucon  this  Letter  to  the  year  366,  is  its  re- 

would  explain  it,  supr.  p.  126.)  supr.  p.  semblance  in  parts  to  the  Orations 

43.  p.  146,  r.  6.  p.  148,  r.  3.  p.  149,  r.  6.  which  were  written  not  long  after, 
vid/also  p.  160.  It  should  be  observed 

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152    Meletians  assail  Athanasius,  as  his  predecessors. 

Lett,  the  Eusebians  is  now  brought  about.    They  have  caused 

TLib°  tne  Churches  to  be  snatched  out  of  our  hands,  they  have 
banished,  as  they  pleased,  the  Bishops  and  Presbyters  who 
refused  to  communicate  with  them ;  and  the  laity  who 
withdrew  from  them  they  have  excluded  from  the  Churches, 
which  they  have  given  up  into  the  hands  of  the  Arians  who 
were  condemned  so  long  ago,  so  that  with  the  assistance  of 
the  hypocrisy  of  the  Meletians  they  can  without  fear  pour 
forth  in  them  their  impious  language,  and  make  ready,  as 

» vol.  8.  they  think,  the  way  of  deceit  for  Antichrist  *,  who  sowed 

note  q.  among  them  the  seeds 2  of  this  heresy. 

Vnoteic'    ^et  tnem  nowever  dream  and  imagine  vain  things.  We 
23.  know  that  when  our  gracious  Emperor  shall  hear  of  it,  he 
will  put  a  stop  to  their  wickedness,  and  they  will  not 
Prov.    continue  long,  but  according  to  the  words  of  Scripture,  the 
Sept.     hearts  of  the  impious  shall  quickly  fail  them.    But  let  us, 
i7K9DgS  as      1S  written,  put  on  the  words  of  holy  Scripture,  and 
Sept.    resist  them  as  apostates  who  would  set  up  fanaticism5  in  the 
M*9tm9  house  of  the  Lord.    And  let  us  not  fear  the  death  of  the 
body,  nor  let  us  emulate  their  ways ;  but  let  the  word 
of  Truth  be  preferred  before  all  things.    I  also,  as  you 
4  supr.  all  know,  was  formerly  required4  by  the  Eusebians  either 
p*    '    to  make  pretence  of  their  impiety,  or  to  expect  their 
hostility;  but  I  would  not  engage  myself  with  them,  but 
chose  rather  to  be  persecuted  by  them,  than  to  imitate 
the  conduct  of  Judas.    And  assuredly  they  have  done  what 
they  threatened ;  for  after  the  manner  of  Jezebel,  they  en- 
gaged the  treacherous  Meletians  to  assist  them,  knowing  how 
'/««««•  the  latter  resisted  the  blessed5  martyr  Peter,  and  after  him 
f'^^/.the  great  Achillas,  and  then  Alexander,  of  blessed  memory6, 
w,fofr-in  order  that,  as  being  practised  in   such  matters,  the 
4.  '  Meletians  might  pretend  against  me  also  whatever  might  be 
suggested  to  them,  while  the  Eusebians  gave  them  an 
opening  for  persecuting  and  for  seeking  to  kill  me.  For 
this  is  what  they  thirst  after ;  and  they  continue  to  this  day 
to  desire  to  shed  my  blood.. 

21.  But  of  these  things  I  have  no  care;  for  I  know  and  am 
persuaded  that  they  who  endure  shall  receive  a  reward  from 
our  Saviour ;  and  that  ye  also,  if  ye  endure  as  the  Fathers 
did,  and  shew  yourselves  examples  to  the  people,  and 

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overthrow  these  strange  and  alien  devices  of  impious  men,  Tr.III. 
shall  be  able  to  glory,  and  say,  "  We  have  kept  the  Faith  ?\^^A 
and  ye  shall  receive  the  crown  of  life,  which  God  hath  7. 
promised  to  them  that  love  Him.    And  God.  grant  that  I 
also  together  with  you  may  inherit  the  promises,  which 
were  given,  not  to  Paul  only,  but  also  to  all  them  that  have 
loved  the  appearing  of  our  Lord,  and  Saviour,  and  God,  and 
universal  King,  Jesus  Christ ;  through  whom  to  the  Father 
be  glory  and  dominion  in  the  Holy  Spirit,  both  now  and  for 
ever,  world  without  end.  Amen. 

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[This  Apology,  which  was  written  with  a  view  to  delivery  in  the  Emperor's 
presence,  (vid.  "  stretching  out  my  hand,"  §.  3.  "  I  have  obtained  a 
hearing,"  §.  6.  also  §.  8  init.  "I  see  you  smile,"  §.  16.  also  §.  22  fin. 
$.  27  init.)  is  the  most  finished  work  of  its  Author.  It  professes  to  answer 
the  new  charges  with  which  Athanasius  was  assailed  after  his  return  from 
exile  upon  the  Council  of  Sardica,  i.  e.  between  349,  when  he  was  recalled, 
and  356,  which  is  the  date  of  its  composition.  These  charges  were, 
1 .  that  he  had  influenced  the  Emperor  Constans  to  act  against  his  brother 
Constantius ;  2.  that  he  had  been  a  zealous  supporter  of  Magnentius,  who 
had  killed  the  former ;  3.  that  he  had  used  a  new  Church  for  worship 
without  the  Emperor's  leave ;  and  4.  that  he  had  refused  to  leave  Alex- 
andria, which  he  had  been  forced  to  do  since,  and  to  present  himself  at 
Court,  which  he  was  meditating  when  he  wrote  this  Apology.  Towards 
the  end  of  it,  he  hears  news  of  his  own  proscription,  which  changes  his 
intention,  and  also  his  feelings  towards  Constantius,  though  he  preserves 
his  respectful  tone  in  speaking  of  him  to  the  conclusion.] 

1.  Knowing  that  you  have  been  a  Christian  for  many  years', 
most  religious  Augustus,  and  that  you  are  godly  by  descent, 
I  cheerfully  undertake  to  answer  for  myself  at  this  time; — for 

*  Constantius,  though  here  called  a  war ;  and  recommending  all  to  go  thence 
Christian,  was  not  baptized  till  bis  last  who  could  not  make  up  their  mind  to 
illness,  A.D.  361,  and  then  by  the  Arian  the  Sacrament.  Hist.  iii.  1.  Constan- 
Bishop  of  Antioch,  Euzoius.  At  this  tius,  his  grandfather,  had  rejected  idol- 
time  he  was  39  years  of  age.  Theodoret  atry  and  acknowledged  the  One  God, 
represents  him  making  a  speech  to  his  according  to  Eusebius,  V.  Const  i.  14. 
whole  army  on  one  occasion,  exhorting  though  it  does  not  appear  that  he  had 
them  to  baptism  previously  to  going  to  embraced  Christianity. 

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First  of  the  four  charges  against  Athanasius,  155 

I  will  use  the  language  of  the  blessed  Paul,  and  make  himTn.IV. 
my  advocate  before  you,  considering  that  he  was  a  preacher  — 
of  the  truth,  and  that  you  are  an  attentive  hearer  of  his 

2.  With  respect  to  those  ecclesiastical  matters,  which  have 
been  made  the  ground  of  a  conspiracy  against  me,  it  is  suffi- 
cient to  refer  your  Piety  to  the  testimony  of  the  many  Bishops 
who  have  written  in  my  behalf1 ;  enough  too  is  the  recantation 1  rcpr. 
of  Ursacius  and  Valens 8,  to  prove  to  all  men,  that  none  of  f *ppf  *14) 
the  charges  which  they  set  up  against  me  had  any  truth  in  86« 
them.    For  what  evidence  can  others  produce  so  strong,  as 
what  they  declared  in  writing?    "  We  lied,  we  invented  these 
things;  all  the  accusations  against  Athanasius  are  full  of 
falsehood5."    To  this  clear  proof  may  be  added,  if  you  will 3  not 
vouchsafe  to  hear  it,  this  circumstance,  that  the  accusers  counc.n 
brought  no  evidence  against  Macarius  the  presbyter  whUe  Milan, 
we  were  present ;  but  in  our  absence  *,  when  they  were  by  Montf. 
themselves,  they  managed  the  matter  as  they  pleased.    Now,* ^p^1> 
the  Divine  Law  first  of  all,  and  next  our  own  Laws5,5  Const, 
have  expressly  declared,  that  such  proceedings  are  of  no^^1'"* 
force  whatsoever.    From  these  things  the  piety  of  your  Ma-  Montf. 
jesty,  as  a  lover  of  God  and  of  the  truth,  will,  I  am  sureV«n«# 
perceive  that  we  are  free  from  all  suspicion,  and  will  pro-qu' 
nounce  our  opponents  to  be  false  accusers. 

3.  But  as  to  the  slanderous  charge  which  has  been  pre-  §.  2. 
ferred  against  me  before  your  Grace,  respecting  correspond- 
ence with  the  most  pious  Augustus,  your  brother  Constansb, 

of  blessed  and  everlasting  memory,  (for  my  enemies  report  this 
of  me,  and  have  ventured  to  assert  it  in  writing,)  the  result  of 
their  former7  accusation  is  sufficient  to  prove  this  also  to  be*  yid. 
untrue.    Had  it  been  alleged  by  another  set  of  persons,  the  ^jjjjj 
matter  would  indeed  have  been  a  fit  subject  of  enquiry,  but  Arian. 
it  would  have  required  strong  evidence,  and  open  proof  in*"18*' 
presence  of  both  parties:  but  when  the  same  persons  who 

k  Constans  had  so  zealously  taken  ceasing  to  exasperate  Constans  to 

the  part  of  S.  Athanasius,  as  to  threaten  quarrel  with  me,  had  not  I  with  superior 

his  brother  Constantius  with  war,  if  he  meekness  sustained  the  attack  both  of 

did  not  restore  him  to  his  see.  vid.  the  exasperator  and  the  exasperated." 

Lucifer.  Op.  p.  91.  (ed.  Ven.  1778.)  Theod.  Hist.  ii.  13.  And  he  says,  infra, 

This  led  to  the  Council  of  Sardica.  Hist  Arian.  §.  50.  that  he  only  per- 

Constantius  complains  of  A  than,  in  his  mitted  Athan.'s  return  for  the  sake  of 

conference  with  Liberius,  as  "not  peace. 

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156  that  he  had  exasperated  Constans  against  Constantius, 

Apol.  invented  the  former  charge,  are  the  authors  also  of  this,  is  it 
Const.  not  reasonable  to  conclude  from  the  issue  of  the  one,  the 
falsehood  of  the  other?  For  this  cause  they  again  conferred 
together  in  private,  thinking  to  be  able  to  deceive  your  Piety 
before  I  was  aware.  But  in  this  they  failed :  you  would  not 
listen  to  them  as  they  desired,  but  patiently  gave  me  an 
opportunity  to  make  my  defence.  And,  in  that  you  were 
not  immediately  moved  to  demand  vengeance,  you  acted  only 
as  was  righteous  in  a  Prince,  whose  duty  it  is  to  wait  for  the 
defence  of  the  injured  party.  Which  if  you  will  vouchsafe 
to  hear,  I  am  confident  that  in  this  matter  also,  you  will  con- 

1  vid.  demn  those  reckless  men,  who  have  no  fear  of  that  God,  who 
Ecclus.  nag  comman(je(j  us  noi  fa  Speak  falsely  before  the  king l. 

§.  3.  4.  But  in  truth  I  am  ashamed  even  to  have  to  defend 
myself  against  charges  such  as  these,  which  I  do  not  suppose 
that  even  the  accuser  himself  would  venture  to  make  mention 
of  in  my  presence.  For  he  knows  full  well  that  he  speaks 
untruly,  and  that  I  was  never  so  mad,  so  reft  of  my  senses, 
as  even  to  be  open  to  suspicion  of  having  conceived  any  such 
thing.  So  that  had  I  been  questioned  by  any  other  on  this 
subject,  T  would  not  have  answered,  lest,  while  I  was  making 
my  defence,  my  hearers  should  for  a  time  have  suspended 
their  judgment  concerning  me.  But  to  your  Piety  I  answer 
with  a  loud  and  clear  voice,  and  stretching  forth  my  hand,  as 

2  Cor.  1,1  have  learned  from  the  Apostle,  /  call  God  for  a  record 
33  upon  my  soul,  and  as  it  is  written  in  the  book  of  Kings,  (let 
l  Sam.  me  be  allowed  to  say  the  same,)  The  Lord  is  witness,  and 
12,  fi.          Anoinfe(i  is  witness,  I  have  never  spoken  evil  of  your 

Piety  before  your  brother  Constans,  the  most  religious  Au- 
gustus of  blessed  memory.    I  have  never  exasperated  him 
against  you,  as  these  falsely  accuse  me.    But  whenever  in 
my  interviews  with  him  he  has  mentioned  your  Grace,  (and 
*  Hist,  he  did  mention  you  at  the  time  that  Thalassus*  came  to  Pity- 
22?  vid.  bkm>  and  I  was  staying  at  Aquileia,)  the  Lord  is  witness, 
™PrvP«  how  I  spoke  of  your  Piety  in  terms  which  I  would  that  God 
'    "  would  reveal  unto  your  soul,  that  you  might  condemn  the 
falsehood  of  these  my  calumniators. 

5.  Bear  with  me,  most  gracious  Augustus,  and  freely  grant 
me  your  indulgence  while  I  speak  of  this  matter.  Your  most 
Christian  brother  was  not  a  man  of  so  light  a  temper,  nor  was 

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whereas  he  never  had  had  any  private  interview  with  him,  157 

I  a  person  of  such  a  character,  that  we  should  communicate  Tr.  IV. 
together  on  a  subject  like  this,  or  that  I  should  slander  a  — — — 
brother  to  a  brother,  or  speak  evil  of  a  king  before  a  king.  I 
am  not  so  mad,  Sire,  nor  have  I  forgotten  that  divine  sen- 
tence which  says,  Curse  not  the  king,  no,  not  in  thy  thought;  Eccles. 
and  curse  not  the  rich  in  thy  bedchamber:  for  a  bird  of  the  9 
air  shall  carry  the  voice,  and  that  which  hath  wings  shall 
tell  the  matter.  If  then  those  things,  which  are  spoken  in 
secret  against  you  that  are  kings,  are  not  hidden,  is  it  not  in- 
credible that  I  should  have  spoken  against  you  in  the  presence 
of  a  king,  and  of  so  many  bystanders?  For  I  never  saw  your 
brother  by  myself,  nor  did  he  ever  converse  with  me  in  private, 
but  I  was  always  introduced  in  company  with  the  Bishop  of 
the  city,  where  I  happened  to  be,  and  with  others  that 
chanced  to  be  there.  We  entered  the  presence  together,  and 
together  we  retired.  Fortunatian6,  Bishop  of  Aquileia,  can 
testify  this,  the  father  Hosius  is  able  to  say  the  same,  as  also 
are  Crispinus  Bishop  of  Padua,  Lucillus  of  Verona,  Diony- 
sius  of  Leis,  and  Vincentius  of  Campania.  And  although 
Maximinus  of  Treves,  and  Protasius  of  Milan,  are  dead,  yet 
Eugenius  who  was  Master  of  the  Palace d  can  bear  witness  for 
me;  for  he  stood  before  the  veil',  and  heard  what  we  re- 
quested of  the  Emperor,  and  what  he  vouchsafed  to  reply 
to  us. 

e  AH  these  names  of  Bishops  occur  tween  the  Prince  and  his  subjects  was 
among  the  subscriptions  at  Sardica.  managed  by  the  four  scrinia,  or  offices 
supr.  pp.  76 — 78.  Fortunatian  was  of  this  minister  of  state. ..  .The  whole 
raised  to  the  see  of  Aquileia  about  344,  business  was  despatched  by  148  secre- 
signed  the  condemnation  of  Athanasius  taries,  chosen  for  the  most  part  from 
at  the  Council  of  Milan  in  365,  the  year  the  profession  of  the  law....  But  the 
before  this  Apology  was  written,  and  in  department  of  foreign  affairs,  which 
357  was  the  Eusebian  tempter  in  the  fall  constitutes  so  essential  a  part  of  modern 
of  Liberius.  Lucillus,  Maximinus,  and  policy,  seldom  diverted  the  attention 
Protasius,  are  in  the  list  of  Saints.  Maxi-  of  the  master  of  the  offices;  his  mind 
minus  will  be  mentioned  just  below,  was  more  seriously  engaged  by  the 
note  g.  Vincent,  who  had  been  the  Pope's  general  direction  of  ihe  pests  and 
legate  at  Nicsea,  lapsed  at  Aries  so  far  arsenals  of  the  Empire."  Gibbon,  ch. 
as  to  give  up  S.  Athanasius,  but  reco-  17.  m 
vered  himself  by  refusing  to  acknow-  •  «•{ #  r»u  (tfk$v.  The  Veil,  which  in 
ledge  the  proceedings  at  Ariminum.  the  first  instance  was  an  appendage  to 
Leis  is  Lauda,  or  Laus  Pompeia,  hodie  the  images  of  pagan  deities,  formed  at 
Lodi ;  Ughelli,  Ital.  Sacr.  t.  4.  p.  656.    this  time  a  part  of  the  ceremonial  of  the 

d  Or,  master  of  the  offices ;  one  of  imperial  Court.  It  hung  over  the  en- 
the  seven  Ministers  of  the  Court  under  trance  of  the  Eropeior's  bedchamber, 
the  Empire;  "  He  inspected  the  disci-  where  he  gave  his  audiences.  It  also 
pliae  of  the  civil  and  military  schools,  hung  before  the  secretarium  of  the 
and  received  appeals  from  all  parts  of  Judges,  vid.  Hofman  in  voc.  Gotho- 
the  Empire.. .  .The  correspondence  be-   fred  in  Cod.  Theod  i.  tit  vii.  1. 

158  and  could  not  have  had,  as  his  wanderings  would  shew, 

Apol.     6.  This  certainly  is  sufficient  for  proof,  yet  suffer  me  never- 
Const.  theless  to  lay  before  you  an  account  of  my  travels,  which 
will  further  lead  you  to  condemn  the  unfounded  calumnies 
§.  4.  of  my  opponents.    When  I  left  Alexandria,  I  did  not  go  to 
WcfW-your  brother's  Court1,  or  to  any  other  persons,  but  only  to 
™l'9'    Rome*;  and  having  laid  my  case  before  the  Church,  (for 
p.  loo,  tnis  was  mv  oniy  concern,)  I  spent  my  time  in  the  public 
8  p.  49,  worship5.    I  did  not  write  to  your  brother,  except  when  the 
f"^.  Eusebians  had  written  to  him  to  accuse  me,  and  I  was 
compelled  while  yet  at  Alexandria  to  defend  myself;  and 
again  when  I  sent  to  him  volumes f  containing  the  holy 
Scriptures,  which  he  had  ordered  me  to  prepare  for  him. 
It  behoves  me,  while  I  defend  my  conduct,  to  tell  the  truth 
to  your  Piety.    When  however  three  years  had  passed  away, 
*A.D.  he  wrote  to  me  in  the  fourth  year4,  commanding  me  to 
346,     meet  him,  (he  was  then  at  Milan ;)  and  upon  enquiring  the 
cause,  (for  I  was  ignorant  of  it,  the  Lord  is  my  witness,)  I 
learnt  that  certain  Bishops  *  had  gone  up  and  requested  him 
to  write  to  your  Piety,  desiring  that  a  Council  might  be 
called.    Believe  me,  Sire,  this  is  the  truth  of  the  matter ;  I 
lie  not.    Accordingly  I  went  to  Milan,  and  met  with  great 
kindness  from  him ;  for  he  condescended  to  see  me,  and  to 
say  that  he  had  despatched  letters  to  you,  requesting  that  a 
Council  might  be  called.    And  while  I  remained  in  that 
city,  he  sent  for  me  again  into  Gaul ;  (for  the  father  Hosius 
was  going  thither,)  that  we  might  travel  from  thence  to 
Sardica.    And  after  the  Council,  he  wrote  to  me  while  I 
continued  at  Naissus",  and  I  went  up,  and  abode  afterwards 

f  *v*net,  a  bound  book,  vid.  Montf.  S  Tillemont  supposes  that  Constans 
Coll.  Nov.  infr.  S.  Jerome  speaks  of  was  present  at  the  Council  of  Milan, 
Hilarion's  transcribing  a  Gospel.  Tit.  at  which  Eudoxius,  Martyrius,  and 
Hilar.  35.  and  himself  the  Psalter,  (inter-  Macedonius,  sent  to  the  West  with  the 
pretationemPsalmorum,)adFlorent.Ep.  Eusebian  Creed,  (vid.  Libr.  F.  vol.  8. 
v.  2.  and  St.  Eusebius  of  Vercell®  made  p.  111.)  made  their  appearance  to  no 
a  copy  of  the  Gospels,  which  was  extant,  purpose.  The  Bishops  principally  con- 
as  it  appears,  in  the  last  century,  vid.  cerned  in  persuading  Constans  seem  to 
Lami  Enid.  Apost.  p.  678.  Mabillon,  have  been  Pope  Julius,  Hosius,  and 
I  tin.  Ital.  t.  i.  p.  9.  Montfauc.  Diar.  Ital.  Maximinus  of  Treves.  Hil.  Fragm.  2. 
xxviii.  p.  445.  Tillemont,  ft  8.  p.  86.)  p.  16. 

considers  that  Athan.  alludes  in  this  h  Naissus  was  situated  in  Upper 
passage  to  the  Synopsis  Scr.  Sacr.  Dacia,  and  according  to  some  was  the 
which  is  among  his  works ;  but  Mont-  birthplace  of  Constantine.  The  Bishop 
faucon,  Collect.  Nov.  t.  2.  p.  xxviii.  of  the  place,  Gaudentius,  whose  name 
contends  that  a  copy  of  the  Gospels  occurs  among  the  subscriptions  at  Sar- 
is spoken  of.  dica,  had  protected  S.  raul  of  Con- 

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which  preclude  time  or  place  for  the  alleged  offence.  159 

at  Aquileia;  where  the  letters  of  your  Piety  found  me.  AndTn.IV. 
again,  being  summoned  thence  by  your  departed  brother,  I  4~6' 
returned  into  Gaul,  and  so  came  at  length  to  your  Piety. 

7.  Now  what  place  and  time  does  my  accuser  specify,  at  §.  5. 
which  I  made  use  of  these  expressions  according  to  his 
slanderous  imputation  ?  In  whose  presence  was  I  so  mad  as 

to  give  utterance  to  the  words  which  he  has  falsely  charged 
me  with  speaking?  Who  is  there  ready  to  support  the 
charge,  and  to  testify  to  the  fact  ?   What  his  own  eyes  have  Prov. 
seen  that  ought  he  to  speak,  as  holy  Scripture  enjoins.    But26' 8" 
no;  he  will  find  no  witnesses  of  that  which  never  took 
place.    But  I  take  your  Piety  to  witness,  together  with  the 
Truth,  that  I  lie  not.    I  request  you,  for  I  know  you  to  be  a 
person  of  excellent  memory,  to  call  to  mind  the  conversation 
I  had  with  you,  when  you  condescended  to  see  me,  first  at 
Viminacium',  a  second  time  at  Caesarea  in  Cappadocia,  and1  >°  . 
a  third  time  at  Antioch.    Did  I  speak  evil  before  you  even 
of  the  Eusebians  who  have  persecuted  me?   Did  I  cast 
imputations  upon  any  of  those  that  have  done  me  wrong  ? 
If  then  I  imputed  nothing  to  any  of  those  against  whom  I 
had  a  right  to  speak;  how  could  I  be  so  possessed  with 
madness  as  to  slander  a  King  before  a  King,  and  to  set  a 
brother  at  variance  with  a  brother?   I  beseech  you,  either 
cause  me  to  appear  before  you  that  the  thing  may  be  proved, 
or  else  condemn  these  calumnies,  and  follow  the  example  of 
David,  who  says,  Whoso  privily  slandereth  his  neighbour,  Ps.  101, 
him  will  I  destroy.    As  much  as  in  them  lies,  they  have5, 
slain  me;  for  the  mouth  that  belieth,  slayeth  the  soul.  ButWisd.i, 
your  long-suffering  has  prevailed  against  them,  and  given11, 
me  confidence  to  defend  myself,  that  they  may  suffer  con- 
demnation, as  contentious  and  slanderous  persons.  Con- 
cerning your  most  religious  brother,  of  blessed  memory  *,  this*«w 
may  suffice  :  for  you  will  be  able,  according  to  the  wisdom  £2^7' 
which  God  has  given  you,  to  gather  much  from  the  little  I  have 
said,  and  to  perceive  that  this  accusation  is  a  mere  invention. 

8,  With  regard  to  the  second  calumny,  that  I  have  written  §.  6. 
letters  to  the  usurper1,  (his  name  I  am  unwilling  to  pro- 

stantinople  and  incurred  the  anathemas  1  Magnentius,  a  barbarian  by  origin, 
of  the  Eusebians  at  Philippopolis.  Hil.  securing  the  troops  who  were  about  the 
Fragm.  iii.  27.  person  of  Constans,  had  taken  possession 

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160  The  second  charge,  of  corresponding  with  Magnentius^ 

A pol.  nounce;)  I  beseech  you  investigate  and  try  the  matter,  in 
Const,  whatever  way  you  please,  and  by  whomsoever  you  may 
approve  of.  The  extravagance  of  the  charge  so  confounds 
me,  that  I  am  in  utter  uncertainty  how  to  act.  Believe  me, 
most  religious  Prince,  many  times  did  I  weigh  the  matter  in 
my  mind,  but  was  unable  to  believe  that  any  one  could  be 
so  mad  as  to  utter  such  a  falsehood.  But  when  this  charge 
was  published  abroad  by  the  Arians,  as  well  as  the  former, 
and  they  boasted  that  they  had  transmitted  to  you  a  copy  of 
the  letter,  I  was  the  more  amazed,  and  I  have  passed 
sleepless  nights  contending  against  the  charge,  as  if  in  the 
presence  of  my  accusers ;  and  suddenly  breaking  forth  into 
a  loud  cry,  I  have  immediately  fallen  to  my  prayers,  desiring 
with  groans  and  tears  that  I  might  obtain  a  favourable 
hearing  from  you.  And  now  that  by  the  grace  of  the  Lord, 
I  have  obtained  such  a  hearing,  I  am  again  at  a  loss  how  I 
shall  begin  my  defence;  for  as  often  as  I  make  an  attempt 
to  speak,  I  am  prevented  by  my  horror  at  the  deed. 

9.  In  the  case  of  your  departed  brother,  the  slanderers  had 
indeed  a  plausible  pretence  for  what  they  alleged;  because  I 
had  been  admitted  to  see  him,  and  he  had  condescended  to 
write  to  your  brotherly  affection  concerning  me;  and  he  had 
often  sent  for  me  to  come  to  him,  and  had  honoured  me  when 
1  h£fi»-  I  came.  But  for  the  traitor1  Magnentius,  the  Lord  is  wit- 
i#Sanu  ness9  and  His  Anointed  is  witness,  I  know  him  not:  I  never 
12, 5.  did  know  him.  What  correspondence  then  could  there  be 
between  persons  so  entirely  unacquainted  with  each  other  ? 
What  reason  was  there  to  induce  me  to  write  to  such  a  man? 
How  could  I  have  commenced  my  letter,  had  I  written  to 
him?  Could  I  have  said, '  You  have  done  well  to  murder 
the  man  who  honoured  me,  whose  kindnesses  I  shall  never 
forget?'  Or, i  I  approve  of  your  conduct  in  destroying  our 
Christian  friends,  and  most  faithful  brethren  ?'  or, ' 1  approve 
of  your  proceedings  in  butchering  those  who  so  kindly  enter- 
tained  me  at  Rome;  for  instance,  your  departed2  Aunt  Eu- 
tropiak,  whose  disposition  answered  to  her  name,  that  worthy 

of  Autun  in  Gaul,  where  the  Emperor  great  battle  of  Mursa,  and  ultimately 

was,  and,  on  the  flight  of  the  latter,  had  dest?  oyed  himself  at  Lyons, 

sent  a  party  of  horse  after  him,  by  whom  k  Nepotian,  the  son  of  Eutropia, 

he  was  despatched.  Magnentius,  after  Constan tine's  sister,  had  taken  up  arms 

some  successes,  was  defeated  in  the  against  Magnentius,  got  possession  of 

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utterly  incredible  and  absurd.  161 

man,  Abuterius,  the  most  faithful  Spiral) this*  and  many  other  Tit. IV. 
excellent  persons?*    Is  it  not  mere  madness  in  my  accuser  f""8, 
even  to  suspect  me  of  such  a  thing?    What,  I  ask  again,  could  7* 
induce  me  to  place  confidence  in  this  man  ?    What  trait  did 
I  perceive  in  his  character  on  which  I  could  rely  ?   He  had 
murdered  his  own  master;  he  had  proved  faithless  to  his 
friends;  he  had  violated  his  oath;  he  had  blasphemed  God, 
by  consulting  poisoners  and  sorcerers1  contrary  to  his  Law.  ^ingh* 
And  with  what  conscience  could  I  send  greeting  to  such  a^jfj^ 
man,  whose  madness  and  cruelty  had  afflicted  not  me  only,  §• 
but  all  the  world  around  me?    To  be  sure,  I  was  very  greatly 
indebted  to  him  for  his  conduct,  that  when  your  departed 
brother  had  filled  our  churches  with  sacred  offerings,  he 
murdered  him.    For  the  wretch  was  not  moved  by  the  sight 
of  these  his  gifts,  nor  did  he  stand  in  awe  of  the  divine  grace 
which  had  been  given  to  him  in  baptism :  but  like  a  deadly 
and  devilish  spirit,  he  raged  against  him,  till  your  blessed22 
brother  suffered  martyrdom  at  his  hands;  while  he,  hence- 
forth  a  criminal  like  Cain,  was  driven  from  place  to  place,  a  Gen.  4, 
fugitive  and  a  vagabond,  to  the  end  that  he  might  follow  the  Hist* 
example  of  Judas  in  his  death,  by  becoming  his  own  execu- Ar-  §• 7- 
tioner,  and  so  bring  upon  himself  a  double  weight  of  punish- 
ment in  the  judgment  to  come. 

10.  With  such  a  man  the  slanderer  thought  that  I  had  been  §.  8. 
on  terms  of  friendship,  or  rather  he  did  not  think  so,  but  like 
an  enemy  invented  an  incredible  fiction :  for  he  knows  full 
well  that  he  has  lied.    I  would  that,  whoever  he  is,  he  were 
present  here,  that  I  might  put  the  question  to  him  on  the 
word  of  Truth  itself,  (for  whatever  we  speak  as  in  the  presence 
of  God,  we  Christians  consider  as  an  oath5;)  I  say,  that  Pvid. 
might  ask  him  this  question,  which  of  us  rejoiced  most  in  the^jjph. 
well-being  of  the  departed4  Constans?  who  prayed  for  nim^-P-119* 
most  earnestly?    The  facts  of  the  foregoing  charge  prove 4^^'. 
this;  indeed  it  is  plain  how  the  case  stands.    But  although <'w 
he  himself  knows  full  well,  that  no  one  who  was  so  disposed 
towards  the  departed4  Constans,  and  who  truly  loved  him, 
could  be  a  friend  to  his  enemy,  I  fear  that  being  possessed 

Borne,  and  enjoyed  the  title  of  Au-    a  number  of  his  adherents,  some  of  whom 
gustus  for  about  a  month.   Magnentius   are  here  mentioned, 
pot  him  to  death,  and  his  mother,  and 


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l62A(hanasius  could  not  write  to  one  who  did  not  even  know  him. 

A pol.  with  other  feelings  towards  him  than  1  was,  he  has  falsely 
Const,  attributed  to  me  those  sentiments  of  hatred  which  were 

entertained  by  himself. 
§.9.      11.  For  myself,  I  am  so  surprised  at  the  enormity  of  the  thing, 
that  I  am  quite  uncertain  what  I  ought  to  say  in  my  defence* 
I  can  only  declare,  that  I  condemn  myself  to  die  a  thousand 
deaths,  if  even  the  least  suspicion  attaches  to  me  in  this 
matter.    And  to  you,  Sire,  as  a  lover  of  the  truth,  I  confidently 
make  my  appeal.    I  beseech  you,  as  I  said  before,  to  inves- 
tigate this  affair,  and  especially  to  call  for  the  testimony  of 
those  who  were  once  sent  by  him  as  ambassadors  to  you. 
These  are  the  Bishops  Servatius1  and  Maxim  us  and  the  rest^ 
with  Clementius  and  Valens.    Enquire  of  them,  I  beseech 
you,  whether  they  brought  letters  to  me.    If  they  did,  this 
would  give  me  occasion  to  write  to  him.    But  if  he  did  not 
write  to  me,  if  he  did  not  even  know  me,  how  could  I  write 
to  one  with  whom  I  had  no  acquaintance?    Ask  them 
whether,  when  I  saw  Clementius,  and  spoke  of  your  brother 
•         of  blessed  memory  \  I  did  not,  in  the  language  of  Scripture, 
1$™$  wet  m^  garments  with  tears,  when  I  remembered  his  kindness 
supr.  p.  of  disposition  and  his  Christian  spirit?    Learn  of  them  how 
159,  r.2.  anxjous  j  was?  on  hearing  of  the  cruelty  of  that  savage  beast, 
and  finding  that  Valens  and  his  company  had  come  by  way 
of  Libya,  lest  he  should  attempt  a  passage  also,  and  like  a 
robber  murder  those  who  held  in  love  and  memory  the 
« p.***-  departed2  Prince,  among  whom  I  account  myself  second  to 

§.  10.  12.  How  with  this  apprehension  of  such  a  design,  was  there 
not  an  additional  probability  of  my  praying  for  your  Grace  ? 
Should  I  feel  affection  for  his  murderer,  and  entertain  dislike 
towards  you  his  brother  who  avenged  his  death  ?  Should  I 
remember  his  crime,  and  forget  that  kindness  of  yours  which 
you  vouchsafed  to  assure  me  by  letter  should  remain  the  same 
3  pax*-  towards  me  after  your  brother's  death  of  happy  memory  3,  as 
*,w  it  had  been  during  his  lifetime?  How  could  I  have  borne  to 
look  upon  the  murderer?    Must  I  not  have  thought  that  the 

1  SarbatiuB  or  Servatius,  and  Maxi-  num,  vid.  Sulp.  Hist.  ii.  59.  vid.  also 

mus  occur  in  the  lists  of  Gallic  sub-  Greg.  Turon.  Hist.  Franc,  ii.  5.  where 

scriptions  at  Sardica.    The  former  is  however  the  Bened.  Ed.  prefers  to» 

supposed  to  be  St.  Servatius  or  Servatio  read  Aravatius,  a  bishop,  as  he  con* 

of  Tungri,  concerning  whom  at  Arimi-  siders,  of  the  fifth  century. 

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He  couldnot  be  false  to  one  brother  in  ttie  presence  of another.  1 03 

blessed  Prince  beheld  me,  when  I  prayed  for  your  safety  ?Tr.  IV. 
For  brothers  are  by  nature  the  mirrors  of  each  other.  Where-  9~n' 
fore  as  seeing  you  in  him,  I  never  should  have  slandered  you 
before  him;  and  as  seeing  him  in  you,  never  should  I  have 
written  to  his  enemy,  instead  of  praying  for  your  safety. 
Of  this,  my  witnesses  are,  first  of  all,  the  Lord  who  ha$  heard 
and  has  given  to  you  entire  the  kingdom  of  your  forefathers : 
and  next  those  persons  who  were  present  at  the  time,  Felicis- 
simus,  who  was  Duke  of  Egypt,  Rufinus,  and  Stephanus,  the 
former  of  whom  was  Receiver-general  l,the  latter,  Master  there; 1  supr. 
Count  Asterius,  and  Palladius  Master  of  the  palace,  Antiochus  \ f gf 2f 
and  Evagrius  Official  Agents™.    I  had  only  to  say,  "Let  us 
pray  for  the  safety  of  the  most  religious  Emperor,  Constantius 
Augustus,"  and  all  the  people  immediately  cried  out  with  one 
voice,  "O  Christ,  send  thy  help  to  Constantius;"  and  they 
continued  praying  thus  for  some  time". 

13.  Now  I  have  already  called  upon  God,  and  His  Word,§.  11. 
the  Only-begotten  Son  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  to  witness  for 
me,  that  I  have  never  written  to  that  man,  nor  received 
letters  from  him.  And  as  to  my  accuser,  give  me  leave  to 
ask  him  a  few  short  questions  concerning  this  charge  also. 
How  did  he  come  to  the  knowledge  of  this  matter  ?  Will  he 
say  that  he  has  got  copies  of  the  letter  ?  for  this  is  what  the 
Arians  have  declared  till  they  were  weary.  Now  in  the 
first  place,  even  if  he  can  shew  writing  resembling  mine,  the 
thing  is  by  no  means  certain ;  for  there  are  forgers,  who 
have  often  imitated  the  hand8  even  of  you  who  are  Kings. 2 

m  1.  The  Rationales  or  Receivers,  in  piywrpt  i%u,  Tillemont  translates, 

Greek  writers  Catholici,(X«y«rfic«)  being  *«  Master  of  the  camp  of  Egypt."  voL 

understood,  Vales,  ad  Euseb.  vii.  10.)  8.  p.  137.  3.  The  Master  of  the  offices 

were  the  same  as  the  Procurators,  or  of  the  palace  has  been  noticed  above,  p< 

(Gibbon,  Hist.  ch.  xvii.  note  148.)  who  157,  noted.  4-  tyittwyfavi)  agentes  in 

succeeded  the  Provincial  QueBstors  in  rebus.  These  were  functionaries  under 

the  early  times  of  the  Empire.    They  the  Master  of  the  offices,  whose  business 

were  in  the  department  of  the  Comes  it  was  to  announce  the  names  of  the 

Sacrarum  Largitionum,  or  High  Trea-  consuls  and  the  edicts  or  victories  of 

surer  of  the  Revenue,  (Gothofr.  Cod.  the  Empire.   They  at  length  became 

Theod.  t.  6.  p.  327.)  Both  Gothofr. how-  spies  of  the  Court,  vid.  Gibbon,  ch.  xvii. 

ever  and  Pancirolns,  p.  134.  Ed.  1623.  Gothofr.  Cod.  Th.  vi.  27. 
place  Rationales  also  under  the  Comes      n  "  Presbyterum  Erachum  mihi  suc- 

Rerum  Privatarum.     Pancirolus,  p.  cessorem  vo.o.    A  populo  acclamatum 

120.  mentions  the  Comes  Rationalis  est,  Deo  gratias,  Christo  laudes ;  dic- 

Summarum  iEgypti  as  distinct  from  turn  est  vicies  terties.  Exaudi  Christe, 

other  functionaries.    Gibbon,  ch.  xvii.  Augustino  vita ;  dictum  est  sexies 

seems  to  say  that  there  were  in  all  29,  decies.    Te  patrem,  te  episcopum  ; 

of  whom  18  were  counts.  2.  Stephanus,  dictum  est  octies."  August.  Ep.  213* 

supr.  p. 

M  2 


Truth  the  defence  of  Tlirones. 

.A  pol.  And  the  resemblance  will  not  prove  the  genuineness  of  the 
Const  *etter>  unless  my  customary  amanuensis  shall  testify  in  its 
favour.    I  would  then  again  ask  my  accusers,  Who  provided 
you  with  these  copies  ?  and  whence  were  they  obtained  ?  1 
had  my  writers0,  and  he  his  servants,  who  received  his  letters 
from  tfre  bearers,  and  gave  them  into  his  hand.    My  as- 
sistants are  forthcoming;  vouchsafe  to  summon  the  others, 
(for  they  are  most  probably  still  living,)  and  enquire  con- 
cerning these  letters.    Search  into  the  matter,  as  though 
Truth  were  the  partner  of  your  throne.    She  is  the  defence 
of  Kings,  and  especially  of  Christian  Kings  ;  with  her  you 
Prov.    will  reign  most  securely,  for  holy  Scripture  says,  Mercy  and 
20> 28*  truth  preserve  the  king,  and  they  will  encircle  his  throne  in 
righteousness.    And  the  wise  Zorobabel  gained  a  victory 
over  the  others  by  setting  forth  the  power  of  Truth,  and  all  the 
4,  41.    people  cried  out,  Great  is  truth,  and  mighty  above  all  things. 
§.  12.     14.  Hud  I  been  accused  before  any  other,  I  should  have 
appealed  to  your  Piety ;  as  once  the  Apostle  appealed  unto 
Caesar,  and  put  an  end  to  the  designs  of  bis  enemies  against 
him.    But  since  they  have  had  the  boldness  to  lay  their 
charge  before  you,  to  whom  shall  I  appeal  from  you  ?  to  the 
Johni4,  Father  of  Him  who  says,  /  am  the  Truth,  that  He  may 
incline  your  heart  unto  clemency : — 

O  Lord  Almighty,  and  King  of  eternity,  the  Father  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  by  Thy  Word  hast  given  this 
Kingdom  to  Thy  servant  Constantius ;  do  Thou  shine  into 
his  heart,  that  he,  knowing  the  falsehood  that  is  set  against 
me,  may  both  favourably  receive  this  my  defence  ;  and  may 
make  known  unto  all  men,  that  his  ears  are  firmly  set  to 
Prov.  hearken  unto  the  Truth,  according  as  it  is  written,  Righteous 
16> 13-  Hps  alone  are  acceptable  unto  the  King.  For  Thou  hast 
caused  it  to  be  said  by  Solomon,  that  thus  the  throne  of  a 
kingdom  shall  be  established. 

15.  Wherefore  at  least  enquire  into  this  matter,  anil  let  the 
accusers  understand  that  your  desire  is  to  learn  the  truth ; 
and  see,  whether  they  will  not  shew  their  falsehood  by  their 

°  vid.  Rom.  xvi.  22.    Lucian  is  St  Jerome  was  either  secretary  or  ama- 

spoken  of  as  the  amanuensis  of  the  Con-  nuensis  to  Pope  Damasus,  vid.  Ep.  ad 

feasors,  who  wrote  to  St  Cyprian,  Ep.  Ageruch.  (123.  n.  10.  Ed.  Vallars.)  vid. 

16,  Ed.  Ben.  Jader  perhaps  of  Ep.  80.  Lami  de  Erud.  Ap.  p.  268. 

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Falsehood  makes  men  cowards.  165 

very  looks;  for  the  countenance  is  a  test  of  the  conscience,  Tr  IV. 
as  it  is  written,  A  merry  heart  maketh  a  cheerful  countenance,  p^3' 
but  by  sorrow  of  the  heart  the  spirit  is  broken.    Thus  they  15, 13. 
who  had  conspired  against  Joseph  were  convicted  by  their ^y^i* 
own  consciences  ;  and  the  cruelty  of  Laban  towards  Jacob 
were  shewn  in  his  countenance1.    And  thus  you  see  the  M&Vit. 
suspicious  alarm  of  these  persons,  for  they  fly  and  hide^**" 
themselves;    but  on  my  part  frankness*  in  making  my,80F' 
defence.    And  the  question  between  us  is  not  one  regarding  iss.  ' 
worldly  wealth,  but  concerning  the  honour  of  the  Church. 
He  that  has  been  struck  by  a  stone,  applies  to  a  physician ; 
but  sharper  than  a  stone  are  the  strokes  of  calumny ;  for  as 
Solomon  has  said,  A  false  witness  is  a  maul,  and  a  sword,  Pror. 
and  a  sharp  arrow,  and  its  wounds  Truth  alone  is  able  to26'18" 
cure ;  and  if  Truth  be  set  at  nought,  they  grow  worse  and 

16.  It  is  this  that  has  thrown  the  Churches  every  where  §.  13. 
into  such  confusion ;  for  pretences  have  been  devised,  and 
Bishops  of  great  authority,  and  of  advanced  age5,  have  been 8  Hist, 
banished  for  holding  communion  with  me.    However,  if^"&^. 
matters  stop  here,  our  prospect  is  favourable  through  your 
gracious  interposition.    And  that  the  evil  may  not  extend 
itself,  let  Truth  prevail  before  you ;  and  leave  not  the  whole 
Church  under  suspicion,  as  though  Christian  men,  nay  even 
Bishops,  could  be  guilty  of  plotting  and  writing  in  this 
manner.    Or  if  you  are  unwilling  to  investigate  the  matter,  it 
is  but  right  that  we  who  offer  our  defence,  should  be  believed, 
rather  than  our  calumniators.    They,  like  enemies,  are  oc- 
cupied in  wickedness ;  we,  as  earnestly  contending  for  our 
cause,  present  to  you  our  proofs.    And  truly  I  wonder  how 
it  comes  to  pass,  that  while  we  address  you  with  fear  and 
reverence,  they  are  possessed  of  such  an  impudent  spirit, 
that  they  dare  even  to  lie  before  the  King4.    But  I  pray  you>^p£J' 
for  the  Truth's  sake,  and  as  it  is  written,  search  diligently  in  Hist,"  * 
my  presence,  on  what  grounds  they  affirm  these  things,  and  j^6*' 
whence  these  letters  were  obtained.    But  neither  will  any  of  Sept '  * 
my  servants  be  proved  guilty,  nor  will  any  of  his  people  be 
able  to  tell  whence  they  came ;  for  they  are  forgeries.  And 
perhaps  one  had  better  not  enquire  further.    They  do  not 
wish  it,  lest  the  writer  of  the  letters  should  be  certain  o{ 

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166   The  third  charge,  of  using  an  undedicated  Church, 

Apol.  detection.  For  the  calumniators  alone,  and  none  besides, 
Const,  know  who  he  is. 

§7l4T  17.  But  forasmuch  as  they  have  informed  against  me  in  the 
matter  of  the  great  Church,  that  a  congregation  was  holden 
there  before  it  was  completed,  I  will  answer  to  your  Piety 
on  this  charge  also ;  for  the  parties  who  bear  so  hearty  an 
enmity  against  me,  constrain  me  to  do  so.  I  confess  this 
did  so  happen ;  for,  as  in  what  I  have  hitherto  said,  1  have 
spoken  no  lie,  I  will  not  now  deny  this.  But  the  facts  are 
far  otherwise  than  they  have  represented  them.  Permit  me 
to  declare  to  you,  most  religious  Augustus,  that  we  kept  no 
day  of  dedication,  (it  would  certainly  have  been  unlawful  to 
do  so,  before  receiving  orders  from  you,)  nor  were  we  led  to 
act  as  we  did  through  premeditation.  No  Bishop  or  other 
Clergyman  was  invited  to  join  in  our  proceedings;  for  much 
was  yet  wanting  to  complete  the  building.  Nay  the  con- 
gregation was  not  held  on  a  previous  notice,  which  might 
give  them  a  reason  for  informing  against  us.  Every  one 
knows  how  it  happened ;  hear  me,  however,  with  your 
accustomed  equity  and  patience.  It  was  the  feast  of  Easter, 
and  an  exceeding  great  multitude  of  Christians  was  assembled 
together,  such  as  Christian  kings  would  desire  to  see  in  all 
their  cities.  Now  when  the  Churches  were  found  to  be  too 
few  to  contain  them,  there  was  no  little  stir  among  the 
people,  who  desired  that  they  might  be  allowed  to  meet 
together  in  the  great  Church,  where  they  could  all  offer  up 

lfn?63  *e^r  Pra^ers  *°r  vour  safetyl-    And  this  they  did;  for  al- 
vol.8,  though  1  exhorted  them  to  wait  awhile,  and  to  assemble 
p.  169.  in  the  other  Churches,  with  whatever  inconvenience  to 
themselves,  they  would  not  listen  to  me ;  but  were  ready  to 
go  out  of  the  city,  and  meet  in  desert  places  in  the  open  air, 
thinking  it  better  to  endure  the  fatigue  of  the  journey,  than 
to  keep  the  feast  in  such  a  state  of  discomfort. 
15.     18.  Belieye  me,  Sire,  and  let  Truth  be  my  witness  in  this 
also,  when  I  declare  that  in  the  congregations  held  during  the 
season  of  Lent,  in  consequence  of  the  narrow  limits  of  our 
buildings,  and  the  vast  multitude  of  people  assembled,  a  great 
number  of  children,  not  a  few  of  the  younger  and  very  many 
of  the  older  women,  besides  several  young  men,  suffered  so 
niuch  from  the  pressure  of  the  crowd,  that  they  were  obliged 

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which  he  did  for  wan  t  of room  with  precedents  in  his favour.  167 

to  be  carried  home ;  though  by  the  Providence  of  God,  none  Tr.1V. 
perished.  All  however  murmured,  and  demanded  the  use  of  ~ 
the  great  Church.  And  if  the  pressure  was  so  great  during 
the  days  which  preceded  the  feast,  what  would  have  been 
the  case  during  the  feast  itself?  Of  course  matters  would 
have  been  far  worse.  It  did  not  therefore  become  me  to 
change  the  people's  joy  into  grief,  their  cheerfulness  into 
sorrow,  and  to  make  the  festival  a  season  of  lamentation. 

19.  And  that  the  more,  because  I  had  a  precedent  in  the 
conduct  of  our  Fathers.  For  the  blessed  Alexander,  when  the 
other  places  of  worship  were  too  small,  and  he  was  engaged 
in  the  erection  of  what  was  then  considered  a  very  large  one, 
the  Church  of  Theonasp,  held  his  congregations  there  on  ac- 
count of  the  number  of  the  people,  while  at  the  same  time  he 
proceeded  with  the  building.  I  have  seen  the  same  thing 
done  at  Treves  and  at  Aquileia,  in  both  which  places,  while 
the  building  was  proceeding,  they  assembled  there  during  the 
feasts,  on  account  of  the  number  of  the  people;  and  they 
never  found  any  one  to  accuse  them  in  this  manner.  Nay, 
your  brother  of  blessed  memory  was  present,  when  a  congre- 
gation was  held  under  these  circumstances  at  Aquileia.  I 
also  followed  this  course.  There  was  no  dedication,  but 
only  an  assembly  for  the  sake  of  prayer.  You,  at  least,  I  am 
sure,  as  a  lover  of  God,  will  approve  of  the  people's  zeal,  and 
will  pardon  me  for  being  unwilling  to  hinder  the  prayers  of 
so  great  a  multitude. 

20.  But  here  again  I  would  ask  my  accuser,  where  was  it§.  16. 
right  that  the  people  should  pray?  in  the  desert,  or  in  a  place 
which  was  in  course  of  building  for  the  purpose  of  prayer  ? 
Where  was  it  becoming  and  pious  that  the  people  should 

p  S.  Epiphanius  mentions  9  Churches  name.  Lamprid.  Vit.  Alex.  Sev.  43. 

in  Alexandria.  Haer.  69.  2.    A  than.  The  Church  in   question  was  built 

mentions  in  addition  that  of  Quirinus.  in  the  Caesareum.    Hist  Arian.  74. 

Hist.  Arian.  §.  10.    The  Church  men-  There  was  a  magnificent  Temple,  de- 

tioned  in  the  text  was  built  at  the  dicated  to  Augustus,  as  Wt{Ur*ii§ty 

Emperor's  expense ;   and  apparently  on  the  harbour  of  Alexandria,  Philon. 

upon  the  Emperor's  ground,  as  on  the  Legat.  ad  Caium,  pp.  1013,4.  ed.  1691. 

site  was  or  had  been  a  Basilica,  which  and  called  the  Ceesareum.  It  was  near 

bore  first  the  name  of  Hadrian,  then  the  Emperor's  palace,  vid.  Acad,  des 

of  Licinius,  Epiph.  ibid,    Hadrian,  it  Inscript.  vol.  9.  p.  416.    As  to  the 

should  be  observed,  built  in  many  cities  Ceesarean  Church,  it  was  begun  by 

temples  without  idols,  which  were  popu-  Gregory,  finished  by  George,  burnt 

larly  considered  as  intended  by  him  for  under  Julian,  rebuilt  by  Athanasius. 

Christian  worship,  and  went  after  his  Tillem.  vol.  8.  pp.  148,  9. 

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168    Better  to  meet  together,  than  to  pray  separately. 

Apol.  answer,  Amen41?  in  the  desert,  or  in  what  was  already  called 
Const.  ^e  Lord's  house?  Where  would  you,  most  religious  Prince, 
have  wished  your  people  to  stretch  forth  their  hands,  and  to 
pray  for  you  ?  where  the  Greeks,  as  they  passed  by,  might 
stop  and  listen,  or  in  a  place  named  after  yourself,  which  all 
men  have  long  called  the  Lord's  house,  even  since  the  found- 
ations of  it  were  laid  ?  I  am  sure  that  you  prefer  your  own 
place;  for  I  see  you  smile,  and  that  tells  me  so. 

21.  "  But,"  says  the  accuser, "  it  ought  to  have  been  in  the 
Churches."  They  were  all,  as  I  said  before,  too  small  and 
confined  to  admit  the  multitude.  Then  again,  in  which  way 
was  it  most  becoming  that  their  prayers  should  be  made? 
Should  they  meet  together  in  parts  and  separate  companies, 
with  danger  from  the  crowded  state  of  the  congregations  ?  or, 
when  there  was  now  a  place  that  would  contain  them  all, 
should  they  assemble  in  it,  and  speak  as  with  one  and  the 
same  voice  in  perfect  harmony  ?  This  was  the  better  course, 
for  this  shewed  the  unanimity  of  the  multitude :  in  this  way 
God  will  readily  hear  prayer.  For  if,  according  to  the  promise 
Mat.  18,  of  our  Saviour  Himself,  where  two  shall  agree  together  as 
touching  any  thing  that  they  shall  ask,  it  shall  be  done  for 
them,  how  shall  it  be  when  so  great  an  assembly  of  people 
with  one  voice  utter  their  Amen  to  God  ?  Who  indeed  was 
there  that  did  not  marvel  at  the  sight?  Who  but  pronounced 
you  a  happy  prince,  when  they  saw  so  great  a  multitude  met 
together  in  one  place  ?  How  did  the  people  themselves  re* 
joice  to  see  each  other,  having  been  accustomed  heretofore 
to  assemble  in  separate  places!  The  circumstance  was  a 
source  of  pleasure  to  all;  of  vexation  to  the  calumniator 

§.17.  22.  Now  then,  I  would  also  meet  the  other  and  only  remain-* 
ing  objection  of  my  accuser.  He  says,  the  building  was  not 
completed,  and  prayer  ought  not  to  have  been  made  there. 

Mat.  6,  gufc  the  Lord  said,  But  thou,  when  thou  pray  est,  enter  into 
thy  closet,  and  shut  the  doors.  What  then  will  the  accuser 
answer  ?  or  rather  what  will  all  prudent  and  true  Christians 
say?    Let  your  Majesty  ask  the  opinion  of  such:  for  it  is 

Is.  32, 6.  written  of  the  other,  The  foolish  person  will  speak  foolishness  ; 


4  Bingham,  Antiqu.  xv.  3.  §.  26.    Suicer,  Thesaur.  in  voc.  Gavanti, 
Tertullian,  (O.  T.  vol.  i.  p.  214,  note  n.)    Thesaur.  vol.  i.  p.  89.  ed.  1 763. 

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Better  to  pray  in  a  building  than  in  the  desert.  169 

but  of  these,  Ask  counsel  of  all  that  are  wise.    When  theTn.lV. 


Churches  were  too  small,  and  the  people  so  numerous  as  they  Tpb  *4  ■ 
were,  and  desirous  to  go  forth  into  the  desert,  what  ought  1 18.  ' 
to  have  done  ?  The  desert  has  no  doors,  and  all  who  choose 
may  pass  through  it,  but  the  Lord's  house  is  enclosed  with 
walls  and  doors,  and  marks  the  difference  between  the  pious 
and  the  profane.  Will  not  every  wise  person  then,  as  well  as 
your  Piety,  Sire,  give  the  preference  to  the  latter  place  ?  For 
they  know  that  here  prayer  is  lawfully  offered,  while  a  suspi- 
cion of  irregularity  attaches  to  it  there.  Unless  indeed,  no 
place  proper  for  it  existed,  and  the  worshippers  dwelt  only 
in  the  desert,  as  was  the  case  with  Israel;  although  after  the 
tabernacle  was  built,  they  also  had  thenceforth  a  place  set 
apart  for  prayer. 

28.  O  Christ,  Lord  and  true  King  of  kings,  Only-begotten 
Son  of  God,  Word  and  Wisdom  of  the  Father,  I  am  accused 
because  the  people  prayed  Thy  gracious  favour,  and 
through  Thee  besought  Thy  Father,  who  is  God  over  all, 
to  save  Thy  servant,  the  most  religious  Constantius.  But 
thanks  be  to  Thy  goodness,  that  it  is  for  this  that  I  am 
blamed,  and  for  the  keeping  of  Thy  laws.  Heavier  had 
been  the  blame,  and  more  true  had  been  the  charge,  had  we 
passed  by  the  place  which  the  Emperor  was  building,  and 
gone  forth  into  the  desert  to  pray.  How  would  the  accuser 
then  have  vented  his  folly  against  me  !  With  what  apparent 
reason  would  he  have  said,  "  He  despised  the  place  which 
you  are  building ;  he  does  not  approve  of  your  undertaking ; 
he  passed  it  by  in  derision ;  he  pointed  to  the  desert  to 
supply  the  want  of  room  in  the  Churches ;  he  prevented  the 
people  when  they  wished  to  offer  up  their  prayers."  This 
is  what  he  wished  to  say,  and  sought  an  occasion  of  saying 
it;  and  finding  none  he  is  vexed,  and  so  forthwith  invents  a 
charge  against  me.  Had  he  been  able  to  say  this,  he  would 
have  confounded  me  with  shame;  as  now  he  injures  me, 
copying  the  accuser's1  ways,  and  watching  for  an  occasion 1  W- 
against  those  that  pray.  Thus  has  he  perverted  to  a  wicked  8upr. 
purpose  his  knowledge  of  Daniel's  history.  But  he  hasP-*60' 
been  deceived ;  for  he  ignorantly  imagined,  that  Babylonian 
practices  were  in  fashion  with  you,  and  knew  not  that  you 
are  a  friend  of  the  blessed  Daniel,  and  worship  the  same 

Digitized  by 

170  Prayers Jirst  do  not  interfere  with  dedication  afterwards. 

Apol.  God,  and  do  not  forbid,  but  wish  all  men  to  pray,  knowing 
Const.  ^at  tne  Prayer  °f  ftH  tnat  you  may  continue  to  reign  in 
1  p.  166.  perpetual  peace  and  safety1. 

&  *18  This  1S  w^at  *  nave  t0  complam  °f  011  tne  Part  °f  my 

^'  'accuser.  But  may  you,  most  religious  Augustus,  live  through 
the  course  of  many  years  to  come,  and  celebrate  the  dedica- 
tion of  the  Church.  Surely  the  prayers'  which  have  been 
offered  for  your  safety  by  all  men,  are  no  hindrance  to  this 
celebrity.  Let  these  unlearned  persons  cease  such  mis- 
representations, but  let  them  learn  from  the  example  of  the 
Fathers ;  and  let  them  read  the  Scriptures.  Or  rather  let 
them  learn  of  you,  who  are  so  well  instructed  in  such 
histories,  how  that  Jesus  the  son  of  Josedek  the  priest,  and 
his  brethren,  and  Zorobabel  the  wise,  the  son  of  Salathiel, 
and  Ezra  the  priest  and  scribe  of  the  law,  when  the  temple 
was  in  course  of  building  after  the  captivity,  the  feast  of 
tabernacles  being  at  hand,  (which  was  a  great  feast  and  time 
Eer.  3.  of  assembly  and  prayer  in  Israel,)  gathered  the  people 
together  with  one  accord  in  the  great  court  within  the  first 
gate,  which  is  toward  the  East,  and  prepared  the  altar  to 
God,  and  there  offered  their  gifts,  and  kept  the  feast.  And 
so  afterwards  they  brought  hither  their  sacrifices,  on  the 
sabbaths  and  the  new  moons,  and  the  people  offered  up 
their  prayers.  And  yet  the  Scripture  says  expressly,  that 
when  these  things  were  done,  the  temple  of  God  was  not  yet 
built ;  but  rather  while  they  thus  prayed,  the  building  of  the 
house  was  set  forward.  So  that  neither  were  their  prayers 
deferred  in  expectation  of  the  dedication,  nor  was  the 
dedication  prevented  by  the  assemblies  held  for  the  sake  of 
prayer.  But  the  people  thus  continued  to  pray ;  and  when 
the  house  was  entirely  finished,  they  celebrated  the  dedica- 
tion, and  brought  their  gifts  for  that  purpose,  and  all  kept 
the  feast  for  the  completion  of  the  work. 

25.  And  thus  also  did  the  blessed  Alexander,  and  the  other 
Fathers.  They  continued  to  assemble  their  people,  and  when 
they  had  completed  the  work  they  gave  thanks  unto  the 
Lord,  and  celebrated  the  dedication.  This  also  it  befits  you 
to  do,  O  Prince,  most  careful  in  your  inquiries.  The  place  is 
ready,  having  been  already  sanctified  by  the  prayers  which 
have  been  offered  in  it,  and  requires  only  the  presence 

Digitized  by  Google 

Fourth  charge y  of  his  disobeying  an  Imperial  order.  171 

of  your  Piety.    This  only  is  wanting  to  its  perfect  beauty.  Tr.  IV. 
Do  you  then  supply  this  deficiency,  and  there  make  your  18>  19* 
prayers  unto  the  Lord,  for  whom  you  have  built  this  house. 
That  you  may  do  so  is  the  trust  of  all  men. 

26.  And  now,  if  it  please  you,  let  us  consider  the  remaining  §.19. 
accusation,  and  permit  me  to  answer  it  likewise.  They  have 
dared  to  charge  me  with  resisting  your  commands,  and 
refusing  to  leave  my  Church.  Truly  I  wonder  they  are  not 
weary  of  uttering  their  calumnies,  I  however  am  not  yet 
weary  of  answering  them,  1  rather  rejoice  to  do  so ;  for  the 
more  abundant  my  defence  is,  the  more  entirely  must  they 

be  condemned.  I  did  not  resist  the  commands  of  your 
Piety,  God  forbid ;  I  am  not  a  man  that  would  resist  even 
the  Quaestor r  of  the  city,  much  less  so  great  a  Prince.  On 
this  matter,  I  need  not  many  words,  for  the  whole  city  will 
bear  witness  for  me.  Nevertheless,  permit  me  again  to 
relate  the  circumstances  from  the  beginning ;  for  when  you 
hear  them,  I  am  sure  you  will  be  astonished  at  the  pre- 
sumption of  my  enemies. 

27.  Montanus  the  officer  of  the  Palace1,  came  and  brought  i  vid. 
me  a  letter,  which  purported  to  be  an  answer  to  one  from  £^od 
me,  requesting  that  I  might  go  into  Italy,  for  the  purpose  of  d.  30. 
obtaining  a  supply  of  the  deficiencies  which  I  thought 
existed  in  the  condition  of  our  Churches.    Now  I  desire  to 
thank  your  Piety,  which  condescended  to  assent  to  my 
request,  on  the  supposition  that  I  had  written  to  you,  and 
made  provision2  for  me  to  undertake  the  journey,  and  to'supr. 
accomplish   it  without  trouble.     But  here  again  I  am^tey; 
astonished  at  those  who  have  spoken  falsehood  in  your  ears, 
that  they  were  not  afraid,  seeing  that  lying  belongs  to  the 
Devil,  and  that  liars  are  alien  from  Him  who  says,  /  am  the  JohnH, 
Truth.    For  I  never  wrote  to  you,  nor  will  my  accuser  be 

able  to  find  any  such  letter;  and  though  I  ought  to  have 
written  every  day,  if  I  might  thereby  behold  your  gracious 
countenance,  yet  it  would  neither  have  been  pious  to  desert 
the  Churches,  nor  right  to  be  troublesome  to  your  Piety, 
especially  since  you  are  willing  to  grant  our  requests  in 
behalf  of  the  Church,  although  we  are  not  present  to  make 

r  X#yirrJ,  auditor  of  accounts?  vid.    Arist.  Polit.  vi.  8. 
Demosth.  de  Corona,  p.  290.  ed.  1823. 

Digitized  by  V 


History  of  his  disobeying  it. 

Apol.  them.    Now  may  it  please  you  to  order  me  to  read  what 

Const.  Montanus  commanded  me  to  do.    This  is  as  follows1.  *  *  * 

i  lost,  or    28.  Now  I  ask  again,  whence  have  my  accusers  obtained 

never  this  letter  also?  I  would  learn  of  them  who  it  was  that  put  it 
intro-  * 

duced.  into  their  hands  ?    Do  you  cause  them  to  answer.    By  this 
§.  20.  yOU  raav  perceive  that  they  have  forged  this,  as  they  did  also 
the  former  letter,  which  they  published  against  me,  with 
reference  to  the  wretched  Magnenlius.    And  being  convicted 
in  this  instance  also,  on  what  pretence  next  will  they  bring 
me  to  make  my  defence  ?    Their  only  concern  is,  to  throw 
every  thing  into  disorder  and  confusion ;  and  for  this  end  I 
perceive  they  exercise  their  zeal.    Perhaps  they  think  that 
by  frequent  repetition  of  their  charges,  they  will  at  last  exas- 
perate you  against  me.    But  you  ought  to  turn  away  from 
such  persons,  and  to  hate  them ;  for  such  as  themselves  are, 
such  also  they  imagine  those  to  be  who  listen  to  them;  and 
they  think  that  their  calumnies  will  prevail  even  before  you. 
l  Sam.  The  accusation  of  Doeg  prevailed  of  old  against  the  priests 
22>  9'    of  God :  but  it  was  the  unrighteous  Saul,  who  hearkened  unto 
him.    And  Jezebel  was  able  to  injure  the  most  religious 
l  Kings  Naboth  by  her  false  accusations ;  but  then  it  was  the  wicked 
21       and  apostate  Ahab  who  hearkened  unto  her.    But  the  most 
holy  David,  whose  example  it  becomes  you  to  follow,  as  all 
pray  that  you  may,  favours  not  such  men,  but  was  wont  to 
turn  away  from  them  and  avoid  them,  as  raging  dogs.  He 
P«.  ioi,  says,  Whoso  privily  slandereth  his  neighbour ',  him  have  I 
|.*x  a3  destroyed.    For  he  kept  the  commandment  which  says,  Thou 
1.  Sept!  shalt  not  receive  a  false  report.    And  false  are  the  reports  of 
these  men  in  your  sight.    You,  like  Solomon,  have  required 
Prov.    of  the  Lord,  (and  believe  yourself  to  have  obtained  your 
30, 8.    desire,)  that  it  would  seem  good  unto  Him  to  remove  far  from 

you  vain  and  lying  words. 
§.  21.  29.  Forasmuch  then  as  the  letter  was  forged  by  my  calum- 
niators, and  contained  no  order  that  I  should  come  to  you,  I 
concluded  that  it  was  not  the  wish  of  your  Piety  that  I  should 
come.  For  in  that  you  gave  me  no  absolute  command,  but 
merely  wrote  as  in  answer  to  a  letter  from  me,  requesting  that 
I  might  be  permitted  to  set  in  order  the  things  which  seemed 
to  be  wanting,  it  was  manifest  to  me  (although  no  one  told  me 
this)  that  the  letter  which  I  had  received  did  not  express  the 

Digitized  by  Google 

History  of  his  disobeying  «7. 


sentiments  of  your  Clemency.  All  knew,  and  I  also  stated  in  Tb.IV. 
writing,  as  Montanus  is  aware,  that  I  did  not  refuse  to  come,20""22' 
but  only  that  I  thought  it  unbecoming  to  take  advantage  of 
the  supposition  that  I  had  written  to  you  to  request  this 
favour,  fearing  also  lest  my  accusers  should  find  in  this  a 
pretence  for  saying  that  I  made  myself  troublesome  to  your 
Piety.  Nevertheless,  I  made  preparations,  as  Montanus  also 
knows,  in  order  that,  should  you  condescend  to  write  to  me, 
I  might  immediately  leave  home,  and  readily  answer  your 
commands ;  for  I  was  not  so  mad  as  to  resist  such  an  order 
from  you.  When  then  in  fact  your  Piety  did  not  write  to  me, 
how  could  I  resist  a  command  which  I  never  received?  or 
how  can  they  say,  that  1  refused  to  obey,  when  no  orders 
were  given  me?  Is  not  this  again  the  mere  fabrication  of 
enemies,  pretending  that  which  never  took  place  ?  I  fear 
that  even  now,  while  I  am  engaged  in  this  defence  of  myself, 
they  may7  allege  against  me  that  I  am  doing  that  which  I  have 
never  obtained  your  permission  to  do.  So  easily  is  my  con- 
duct made  matter  of  accusation  by  them,  and  so  ready  are 
they  to  vent  their  calumnies  in  despite  of  that  Scripture, 
which  says,  Love  not  to  slander  another,  test  thou  be  cut  Prov. 

off.         *  2°'ls- 
Jt'  Sept. 

30.  After  a  period  of  six  and  twenty  mouths,  when  Montanus  §.  22. 
had  gone  away,  there  came  Diogenes  the  Notary";  but  he 
brought  me  no  letter,  nor  did  we  see  each  other,  nor  did  he 
charge  me  with  any  commands  as  from  you.  Moreover  when 
the  General  Syrianus  entered  Alexandria,  seeing  that  certain 
reports  were  spread  abroad  by  the  Arians,  who  declared  that 
matters  would  now  be  as  they  wished,  I  enquired  whether  he 
had  brought  any  letters  on  the  subject  of  these  statements  of 
theirs.  I  confess  that  I  asked  for  letters  containing  your 
commands.  And  when  he  said  that  he  had  brought  none,  I 
requested  that  Syrianus  himself,  or  Maximus  the  Prefect  of 
Egypt,  would  write  to  me  concerning  this  matter.  Which 
request  I  made,  because  your  Grace  had  written  to  me, 

*  Notaries  were  the  immediate  at-  torn.  3.  p.  464.  ed.  Erfurdt,  1808.  Pan- 

tendante  on  magistrates,  whose  judg-  cirol.  Notit  p.  143.  Hofman  tit  voc. 

mente,  &c.  they  recorded  and  promul-  Scharf  enumerates  with  references  the 

gated.   Their  office  was  analogous  in  civil  officers,  &c.  to  whom  they  were 

the  Imperial  Court,  vid.  Gothofred  in  attached  in  Dissert.  1.  de  Notariis  Ec- 

Cod.  Theod.  vi.  10.  Amroian.  Marcell.  clesiae,  p.  49. 

Digitized  by 

174  Letter  of  Const  an  tins  to  Athanasius. 

A pol.  desiring  that  I  would  not  suffer  myself  to  be  alarmed  by  any 
Const.  one>  nor  attend  to  those  who  wished  to  fiighten  me,  but  that 

I  would  continue  to  preside  over  the  Churches  without  fear. 

It  was  Palladius,  the  Master  of  the  Palace,  and  Asterius  Duke 

of  Armenia,  who  brought  me  this  letter.    Permit  me  to  read 

a  copy  of  it.    It  is  as  follows: 

§.  23.  31.  A  copy1  of  the  letter  as  follows: 

another  Constautius  Victor  Augustus  to  Athanasius. 

lation  of       isnot  unknown  to  your  Prudence, how  constantly  I  prayed 
the  La-  that  success  might  attend  my  late  brother  Constans  iti  all  his 
Arian!*  undertakings,  and  your  wisdom  will  easily  judge  how  greatly 
§.  24.    I  Was  afflicted,  when  I  learnt  that  he  had  been  cut  off  by  the 
treachery  of  ruffians.    Now  forasmuch  as  certain  persons  are 
endeavouring  at  this  time  to  alarm  you,  by  setting  before 
your  eyes  that  lamentable  tragedy,  I  have  thought  good  to 
address  to  your  Reverence  this  present  letter,  to  exhort  you, 
that,  as  becomes  a  Bishop,  you  would  teach  the  people  to 
2 *i£jt*-  conform  to  the  established8  religion,  and,  according  to  your 
Tid?«£f-  custom>  giye  yourself  up  to  prayer  together  with  them.  For 
w»rif    this  is  agreeable  to  our  wishes ;  and  our  desire  is,  that  you 
inftT§.  should  in  every  season  be  a  Bishop  in  your  own  place. 
31-         And  in  another  hand:— May  divine  Providence  preserve 
you,  beloved  Father,  many  years. 

§.  24.  32.  On  the  subject  of  this  letter,  my  opponents  conferred  with 
the  magistrates.  And  was  it  not  reasonable  that  I,  having  re- 
ceived it,  should  demand  their  letters,  and  refuse  to  give  heed 
to  mere  pretences  ?  And  were  they  not  acting  in  direct  con- 
tradiction to  the  tenor  of  your  instructions  to  me,  while  they 
failed  to  shew  me  the  commands  of  your  Piety  ?  I  therefore, 
seeing  they  produced  no  letters  from  you,  considered  it 
improbable  that  a  mere  verbal  communication  should  be 
made  to  them,  especially  as  the  letter  of  your  Grace  had 
charged  me  not  to  give  ear  to  such  persons.  I  acted  rightly 
then,  most  religious  Augustus,  that,  as  I  had  returned  to  my 
country  under  the  authority  of  your  letters,  so  I  should  only 
leave  it  by  your  command;  and  might  not  render  myself 
liable  hereafter  to  a  charge  of  having  deserted  the  Church, 
but  as  receiving  your  order  might  have  a  reason  for  my  se- 

Digitized  by  Google 

WJiy  Athanasius  did  not  at  once  obey  the  Emperor.  175 

cession.    This  was  demanded  for  me  by  all  my  people,  whoTB.IV. 
went  to  Syrianus  together  with  the  Presbyters,  and  the  greatest  23~~25' 
part,  to  say  the  least,  of  the  city  with  them.    Maximus  the 
Prefect  of  Egypt  was  also  there :  and  their  request  was  that 
either  he  would  send  me  a  declaration  of  your  wishes  in 
writing,  or  would  forbear  to  disturb  the  Chujrches,  while  the 
people  themselves  were  sending  a  deputation  to  you  respecting 
the  matter.  When  they  persisted  in  their  demand,  Syrianus  at 
last  perceived  the  reasonableness  of  it,  and  consented,  pro- 
testing by  your  life  (Hilary  was  present  and  witnessed  this) 
that  he  would  put  an  end  to  the  disturbance,  and  refer  the 
case  to  your  Piety.    The  guards  of  the  Duke,  as  well  as  those 
of  the  Prefect  of  Egypt,  know  that  this  is  true;  the  Prytanis1 1  The 
of  the  city  also  remembers  the  words;  so  that  you  willxmem! 
perceive  that  neither  I,  nor  any  one  else,  resisted  your  com-vol«8. 
mands.  P* 

33.  A1J,  demanded  that  the  letters  of  your  Piety  should  be  §.  25. 
exhibited.  For  although  the  bare  word  of  a  King  is  of 
equal  weight  and  authority  with  his  written  command, 
especially  if  he  who  reports  it,  boldly  affirms  in  writing 
that  it  has  been  given  him ;  yet  when  they  neither  openly 
declared  that  they  had  received  any  command,  nor,  as  they 
were  requested  to  do,  gave  me  assurance  of  it  in  writing,  but 
acted  altogether  as  by  their  own  authority ;  I  confess,  I  say 

it  boldly,  I  was  suspicious  of  them.  For  there  were  many 
Arians  about  them,  who  were  their  companions  at  table, 
and  their  advisers;  and  while  they  attempted  nothing 
openly,  they  were  preparing  to  assail  me,  by  stratagem  and 
treachery.  Nor  did  they  act  at  all  as  under  the  authority  of 
a  royal  command,  but,  as  their  conduct  betrayed,  at  the 
solicitation  of  my  enemies.  This  made  me  demand  more 
urgently  that  they  should  produce  letters  from  you,  seeing 
that  all  their  undertakings  and  designs  were  of  a  suspicious 
nature;  and  because  it  was  unseemly  that  after  I  had 
entered  the  Church,  under  the  authority  of  so  many  letters 
from  you,  I  should  retire  from  it  without  such  a  sanction. 

34.  When  however  Syrianus  gave  his  promise,  all  the 
people  assembled  together  in  the  Churches  with  feelings  of 
joyfulness  and  security.  But  three  and  twenty  days  after, 
he  burst  into  the  Church  with  his  soldiers,  while  we  were 

Digitized  by 

176  Irruption  of  Syrianm  into  the  Church. 

A pol.  engaged  in  our  usual  services,  as  those  who  entered  in 

TO  9 

Const,  there  witnessed ;  for  it  was  a  vigil,  preparatory  to  a  com* 
Vvufgw  munion 1  on  the  morrow*  And  such  things  were  done  that 
night  as  the  Arians  desired  and  had  beforehand  denounced 
against  us.  For  the  General  brought  them  with  him ;  and 
they  were  the  instigators  and  advisers  of  the  attack.  This 
is  no  incredible  story  of  mine,  most  religious  Augustus ;  for 
it  was  not  done  in  secret,  but  was  noised  abroad  every 
where.  When  therefore  I  saw  the  assault  begun,  I  first 
exhorted  the  people  to  retire,  and  then  withdrew  myself 
after  them,  God  hiding  and  guiding  me,  as  those  who  were 
with  me  at  the  time  witnessed.  Since  then,  I  have  remained 
by  myself,  though  I  have  all  confidence  to  answer  for  my 
conduct,  in  the  first  place  before  God,  and  also  before  your 
Piety,  for  that  I  did  not  flee  and  desert  my  people,  but  can 
point  to  the  attack  of  the  General  upon  us,  as  a  proof  of 
persecution.  His  proceedings  have  caused  the  greatest 
astonishment  among  all  men ;  for  either  he  ought  not  to 
have  made  a  promise,  or  not  to  have  broken  it  after  he  had 
made  it. 

§.  26.  35.  Now  why  did  they  form  thfs  plot  against  me,  and 
treacherously  lay  an  ambush  to  take  me,  when  it  was  in 
their  power  to  enforce  the  order  by  a  written  declaration? 
The  command  of  a  King  is  wont  to  give  great  boldness  to 
those  entrusted  with  it;  but  their  desire  to  act  secretly,  made 
the  suspicion  stronger  that  they  had  received  no  command. 
And  did  I  require  any  thing  so  veiy  absurd  ?   Let  your 

'/SftMAiv Majesty's  candour  decide8.  Will  not  every  one  say,  that 
gucn  a  demand  wa£  reasonable  for  a  Bishop  to  make  ?  You 
know,  for  you  hare  read  the  Scriptures,  how  great  an 
offence  it  is  for  a  Bishop  to  desert  his  Church,  and  to 
neglect  the  flock  of  God.  For  the  absence  of  the  Shepherd 
gives  the  wolves  an  opportunity  to  attack  the  sheep.  And 
this  was  what  the  Arians  and  all  the  other  heretics  desired, 
that  during  my  absence  they  might  find  an  opportunity  to 
entrap  the  people  into  impiety.  If  then  I  had  fled,  what 
defence  could  I  have  made  before  true  Bishops  ?  or  rather 
before  Him  who  has  committed  to  me  His  flock  ?  He  it  is 
who  judges  the  whole  earth,  the  true  King  of  all,  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  God. 

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Athanasius  leaves  Alexandria  to  go  to  Constantius.  177 

36.  Would  not  every  one  have  rightly  charged  me  withTn.iv. 
neglect  of  my  people  ?  Would  not  your  Piety  have  blamed  26'  2y* 
me,  and  have  justly  asked,  u  After  you  had  returned  under 

the  authority  of  our  letters,  why  did  you  withdraw  without 
such  authority,  and  desert  your  people?"  Would  not  the 
people  themselves  at  the  day  of  judgment  have  reasonably 
imputed  to  me  this  neglect  of  them,  and  have  said,  "  He 
that  Jiad  the  oversight  of  us  fled,  and  we  were  neglected, 
there  being  no  one  to  put  us  in  mind  of  our  duty  ?"  When 
they  said  this,  what  could  I  have  answered  ?   Such  a  com- 
plaint was  made  by  Ezekiel  against  the  Pastors  of  old ;  and  Ez.  34, 
the  blessed  Apostle  Paul,  knowing  this,  has  charged  every  2,&c* 
one  of  us,  in  the  person  of  his  disciple,  saying,  Neglect  not  l  Tim. 
the  gift  that  is  in  thee,  which  was  given  thee,  with  the 4>  14' 
laying  on  of  the  hands  of  the  presbytery.    Fearing  this,  I 
wished  not  to  flee,  but  to  receive  your  commands,  if  indeed 
such  was  the  will  of  your  Piety.    But  1  never  obtained  what 
I  so  reasonably  requested,  and  now  I  am  falsely  accused 
before  you ;  for  I  resisted  no  commands  of  your  Piety ;  nor 
will  I  now  attempt  to  return  to  Alexandria,  until  your  Grace 
shall  desire  it.    This  1  say  beforehand,  lest  the  slanderers 
should  again  make  this  a  pretence  for  accusing  me. 

37.  Considering  these  things,  I  did  not  give  sentence  against  §.  27. 
myself1,  but  hastened  ,to  come  to  your  Piety,  with  this  my  i  voi.  8# 
defence,  knowing  your  goodness,  and  remembering  yourP-6> 
faithful  promises,  and  being  confident  that,  as  it  is  written 

in  the  Proverbs  of  Scripture,  Just  speeches  are  acceptable  to  prov. 
a  gracious  king2.    But  when  I  had  already  entered  upon  my  \ 
journey,  and  had  past  through  the  desert,  a  report  suddenly  other- 
reached  me',  which  at  first  I  thought  to  be  incredible,  but™*®^ 
which  afterwards  proved  to  be  true.    It  was  rumoured  every 164- 
where  that  Liberius  Bishop  of  Rome,  the  great  Hosius  of 
Spain,  Paulinus  of  Gaul,  Dionysius  and  Eusebius  of  Italy, 
Lucifer  of  Sardinia3,  and  certain  other  Bishops,  with  theirs  v^ 
Presbyters  and  Deacons,  had  been  banished  because  they^P- 
refused  to  subscribe  to  my  condemnation.    These  had  been 

*  In  this  chapter  he  breaks  off  his  which  he  here  records  changed  his  feel- 
Oratorical  form,  and  ends  his  Apology  ings  towards  Constantius,  whom  hence- 
much  more  in  the  form  of  a  letter,  vid.  forth  he  accounted  as  a  persecutor, worse 
however  rm  kiyv*  xa^ot,  infr.  §.  34,  than  heathen,  because  an  apostate,  vid. 
86  init.  «r{w0*»ifr*,  §.  36.   The  events  Lib.  F.  vol.  8.  p.  90,  note  p. 

Digitized  by 

178     News  comes  to  him  of  the  general  persecution, 

Apol.  banished;  and  Vincentius1  of  Capua,  Fortunatian1  of  Aquileia, 
Const.  Heremius  of  Thessalonica,  and  all  tbe  Bishops  of  the  West, 
>  supr.  were  treated  with  no  ordinary  vigour,  nay  were  suffering 
note°o.'  extreme  violence  and  grievous  injuries,  until  they  could  be 

induced  to  promise  that  they  would  not  communicate  with 


38.  While  I  was  astonished  and  perplexed  at  these  tidings, 
^rid.  behold  another  report8  overtook  me,  respecting  them  of 
Ar.  §§.  Egypt  and  Libya,  that  nearly  ninety  Bishops  had  been 
JJ'yJ'  under  persecution,  and  that  their  Churches  were  given  up 
&c.  '  to  the  professors  of  Arianism ;  that  sixteen  had  been 
banished,  and  of  the  rest,  some  had  fled,  and  others  were 
constrained  to  dissemble.  For  the  persecution  was  said  to 
be  so  violent  in  those  parts,  that  at  Alexandria,  while  the 
brethren  were  praying  during  Easter  and  on  the  Lord's  day 
in  a  desert  place  near  the  cemetery,  the  General  came  upon 
them  with  a  force  of  soldiery,  more  than  three  thousand  in 
number,  with  arms,  drawn  swords,  and  spears ;  whereupon 
outrages,  such  as  might  be  expected  to  follow  so  unprovoked 
an  attack,  were  committed  against  women  and  children,  who 
were  doing  nothing  more  than  praying  to  God.  It  would 
perhaps  be  unseasonable  to  give  an  account  of  them  now, 
lest  the  mere  mention  of  such  enormities  should  move  us  all 
to  tears.  But  such  was  their  cruelty,  that  virgins  were 
stripped,  and  even  the  bodies  of  those  who  died  from  the 
blows  they  received  were  not  immediately  given  up  for 
burial,  but  were  cast  out  to  the  dogs,  until  their  relatives, 
with  great  risk  to  themselves,  came  secretly  and  stole  them 
away,  and  much  effort  was  necessary,  that  no  one  might 
know  it. 

§.  28.  39.  The  rest  of  their  proceedings  will  perhaps  be  thought 
incredible,  and  will  fill  all  men  with  astonishment,  by  reason 
of  their  extreme  wickedness.  It  is  necessary  however  to 
speak  of  them,  in  order  that  your  Christian  zeal  and  piety 
may  perceive  that  their  slanders  and  calumnies  against  us 
are  framed  for  no  other  end,  than  that  they  may  drive  us 
out  of  the  Churches,  and  introduce  their  own  impiety  in  our 
place.  For  when  the  lawful  Bishops,  men  of  advanced  age, 
had  some  of  them  been  banished,  and  others  forced  to  fly, 
heathens  and  catechumens,  those  who  hold  the  first  places  in 

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and  of  his  own  proscription.  179 
the  senate,  and  men  who  are  notorious  for  their  wealth,  were  Tr.iv. 

•  28  29 

straightway  commissioned  by  the  Arians  to  preach  the  holy  — - — - 
faith  instead  of  Christians1.    And  enquiry  was  no  longer1  Hist 
made,  as  the  Apostle  enjoined,  if  any  be  blameless;  but  ac-^pj^* 
cording  to  the  practice  of  the  impious  Jeroboam,  he  who^Sjr.i. 
could  give  most  money,  was  named  Bishop ;  and  it  made  no  3, 2. 
difference  to  them,  even  if  the  man  happened  to  be  a  heathen, 
so  long  as  he  furnished  them  with  money.    Those  who  had 
been  Bishops  from  the  time  of  Alexander,  monks  and  ascetics, 
were  banished:  and  men  practised  only  in  calumny  corrupted, 
as  far  as  in  them  lay,  the  Apostolic  rule,  and  polluted  the 
Churches.     Truly  their  false  accusations  against  us  have 
gained  them  much,  that  they  should  be  able  to  commits^,- 
iniquity,  and  to  do  such  things  as  these  in  your  time2 ;  so  that^e  Syn. 
the  words  of  Scripture  may  be  applied  to  them,  Woe  ww/0p°i59.') 
those  through  whom  My  name  is  blasphemed  among  /A^vid.2 
Gentiles.  li!*©?' 

40.  These  were  the  rumours  that  were  noised  abroad;  and§.  29. 
although  every  thing  was  thus  turned  upside  down,  I  still  did 
not  relinquish  my  earnest  desire  of  coming  to  your  Piety,  but 
was  again  setting  forward  on  my  journey.  And  I  did  so  the 
more  eagerly,  being  confident  that  these  proceedings  were 
contrary  to  your  wishes,  and  that  if  your  Grace  should  be 
informed  of  what  was  done,  you  would  prevent  it  for  the  time 
to  come.  For  I  could  not  think  that  a  righteous  king  could 
wish  Bishops  to  be  banished,  and  virgins  to  be  stripped,  or 
the  Churches  to  be  in  any  way  disturbed.  While  I  thus 
reasoned  and  hastened  on  my  journey,  behold  a  third  report 
reached  me,  to  the  effect  that  letters  had  been  written  to  the 
Princes  of  Auxumis,  desiring  that  Frumentiusu,  Bishop  of 
Auxumis,  should  be  brought  from  thence,  and  that  search 
should  be  made  for  me  even  as  far  as  the  country  of  the  Bar- 
barians, that  I  might  be  handed  over  to  the  Commentaries1 

»  Athan.  had  consecrated  Frumentius  *  That  is,  the  prison.  "  The  official 
for  the  Ethiopian  mission,  who  had  books;"  Montfancon  (apparently)  in 
been  already  successful  in  introducing  Onomast.  vid.  Gothofr.  Cod.  Theod.  ix. 
Christianity  into  the  heathen  court  of  3. 1.  5.  However,  in  xi.  30.  p.  243.  he 
Auxumis,  where  he  had  held  the  place  says,  Malim  pro  ipsa  custodii  accipere. 
first  of  Minister,  then  of  Regent  The  And  so  Du  Cangem  voc.  and  this  mean- 
two  Princes  to  whom  Constantius  writes  ing  is  here  followed,  vid.  supr.  p.  26. 
in  the  letter  which  is  presently  to  follow  where  commentarius  is  translated 
were  the  King's  sons,  whom  Frumentius  "  jailor."  Apol.  contr.  Arian.  §.  8. 
had  first  served. 

N  2 

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180         Letter  of  Constantim  against  Athanasius 

Apol.  (as  they  axe  called)  of  the  Prefects,  and  that  all  the  laity  and 
30N6T.  c^GTSy  should  be  compelled  to  communicate  with  the  Arian 
heresy,  and  that  such  as  would  not  comply  with  this  order 
should  be  put  to  death.  To  shew  that  these  were  not  merely 
idle  rumours,  but  that  they  were  confirmed  by  facts,  since 
your  Grace  has  given  me  leave,  I  produce  the  letter.  My 
enemies,  who  threatened  every  one  with  death,  frequently 
caused  it  to  be  read. 

§.  30.  41.  A  copy  of  the  letter, 

'pp.  79, Victor1  Constantius  Maximus  Augustus  to  the  Alexandrians. 

96, 119, 

Your  city,  preserving  its  native  spirit  and  temper,  and  re- 
membering the  virtue  of  its  founders,  has  habitually  shewn 
itself  obedient  unto  us,  as  it  does  at  this  day;  and  we  on  our 
part  should  consider  ourselves  greatly  wanting  in  our  duty, 
did  not  our  good  will  eclipse  even  that  of  Alexander  himself. 
For  as  it  belongs  to  a  temperate  mind,  to  behave  itself  orderly 
in  all  respects,  so  it  is  the  part  of  royalty,  on  account  of  virtue, 
permit  me  to  say,  such  as  yours,  to  embrace  you  above  all 
others;  you,  who  rose  up  as  the  first  teachers  of  wisdom; 
who  were  the  first  to  acknowledge  the  God,  who  is2;  who 
p*  moreover  have  chosen  for  yourselves  the  most  consummate 
note  y.  masters;  and  have  cordially  acquiesced  in  our  opinion,  justly 
abominating  that  impostor  and  cheat,  and  dutifully  uniting 
yourselves  to  those  venerable  men  who  are  beyond  all  admi- 
ration. And  yet,  who  is  ignorant,  even  among  those  who  live 
in  the  end  of  the  earth,  what  violent  party  spirit  was  displayed 
in  the  late  proceedings  ?  with  which  we  know  not  any  thing 
that  has  ever  happened,  worthy  to  be  compared.  The 
majority  of  the  citizens  had  their  eyes  blinded,  and  a  man 
who  had  come  forth  from  the  lowest  dens  of  infamy  obtained 
authority  among  them,  entrapping  into  falsehood,  as  under 
cover  of  darkness,  those  who  Were  desirous  to  know  the 
truth ; — one  who  never  provided  for  them  any  fruitful  and 
edifying  discourse,  but  corrupted  their  minds  with  unprofit- 
able subtleties.  His  flatterers  shouted  and  applauded  him ; 
they  were  astonished  at  his  powers,  and  they  still  probably 
murmur  secretly ;  while  the  majority  of  the  more  simple  sort 
took  their  cue  from  them.    And  thus  all  went  with  the  stream, 

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addressed  to  the  Alexandrians. 


as  if  a  flood  had  broken  in,  while  every  thing  was  entirely  Tr.i v. 
neglected.  One  of  the  multitude  was  in  power; — how  can  I  30'- 
describe  him  more  truly,  than  by  saying,  that  he  was  superior 
in  nothing  to  the  meanest  of  the  people,  and  that  the  only 
kindness  which  he  shewed  to  the  city  was,  that  he  did  not 
thrust  her  citizens  down,  into  the  pit.  This  noble-minded 
and  illustrious  person  did  not  wait  for  judgment  to  proceed 
against  him,  but  sentenced  himself  to  banishment  as  he 
deserved.  So  that  now  it  is  for  the  interest  of  the  Barbarians 
to  remove  him  out  of  the  way,  lest  he  lead  some  of  them 
into  impiety,  for  he  will  make  his  complaint,  like  distressed 
characters  in  a  play,  to  those  who  shall  first  fall  in  with 

42.  To  him  however  we  will  now  bid  a  long  farewell.  For 
yourselves  there  are  few  with  whom  I  can  compare  you:  I 
am  bound  rather  to  honour  you  separately  above  all  others, 
for  the  great  virtue  and  wisdom  which  your  actions,  that  are 
celebrated  almost  through  the  whole  world,  proclaim  you  to 
possess.    Go  on  in  this  sober  course.    I  would  gladly  have 
repeated  to  me  a  description  of  your  conduct  in  such  terms 
of  praise  as  it  deserves;  O  ye  who  have  eclipsed  your  prede- 
cessors in  the  race  of  glory,  and  will  be  a  noble  example  both 
to  those  who  are  now  alive,  and  to  all  who  shall  come  after, 
and  alone  have  chosen  for  yourselves  the  most  excellent  guide 
you  could  have  for  your  conduct,  both  in  word  and  deed,  and 
hesitated  not  a  moment,  but  manfully  transferred  your  affec- 
tions, and  gave  yourselves  up  to  the  other  side,  leaving  those 
grovelling1  and  earthly  teachers,  and  stretching  forth  towards1  «w 
heavenly  things,  under  the  guidance  of  the  most  venerable 
George2,  than  whom  no  man  is  more  perfectly  instructed  contr. 
therein.    Under  him  you  will  continue  to  have  a  good  hope  Hist, 
respecting  the  future  life,  and  will  pass  your  time  in  this  J11- 27. 
present  world,  in  rest  and  quietness.    Would  that  all  thepadocia, 
citizens  together  would  lay  hold  on  his  words,  as  a  sacred 
anchor,  so  that  we  might  need  neither  knife  nor  cautery,  for  note  t 
those  whose  souls  are  diseased ! 

43.  Such  persons  we  most  earnestly  advise  to  renounce  their 
zeal  in  favour  of  Athanasius,  and  not  even  to  remember  the 
foolish  things  which  he  spoke  so  plentifully  among  them. 
Otherwise  they  will  bring  themselves  before  they  are  a,war$ 

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182         Letter  of  Constantius  against  Frumentius, 

Apol.  into  extreme  peril,  from  which  we  know  not  any  one  who  will 
Const.  De  skilful  enough  to  deliver  such  factious  persons.  For  while 
1  *Wf#»  that  pestilent1  fellow  Athanasiusis  driven  from  place  toplawse, 
being  convicted  of  the  basest  crimes,  for  which  he  would  only 
suffer  the  punishment  he  deserves,  if  one  were  to  kill  him  ten 
times  over;  it  would  be  inconsistent  in  us  to  suffer  those 
flatterers  and  juggling  ministers  of  his  to  exult  against  us; 
men  of  such  a  character  as  it  is  a  shame  even  to  speak  of, 
respecting  whom  orders  have  long  ago  been  given  to  the 
magistrates,  that  they  should  be  put  to  death.  But  even  now 
perhaps  they  shall  not  die,  if  they  desist  from  their  former 
offences,  and  repent  at  last.  For  that  villain  Athanasius  led 
them  on,  and  corrupted  the  whole  state,  and  laid  his  impious 
and  polluted  hands  upon  the  most  holy  things. 

§.  31.  44.  The  following  is  the  letter  which  was  written  to  the 
Princes  of  Auxumis  respecting  Frumentius  Bishop  of  that 

45.  Victor  Constantius  Maximus  Augustus,  to  iEzanes 
and  Sazanes. 

It  is  altogether  a  matter  of  the  greatest  care  and  concern 
to  us,  to  extend  the  knowledge  of  the  supreme  God7;  and  I 
think  that  the  whole  race  of  mankind  claims  from  us  equal 
regard  in  this  respect,  in  order  that  they  may  pass  their  lives 
in  hope,  being  brought  to  a  proper  knowledge  of  God,  and 
having  no  differences  with  each  other  in  their  enquiries 
concerning  justice  and  truth.  Wherefore  considering  that 
you  are  deserving  of  the  same  provident  care  as  the  Romans, 
and  desiring  to  shew  equal  regard  for  your  welfare,  we  com- 
mand that  the  same  doctrine  be  professed  in  your  Churches 
as  in  theirs.  Send  therefore  speedily  into  Egypt  the  Bishop 
Frumentius,  to  the  most  venerable  Bishop  George,  and  the 
rest  who  are  there,  who  have  especial  authority  to  appoint  to 
these  offices,  and  to  decide  questions  concerning  them.  For 
of  course  you  know  and  remember  (unless  you  alone  pretend 

y  h  rod  M{urr$us  yvSrtf,  vid.  rh  avnrSt  h»u  in  the  Thalia,  Oral.  i»  5* 

Mjrurrcfm,  infr.     And  so  in  Anna's  Again,  r$<pUt  \lnynrkt,  supr.  §.  30.  and 

Thalia,  the  Eternal  Father,  in  contrast  t«»  ro$t*(  fi$r*%$'tr»v,  Kmrkw&irmff&h 

to  the  Son,  is  called  i  *{i/<rw,  rn  in  the  Thalia,  ibid.    And  rm  Vfayn**9 

**iiTT#»«,  de  Synod.  §.  15.    So  again,  rm  &x^eu$  iTWSi,  supr.  §.  30.  and 

Mr  r\f  hret  rvtiitrmf,  supr.  §.  30.  and  rovrur  umflwt  M»  in  the  Thalia. 

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addressed  to  the  Ethiopians. 


to  be  ignorant  of  that  which  all  men  are  well  aware  of)  that  Tr.  IV. 
this  Frumentius  was  advanced  to  his  present  rank  by  Atha-  31 ' 32' 
nasius,  a  man  who  is  guilty  of  ten  thousand  crimes;  for  he 
has  not  been  able  fairly  to  clear  himself  of  any  of  the 
charges  brought  against  him,  but  was  at  once  deprived  of  his 
see,  and  now  wanders  about  destitute  of  any  fixed  abode,  and 
passes  from  one  country  to  another,  as  if  by  this  means  he 
could  escape  his  own  wickedness. 

46.  Now  if  Frumentius  shall  readily  obey  our  commands, 
and  shall  submit  to  an  enquiry  into  all  the  circumstances  of  his 
appointment,  he  will  shew  plainly  to  all  men,  that  he  is  in  no 
respect  opposed  to  the  laws  of  the  Church  and  the  established1 1 
faith.    And  being  brought  to  trial,  when  he  shall  have  given  Jf 
proof  of  his  general  good  conduct,  and  submitted  an  account r* ,# 
of  his  life  to  those  who  are  to  judge  of  these  things,  he  shall 
receive  his  appointment  from  them,  if  it  shall  indeed  appear 
that  he  has  any  right  to  be  a  Bishop.    But  if  he  shall  delay 
and  avoid  the  trial,  it  will  surely  be  very  evident,  that  he  has 
been  induced  by  the  persuasions  of  the  wicked  Athanasius, 
thus  impiously  to  act  against  divine  authority,  choosing  to 
follow  the  course  of  him  whose  wickedness  has  been  made 
manifest.    And  our  fear  is  lest  he  should  pass  over  into  Au- 
xumis  and  corrupt  your  people,  by  setting  before  them  accursed 
and  impious  doctrines,  and  not  only  unsettle  and  disturb  the 
Churches,  and  blaspheme  the  supreme2  God,  but  also  thereby9 
cause  utter  overthrow  and  destruction  to  the  several  nations  r"m 
whom  he  visits.    But  I  am  sure  that  Frumentius  will  return 
home,  perfectly  acquainted  with  all  matters  that  concern  the 
Church,  having  derived  much  instruction,  which  will  be  of 
great  and  general  utility,  from  the  conversation  of  the  most 
venerable  George,  and  such  other  of  the  Bishops,  as  are  ex- 
cellently qualified  to  communicate  such  knowledge.  May 
God  continually  preserve  you,  most  honoured  brethren. 

47.  Hearing,  nay  almost  seeing,  these  things,  through  the  §•  32. 
mournful  representations  of  the  messengers,  I  confess  I 
turned  back  again  into  the  desert,  justly  concluding,  as  your 
Piety  will  perceive,  that  if  I  was  sought  after,  that  I  might 

be  sent  as  soon  as  I  was  discovered  to  the  Prefects3, 1  should 3  p.  179, 
be  prevented  from  ever  coming  to  your  Grace ;  and  that  if 

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184  Athanasius's  defence  of  his  flight. 

Apol.  those  who  would  not  subscribe  against  me,  suffered  so 
Const,  severely  as  they  did,  and  the  laity  who  refused  to  com- 
municate  with  the  Arians  were  ordered  for  death,  there  was 
no  doubt  at  all  but  that  ten  thousand  new  modes  of  de- 
struction would  be  devised  by  the  calumniators  against  me ; 
and  that  after  my  death,  they  would  employ  against  whom- 
soever they  wished  to  injure,  whatever  means  they  chose, 
venting  their  lies  against  us  the  more  boldly,  for  that  then 
there  would  no  longer  be  any  one  left  who  could  expose 
them.  I  fled,  not  because  I  feared  your  Piety,  (for  I  know 
your  long-suffering  and  goodness,)  but  because  from  what 
had  taken  place,  I  perceived  the  spirit  of  my  enemies,  and 
considered  that  they  would  make  use  of  all  possible  means 
to  accomplish  my  destruction,  from  fear  that  they  would  be 
brought  to  answer  for  what  they  had  done  contrary  to  the 
intentions  of  your  Excellency.  For  observe,  your  Grace 
commanded  that  the  Bishops  should  be  expelled  only  out  of 
the  cities  and  the  province.  But  these  worthy  persons 
presumed  to  exceed  your  commands,  and  banished  aged 
men  and  Bishops  venerable  for  their  years  into  desert  and 
unfrequented  and  frightful  places,  beyond  the  boundaries  of 
three  provinces'.  Some  of  them  were  sent  off  from  Libya  to 
the  great  Oasis;  others  from  the  Thebais  to  Ammoniaca 
in  Libya. 

48.  Neither  was  it  from  fear  of  death  that  I  fled;  let  none  of 
them  condemn  me  as  guilty  of  cowardice  ;  but  because  it  is 
1  vid.    the  injunction  of  our  Saviour1  that  we  should  flee  when  we 
Fug.  de  are  persecuted,  and  hide  ourselves  when  we  are  sought  after, 
188  P   an(*  not  exPose  ourselves  to  certain  dangers,  nor  by  appear- 
ing before  our  persecutors  inflame  still  more  their  rage 
against  us.    For  to  give  one's  self  up  to  one's  enemies  to  be 
murdered,  is  the  same  thing  as  to  murder  one's  self ;  but  to 
flee,  as  our  Saviour  has  enjoined,  is  to  know  our  time,  and  to 
manifest  a  real  concern  for  our  persecutors,  lest  if  they  pro- 
ceed to  the  shedding  of  blood,  they  become  guilty  of  the 
2<r°i3  transSress^on  °f tne  *aw>  r^l0U  shalt  not  kill.    And  yet  these 

1  Egypt  was  divided  into  three  Pro-  Orlendini  Orbis  Sacer  et  Prof.  vol.  i. 

vinces  till  Hadrian's   time,  Egypt,  p.  1 18.  The  Province  specially  spoken 

Libya,  and  Pentapolis ;  Hadrian  made  of  seems  to  be  Egypt,  which  Augustus 

them  four;  Epiphanius  speaks  of  them  kept  in  his  own  hands,  vid.  supr.  p.  5> 

as  seven.  Hter.  68.  1.    By  the  time  of  note  d.  p.  116,  r.  1. 
Arcadius  they  had  become  eight,  vid. 

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Conduct  of  the  Arians  towards  the  consecrated  Virgins.  185 

men  by  their  calumnies  against  me,  earnestly  wish  that  ITr.IV. 
should  suffer  death.  iHi^i 

49.  What  they  have  again  lately  done  proves  that  this  is  their 
desire  and  murderous  intention.    You  will  be  astonished,  I 
am  sure,  most  religious  Augustus,  when  you  hear  it;  it  is 
indeed  an  outrage  worthy  of  amazement.    What  it  is,  I  pray 
yon  briefly  to  hear.    The  Son  of  God,  our  Lord  and  Saviour  §.  33. 
Jesus  Christ,  having  become  man  for  our  sakes,  and  having 
destroyed  death,  and  delivered  our  race  from  the  bondage  of 
corruption,  in  addition  to  all  His  other  benefits  bestowed 
this  also  upon  us,  that  we  should  possess  upon  earth,  in  the 
state  of  virginity,  a  picture  of  the  holiness  of  Angels.  Ac- 
cordingly such  as  have  attained  this  virtue,  the  Catholic 
Church  has  been  accustomed  to  call  the  brides1  of  Christ. 1  »4«f«f 
And  the  heathen  who  see  them  express  their  admiration 
of  them  as  the  temples  of  the  Word.    For  indeed  this  holy 
and  heavenly  profession  is  no  where  established,  but  only 
among  us  Christians,  and  it  is  a  very  strong  argument  that 
with  us  is  to  be  found  the  genuine  and  true  religion.  Your 
most  religious  father  Constantine  Augustus,  of  blessed 
memory2,  honoured  the  Virgins  above  all  other  orders,  and2^^- 
your  Piety  in  several  letters  has  given  them  the  titles  of  the 
honourable  and  holy  women.    But  now  these  worthy  Arians  JJJ1^' 
who  have  slandered  me,  and  by  whom  conspiracies  have  ' 
been  formed  against  most  of  the  Bishops,  having  obtained 
the  consent  and  cooperation  of  the  magistrates,  first  stripped 
them,  and  then  caused  them  to  be  suspended  upon  what  are 
called  the  Hermetaries3,  and  scourged  them  on  the  ribs  so 3  a  rack, 
severely  three  several  times,  that  not  even  real  malefactors  Tm™9 
have  ever  suffered  the  like.    Pilate,  to  gratify  the  Jews  °f  "J^** 
old,  pierced  one  of  our  Saviour's  sides  with  a  spear.    These  p.  169 " 
men  have  exceeded  the  madness  of  Pilate,  for  they  have 
scourged  not  one  but  both  His  sides ;  for  the  limbs  of  the 
Virgins  are  in  an  especial  manner  the  Saviour's  own. 

50.  All  men  shudder  at  hearing  the  bare  recital  of  deeds  like 
these.  These  men  alone,  not  only  did  not  fear  to  strip  and 
to  scourge  those  undefiled  limbs,  which  the  Virgins  had 
dedicated  solely  to  our  Saviour  Christ ;  but,  what  is  worse 
than  all,  when  they  were  reproached  by  every  one  for  such 
extreme  cruelty,  instead  of  manifesting  any  shame,  they 

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186  He  expostulates  with  Constantius. 

A  pol.  pretended  that  it  was  commanded  by  your  Piety.  So 
Const,  utterly  presumptuous  are  they  and  full  of  wicked  thoughts 
and  purposes.    Such  a  deed  as  this  was  never  heard  of  in 
Wid.     past  persecutions1:    or  supposing  that  it  ever  occurred 
Arf§.40.  before*  yet  surely  it  was  not  befitting  either  that  Virginity 
$• 64-    should  suffer  such  outrage  and  dishonour,  in  the  time  of 
your  Majesty  a  Christian  Prince,  or  that  these  men  should 
impute  to  your  Piety  their  own  cruelty.    Such  wickedness 
belongs  only  to  heretics,  to  blaspheme  the  Son  of  God,  and 
to  do  violence  to  His  holy  Virgins. 
§•  34.     51.  Now  when  such  enormities  as  these  were  again  per- 
petrated by  the  Arians,  I  surely  was  not  wrong  in  complying 
Is.  26,  with  the  direction  of  Holy  Scripture,  which  says,  Hide 
*  *      thyself  for  a  little  moment,  until  the  indignation  be  over- 
past.    This  was  another  reason  for  my  withdrawing  myself, 
most  religious  Augustus  ;  and  I  refused  not,  either  to  depart 
into  the  desert,  or,  if  need  were,  to  be  let  down  from  a  wall 
in  a  basket.    I  endured  every  thing,  I  even  dwelt  among 
wild  beasts,  that  your  favour  might  return  to  me,  waiting  for 
an  opportunity  to  offer  to  you  this  my  defence,  confident  as 
I  am  that  they  will  be  condemned,  and  your  goodness 
manifested  unto  me. 

52.  O,  Augustus,  blessed  and  beloved  of  God,  what  would 
you  have  bad  me  to  do  ?  to  come  to  you  while  my  calumni- 
ators were  inflamed  with  rage  against  me,  and  were  seeking 
to  kill  me ;  or,  as  it  is  written,  to  bide  myself  a  little,  that 
in  the  mean  time  they  might  be  condemned  as  heretics,  and 
your  goodness  might  be  manifested  unto  me  ?  or  would  you 
have  had  me,  Sire,  to  appear  before  your  magistrates,  in  order 
that  though  you  had  written  merely  in  the  way  of  threaten- 
ing, they  not  understanding  your  intention,  but  being  ex- 
asperated against  me  by  the  Arians,  might  kill  me  on  the 
authority  of  your  letters,  and  on  that  ground  ascribed  the 
murder  to  you  ?  It  would  neither  have  been  becoming  in  me 
to  surrender,  and  give  myself  up  that  my  blood  might  be 
shed,  nor  in  you,  as  a  Christian  King,  to  have  the  murder 
of  Christians,  and  those  too  Bishops,  imputed  unto  you. 
§.  35.  53.  It  was  therefore  better  for  me  to  hide  myself,  and  to  wait 
for  this  opportunity.  Yes,  I  am  sure  that  from  your  know- 
ledge of  the  sacred  Scriptures  you  will  assent  and  approve 

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He  expostulates  with  Constant ius.  187 

of  my  conduct  in  this  respect    For  you  will  perceive  that,  Tr.  IV. 

now  those  who  exasperated  you  against  us  have  been  — 

silenced,  your  righteous  clemency  is  apparent,  and  it  is 
proved  to  all  men  that  you  never  persecuted  the  Christians 
at  all,  but  that  it  was  they  who  made  the  Churches  desolate, 
that  they  might  sow  the  seeds1  of  their  own  impiety  every1  vol.  8. 
where ;  on  account  of  which  I  also,  had  I  not  fled,  should  J0^i. 
long  ago  have  suffered  from  their  treachery.    For  it  is  very 
evident  that  they  who  scrupled  not  to  utter  such  calumnies 
against  me,  before  the  great  Augustus,  and  who  so  violently 
assailed  Bishops  and  Virgins,  sought  also  to  compass  my 
death.    But  thanks  be  to  the  Lord  who  has  given  you  this 
kingdom.    All  men  are  confirmed  in  their  opinion  of  your 
goodness,  and  of  their  wickedness,  from  which  I  fled  at  the 
first,  that  I  might  now  make  this  appeal  unto  you,  and  that 
you  might  find  some  one  towards  whom  you  may  shew 
kindness.     I  beseech  you  therefore,  forasmuch  as  it  is 
written,  A  soft  answer  turneth  away  wrath,  and,  righteous  Pnm 
thoughts  are  acceptable  unto  the  King ;  receive  this  my 
defence,  and  restore  all  the  Bishops  and  the  rest  of  the^-P* 
Clergy  to  their  countries  and  their  Churches;  so  that  the 
wickedness  of  my  accusers  may  be  made  manifest,  and  that 
you,  both  now  and  in  the  day  of  judgment,  may  have 
boldness  to  say  to  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  the 
King  of  all,  "  None  of  Thine  have  I  lost,  but  these  are  they  John 
who  designed  the  ruin  of  all,  while  I  was  grieved  for  those 18'  9* 
who  perished,  and  for  the  Virgins  who  were  scourged,  and 
for  all  other  things  that  were  committed  against  the  Christians; 
and  I  brought  back  them  that  were  banished,  and  restored 
them  to  their  own  Churches." 

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[This  Apology  seems  to  have  heen  written  A.D.  357  or  358.  The 
circumstances  which  led  to  it  are  mentioned  in  the  opening  sentences. 
From  what  he  says  to  Constantius  in  the  foregoing  work,  p.  177,  it  might 
almost  he  said  that,  in  addition  to  the  considerations  insisted  on  in  the 
following  argument,  he  considered  that  the  command  of  the  Emperor  would 
in  itself  have  heen  a  sufficient  reason  for  his  leaving  his  Church ;  and  it  was 
because  he  had  not  received  it,  that  he  had  not  left  it  before.  Now  the 
violence  of  Syrianus,  acknowledged  as  it  was  by  Coustantius,  was  of  the 
nature  of  a  command.  The  real  reason  however  was,  that,  if  he  had  been 
cut  off,  there  was  no  one  to  take  his  place,  vid.  supr.  p.  184.] 

§.1.      1.  I  hear  that  Leontius1,  now  in  the  see  of  Antioch,  and 
§  ^6     Narcissus8  of  the  city  of  Nero,  and  George5,  now  of  Laodicea, 
*  vol.  8.  and  the  Arians  who  are  leagued  with  them,  are  spreading 
supr.  p.  abroad  many  slanderous  reports  concerning  me,  charging  me 
74,  &c.  with  cowardice,  because  forsooth,  when  myself  was  sought 
by  them,  I  did  not  surrender  myself  into  their  hands.  Now 
as  to  their  imputations  and  calumnies,  although  there  are 
many  things  that  I  could  write,  which  they  are  unable  to 
deny,  and  which  all  who  have  heard  of  their  proceedings 
know  to  be  true,  yet  I  shall  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  make 
any  reply  to  them,  except  only  to  remind  them  of  the  words 
▼id.  i    of  our  Lord,  and  of  the  declaration  of  the  Apostle,  that  a  lie 
21.    9     °f  Me  Devil,  and  that,  revilers  shall  not  inherit  the  kingdom 
iCor.6,^  God.    For  it  is  sufficient  thereby  to  prove,  that  neither 
their  thoughts  nor  their  words  are  according  to  the  Gospel, 
but  that  after  their  own  pleasure,  whatsoever  themselves  desire, 
that  they  think  to  be  good. 
§.  2.     9.  But  forasmuch  as  they  pretend  to  charge  me  with  coward- 
ice, it  is  necessary  that  I  should  write  somewhat  concerning  this, 

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Insincerity  of  the  Arians  in  their  charge  against  A  than.  189 

whereby  it  shall  be  proved  that  they  are  men  of  wicked  Tr.  v. 
minds,  who  have  not  read  the  sacred  Scriptures:  or  if  they  — - — 
have  read  them,  that  they  do  not  believe  the  divine  inspira- 
tion of  the  oracles  they  contain.  For  had  they  believed  this, 
they  would  never  have  dared  to  act  contrary  to  them,  nor 
have  imitated  the  malice  of  the  Jews  who  slew  the  Lord. 
For  God  having  given  them  a  commandment,  Honour  thy  Mat.  15, 
father  and  thy  mother,  and,  He  that  curseth  father  or  mother,4' 
let  him  die  the  death;  that  people  established  a  contrary 
law,  changing  the  honour  into  dishonour,  and  alienating  to 
other  uses  the  money  which  was  due  from  the  children  to 
their  parents.  And  though  they  had  read  what  David  did, 
they  acted  in  contradiction  to  his  example,  and  accused  the 
guiltless  for  plucking  the  ears  of  corn,  and  rubbing  them  in 
their  hands  on  the  Sabbath  day.  Not  that  they  cared  either 
for  the  laws,  or  for  the  Sabbath,  for  they  were  guilty  of 
greater  transgressions  of  the  law  on  that  day:  but  being 
wicked-minded,  they  grudged  the  disciples  the  way  of  salva- 
tion, and  desired  that  their  own  private  notions  should  have 
the  sole  pre-eminence.  They  however  have  received  the 
reward  of  their  iniquity,  having  ceased  to  be  an  holy  nation, 
and  being  counted  henceforth  as  the  rulers  of  Sodom,  and 
as  the  people  of  Gomorrah. 

3.  And  these  men  likewise,  not  less  than  they,  seem  to  me  to 
have  received  their  punishment  already  in  the  ignorance  with 
which  their  own  folly  possesses  them.    For  they  understand 
not  what  they  say,  but  think  that  they  know  things  of  which 
they  are  ignorant ;  while  the  only  knowledge  that  is  in  them 
is  to  do  evil,  and  to  frame  devices  more  and  more  wicked  day 
by  day.    Thus  they  reproach  me  with  my  present  flight,  not 
for  the  sake  of  my  character,  as  wishing  me  to  shew  my  man- 
liness by  coming  forward;  (how  is  it  possible  that  such  a 
wish  can  be  entertained  by  enemies  in  behalf  of  those  who 
run  not  with  them  in  the  same  career  of  madness?)  but  being 
full  of  malice,  they  pretend  this,  and  whisper1  up  and  down  Vi<i/V- 
that  such  is  the  case,  thinking,  foolish  as  indeed  they  are,^ 
that  through  fear  of  their  revilings,  I  shall  yet  be  induced  to  ™te  y. 
give  myself  up  to  them.    For  this  is  what  they  desire:  to^az. 
accomplish  this  they  have  recourse  to  all  kinds  of  schemes :  ^r*t  27- 
they  pretend  themselves  to  be  friends,  while  they  search  after 

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190        Outrages  of  the  Avians  against  the  Bishops. 

Apol.  me  as  enemies,  to  the  end  that  they  may  glut  themselves  with 

Fliobt.  my  blood,  and  put  me  also  out  of  the  way,  because  I  have 
always  opposed  and  do  still  oppose  their  impiety,  and  con- 
fute and  brand  their  heresy. 
§.  3.  4,  For  whom  have  they  ever  persecuted  and  taken,  that  they 
have  not  insulted  and  injured  as  they  pleased  ?  Whom  have 
they  ever  sought  after  and  found,  that  they  have  not  handled 
in  such  a  manner,  that  either  he  has  died  a  miserable 

1  *"'r"-  death,  or  has  been  illtreated  in  every  member1?  Whatever 
the  magistrates  appear  to  do,  it  is  their  work ;  and  the  other 
are  merely  the  tools  of  their  will  and  wickedness.  In  con- 
sequence, where  is  there  a  place  that  has  not  some  memorial 
of  their  wickedness  ?  Who  has  ever  opposed  them,  without 
their  conspiring  against  him,  inventing  pretexts  for  his  ruin 
after  the  manner  of  Jezebel  ?  Where  is  there  a  Church  that 
is  not  at  this  moment  lamenting  the  success  of  their  plots 
against  her  Bishops  ?  Antioch  is  mourning  for  the  orthodox 
Confessor  Eustathius*;  Balaneae  for  the  most  admirable 

^Hiat^  Euphration8;  Paltus  and  Antaradus  for  Cymatius8  and  Carte- 
'rius;  Adrianople  for  that  lover  of  Christ,  Eutropius,  and  after 
him  for  Lucius,  who  was  often  loaded  with  chains  by  their 
means,  and  so  perished;    Ancyra  mourns  for  Marcellus, 

»Beroa,  Berrhcea3  for  Cyrus8,  Gaza  for  Asclepas. 

Arfs.  °*  Of  all  these,  after  inflicting  many  outrages,  they  by  their 
intrigues  procured  the  banishment;  but  for  Theodulus  and 
Olympius,  Bishops  of  Thrace,  and  for  me  and  my  Presbyters, 
they  caused  diligent  search  to  be  made,  to  the  intent  that  if  we 
were  discovered  we  should  suffer  capital  punishment:  and  pro- 

*  vid.  Hist.  Arian.  $.  4.  also  Theo-  Arianism,  which  was  not  terminated 

doret  Hist.  i.  20.  Eustathius  was  one  till  the  time  of  S.  Chrysostom.  The 

of  the  original  opponent*  of  Arianism.  name  of  Euphration  occurs  de  Syn.  17. 

S.  Alexander  wrote  to  him  (then  Bishop  (tr.  vol.  8.  p.  99.)  as  the  Bishop  to  whom 

of  Berrhcea)  against  Arius,  as  well  as  to  Eusebius  of  Csesarea  wrote  an  heretical 

Philogonius  of  Antioch  and  Alexander  letter.   Balane®  is  on  the  Syrian  coast, 

of  Constantinople.    He  was  deposed  Paltus  also  and  Antaradus  are  in 

by  the  Arians  A.D.  331,  on  the  pre-  Syria,   and  these   persecutions  took 

tence  of  Sahellianism  and  perhaps  of  place  about  A.D.  340;  that  of  Eutropius, 

incontinency.    Montfaucon,  however,  and  of  Lucius  his  successor,  about  332, 

doubts  whether  the  latter  was  ever  shortly  after  the  proceedings  against 

made  a  charge,  though  Theodoret  Eustathius.    Cyrus  too  was  banished 

mentions  it.  V.  Athan.  p.  14.  Another  under  pretence  of  Sahellianism  about 

reason  isgiven  Hist.  Arian.  loc.  cit.  The  340.  Asclepas  has  been  mentioned  supr. 

orthodox  succession  was  continued,  p.  69.  note  e.  For  Theodulus  and  Olym- 

though  dispossessed,  and  gave  occasion  pius  vid.  Hist.  Arian.  $.  19.  and  supr. 

to  the  schism,  after  the  overthrow  of  p.  71.  note  g. 

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Praises  of  Hosius.  191 

bably  we  should  have  so  perished,  had  we  not  fled  at  that  very  Tb.  v. 
time  contrarv  to  their  intentions*  For  letters  to  that  effect  were  3  **' 

delivered  to  the  Proconsul  Donatus  against  Olympius  and  his 
friends,  and  to  Philagrius  respecting  me.    And  having  raised 
a  persecution  against  Paul,  Bishop  of  Constantinople,  as  soon 
as  they  found  him,  they  caused  him  to  be  openly  strangled11  infr. 
at  a  place  called  Cucusus  iu  Cappadocia,  employing  as  their  Arian. 
executioner  for  the  purpose  Philip,  who  was  Prefect.    He  §• 4- 
was  a  patron  of  their  heresy,  and  the  tool  of  their  wicked 

6.  Are  they  then  satisfied  with  all  this,  and  content  to  be  §.4. 
quiet  for  the  future  ?    By  no  means ;  they  have  not  given  over 

yet,  but  like  the  horseleach*  in  the  Proverbs,  they  revel  more3  Hist, 
and  more  in  their  wickedness,  and  fix  themselves  upon  the£^£™' 
larger  dioceses.    Who  can  adequately  describe  the  enormities 
they  have  already  perpetrated  ?  who  is  able  tq  recount  all 
the  deeds  that  they  have  done  ?    Even  very  lately,  while  the 
Churches  were  at  peace,  and  the  people  worshipping  in  their 
congregations,  Liberius  Bishop  of  Rome,  Paulinus3  Metro- 3  of 
politan  of  Gaul,  Dionysius4  Metropolitan  of  Italy,  Lucifer6  4  0fVMU 
Metropolitan  of  the  Sardinian  islands,  and  Eusebius6  o(l^c^ 
Italy,  all  of  them  excellent  Bishops  and  preachers  of  the^iiari. 
truth,  were  seized  and  banished,  on  no  pretence  whatever,  cl\\^er' 
except  that  they  would  not  unite  themselves  to  the  Arian 
heresy,  nor  subscribe  to  the  accusations  and  calumnies  which 
they  had  invented  against  me. 

7.  Of  the  great  Hosius,  who  answers  to  his  name,  that  con-  §.  5. 
fessor  of  an  happy  old  age7,  it  is  superfluous  for  me  to  speak, 7  tbynp- 
for  I  suppose  it  is  known  unto  all  men  that  they  caused  him  'J^supr. 
also  to  be  banished;  for  he  is  not  an  obscure  person,  but p-  70. 
of  all  men  the  most  illustrious,  and  more  than  this.  When 

was  there  a  Council  held,  in  which  he  did  not  take  the  lead, 
and  convince  every  one  by  his  orthodoxy  ?  Where  is  there 
a  Church  that  does  not  possess  some  glorious  monuments  of 
his  patronage?  Who  has  ever  come  to  him  in  sorrow,  and  has 
not  gone  away  rejoicing  ?  What  needy  person  ever  asked 
his  aid,  and  did  not  obtain  what  he  desired?  And  yet  even 
on  this  man  they  made  their  assault,  because  knowing  the 
calumnies  which  they  invent  in  behalf  of  their  iniquity,  he 
would  not  subscribe  to  their  designs  against  me.    And  if 

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192       Outrages  of  George  upon  the  Alexandrians. 

A  pol.  afterwards,  upon  the  repeated  blows  that  were  inflicted  upon 
Flight.  n^m  aDove  measure,  and  the  conspiracies  that  were  formed 
against  his  kinsfolk,  he  yielded  to  them  for  a  time,  as  being 
old  and  infirm  in  body,  yet  at  least  their  wickedness  was 
shewn  even  in  this  circumstance;  so  zealously  did  they 
1  infr.   endeavour  by  all  means  to  prove  that  they  were  not  truly 
init.  Christians1. 

§.  6.      8.  After  this  they  again  fastened  themselves  upon  Alexan- 
dria, seeking  anew  to  put  me  to  death :  and  their  proceedings 
were  now  worse  than  before.    For  on  a  sudden  the  Church 
was  surrounded  by  soldiers,  and  deeds  of  war  took  the  place 
8  vol.  8.  of  prayers.    Then  George*  of  Cappadocia  who  was  sent  by 
note3*/  them,  having  arrived  during  the  season  of  Lent3,  brought  an 
supr.  p.  increase  of  evils  which  they  had  taught  him.    For  after 
3  supr.  Easter  week,  Virgins  were  thrown  into  prison ;  Bishops  were 
noteh  led  away  in  chains  by  soldiers;  the  houses  of  orphans  and 
widows  were  plundered,  and  their  bread  taken  away ;  attacks 
were  made  upon  houses,  and  Christians  thrust  forth  in  the 
night,  and  their  dwellings  sealed  up:  the  brothers  of  clergy- 
men were  in  danger  of  their  lives  on  account  of  their  rela- 

9.  These  outrages  were  sufficiently  dreadful,  but  more  dread- 
ful than  these  followed.  For  on  the  week  that  succeeded  the 
Holy  Pentecost,  when  the  people  after  their  fast  had  gone 
out  to  the  cemetery  to  pray,  because  that  all  refused  commu- 
nion with  George,  that  abandoned  person,  understanding  this 
to  be  the  case,  stirred  up  against  them  the  commander 
Sebastian,  a  Manichee ;  who  straightway  with  a  multitude  of 
soldiers  with  arms,  drawn  swords,  bows,  and  spears,  proceeded 
to  attack  the  people,  though  it  was  the  Lord's  day:  and  find- 
ing a  few  praying,  (for  the  greater  part  had  already  retired  on 
account  of  the  lateness  of  the  hour,)  he  committed  such  out- 
rages as  became  a  disciple  of  these  men.  H  aving  lighted  a 
pile,  he  placed  certain  virgins  near  the  firei,  and  endeavoured 
to  force  them  to  say  that  they  were  of  the  Arian  faith :  and 
where  he  saw  that  they  were  getting  the  mastery,  and  cared 
not  for  the  fire,  he  immediately  stripped  them  naked,  and 
wounded  their  faces  in  such  a  manner,  that  for  some  time 
they  could  hardly  be  recognised. 
§,7.      10.  And  having  seized  upon  forty  men,  he  beat  them  after  a 

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Outrages  of  George.  193 

new  fashion.    Cutting  some  fresh  twigs  of  the  palm  tree  Tr.  v. 
with  the  thorns  upon  them1,  he  scourged  them  on  the  back  so  1  ^ j  ■ 
severely,  that  some  of  them  were  for  a  long  time  under  me-  Ariaiu 
dical  treatment  on  account  of  the  thorns  which  had  entered  72' 
their  flesh,  and  others  unable  to  bear  up  under  their  sufferings 
died.    All  those  whom  they  had  taken,  both  the  men  and 
the  virgins,  they  sent  away  together  into  banishment  to  the 
great  Oasis.    And  the  bodies  of  those  who  had  perished 
they  would  not  at  first  suffer  to  be  given  up  to  their  friends, 
but  concealed  them  in  any  way  they  pleased,  and  cast  them 
out  without  burial8,  in  order  that  they  might  not  appear  to 2  ibid, 
have  any  knowledge  of  these  cruel  proceedings.    But  herein  l^r.  p° 
their  deluded  minds  greatly  misled  them.    For  the  relatives  l78« 
of  the  dead,  both  rejoicing  at  the  confession,  and  grieving 
for  the  bodies  of  their  friends,  published  abroad  so  much  the 
more  this  proof  of  their  impiety  and  cruelty.    Moreover  they3i6,ibid. 
immediately  banished  out  of  Egypt  and  Libya  the  following  Hist. 
Bishops3,  Ammonius,  Mu'ius,  Gaius,Philo4,  Hermes,  Plenius,^g|^2* 
Psenosiris,  Nilammon,  Agathus,  Anagamphus,  Marcus,  Am-  ron.  V. 
monius,  another  Marcus,  Dracontius6,  Adelphius6,  Athenodo-  ^3"' 
rus,  and  the  Presbyters,  Hierax7,  and  Dioscorus;  whom  they  perhaps 
drove  forth  under  such  cruel  treatment,  that  some  of  them  *e^1" 
died  on  the  way,  and  others  in  the  place  of  their  banishment. A-  D. 
They  caused  also  more  than  thirty  Bishops  to  take  to  flight; 5 adbra- 
for  their  desire  was,  after  the  example  of  Ahab,  if  it  were?011*'. 

6  ad  A- 

possible,  utterly  to  root  out  the  truth.    Such  are  the  enormi-  delph. 
ties  of  which  these  impious  men  have  been  guilty.  con?io~ 

11.  But  although  they  have  done  all  this,  yet  they  are  not  §.  8. 
ashamed  of  the  evils  they  have  already  contrived  against  me, 
but  proceed  now  to  accuse  me,  because  I  have  been  able  to 
escape  their  murderous  hands.  Nay,  they  bitterly  bewail 
themselves,  that  they  have  not  effectually  put  me  out  of  the 
way ;  and  so  they  pretend  to  reproach  me  with  cowardice, 
not  perceiving  that  by  thus  murmuring  against  me,  they 
rather  turn  the  blame  upon  themselves.  For  if  it  be  a  bad 
thing  to  flee,  it  is  much  worse  to  persecute ;  for  the  one  party 
hides  himself  to  escape  death,  the  other  persecutes  with  a 
desire  to  kill;  and  it  is  written  in  the  Scriptures  that  we 
ought  to  flee,  but  he  that  seeks  to  destroy  transgresses  the 
law,  nay,  and  is  himself  the  occasion  of  the  other's  flight.  If 


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194    If  it  be  a  sin  to  flee,  it  is  a  greater  to  cause  to  flee. 

Apol.  then  they  reproach  me  with  my  flight,  let  them  be  more 
Flight  ashamed  of  their  own  persecution1.  Let  them  cease  to  com- 
r^jd]    pass  my  destruction,  and  I  shall  without  delay  cease  to 

12.  But  they,  instead  of  giving  over  their  wickedness,  are 
employing  every  means  to  obtain  possession  of  my  person, 
not  perceiving  that  the  flight  of  those  who  are  persecuted  is  a 
strong  argument  against  them  that  persecute.    For  no  man 
flees  from  the  gentle  and  the  humane,  but  from  the  cruel  and 
l  Sam.  the  evil-minded.    Every  one  that  was  in  distress,  and  every 
221  "   one  that  was  in  debt,  fled  from  Saul,  and  took  refuge  with 
David.    But  this  is  the  reason  why  these  men  desire  to  cut 
off  those  who  are  in  concealment,  that  there  may  be  no 
evidence  forthcoming  of  their  wickedness.    But  herein  their 
minds  seem  to  be  blinded  with  their  usual  error.    For  the 
more  the  flight  of  their  enemies  becomes  known,  so  much 
the  more  notorious  will  be  the  destruction  or  the  banishment 
Arian   wn*cn  tne^r  treachery  has  brought  upon  them8;  so  that  whe- 
§.34.35.  ther  they  kill  them  outright,  their  death  will  be  the  more 
loudly  noised  abroad  against  them,  or  whether  they  drive 
them  into  banishment,  they  will  but  be  sending  forth  every 
where  monuments  of  their  own  iniquity. 
§•  9.      13.  Now  if  they  had  been  of  sound  mind,  they  would  have 
seen  that  they  were  in  this  strait,  and  that  they  were  defeated 
by  their  own  arguments.    But  since  they  have  lost  all  judg- 
ment, they  are  still  led  on  to  persecute,  and  seek  to  destroy, 
and  yet  perceive  not  their  own  impiety.    It  may  be  they  even 
venture  to  accuse  Providence  itself,  (for  nothing  is  beyond 
the  reach  of  their  presumption,)  that  it  does  not  deliver  up  to 
them  those  whom  they  desire,  certain  as  it  is,  according  to  the 
saying  of  our  Saviour,  that  not  even  a  sparrow  can  fall  into 
3  p.  199,  the  net3  without  our  Father  which  is  in  heaven.    But  when 
these  bad  spirits  obtain  possession  of  any  one,  they  imme- 
diately forget  not  only  all  other,  but  even  themselves;  and 
raising  their  brow  in  very  haughtiness,  they  neither  acknow- 
ledge times  and  seasons,  nor  respect  human  nature  in  those 
lis' 9*  w^om  *kev  injure.    Like  the  tyrant  of  Babylon4,  they  attack 
more  furiously;  they  shew  pity  to  none,  but  mercilessly  upon 
l8A7>6'the  ancient,  as  it  is  written,  they  very  heavily  lay  the  yoke, 
Va.  69,        tney  aci€i  to  fne  grief  of  them  that  are  wounded. 

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They  grieved  not  that A  than. was coward  jbut  thathewasfree.  1 95 

14.  Had  they  not  acted  in  this  manner;  had  they  not  driven  Tr.  v. 
into  banishment  those  who  spoke  in  my  defence  against  their  9' 10' 
calumnies,  their  representations  might  have  appeared  to 
some  persons  sufficiently  plausible.  But  since  they  have 
conspired  against  so  many  other  Bishops  of  high  character, 
and  have  spared  neither  the  great  confessor  Hosius,  nor  the 
Bishop  of  Rome,  nor  so  many  others  from  Spain  and  Gaul* 
and  Egypt,  and  Libya,  and  the  other  countries,  but  have 
committed  such  cruel  outrages  against  all  who  have  in  any 
way  opposed  them  in  my  behalf ;  is  it  not  plain  that  their 
designs  have  been  directed  rather  against  me  than  against 
any  other,  and  that  their  desire  is  miserably  to  destroy  me  as 
they  have  done  others?  To  accomplish  this  they  vigilantly 
watch  for  an  opportunity,  and  think  themselves  injured,  when 
they  see  those  safe,  whom  they  wish  not  to  live.  Who  then  §.  10. 
does  not  perceive  their  profligacy  ?  Is  it  not  very  evident  to 
every  one  that  they  do  not  reproach  me  with  cowardice  from 
regard  to  my  character,  but  that  being  athirst  for  blood,  they 
employ  these  their  base  devices  as  a  snare,  thinking  thereby 
to  catch  those  whom  they  seek  to  destroy  ?  That  such  is  their 
character  is  shewn  by  their  actions,  which  have  convicted 
them  of  possessing  dispositions  more  savage  than  wild  beasts, 
and  more  cruel  than  the  Babylonians1.  But  although  the1  p.  194. 
proof  against  them  is  sufficiently  clear  from  all  this,  yet 
since  they  still  dissemble  with  soft  words  after  the  manner  of 
their  father  the  devil,  and  pretend  to  charge  me  with  cow-  John  8, 
ardice,  while  they  are  themselves  more  cowardly  than  hares ; 44* 
let  us  consider  what  is  written  in  the  sacred  Scriptures  re- 
specting such  cases  as  this.  For  thus  they  will  be  shewn  to 
fight  against  the  Scriptures  no  less  than  against  me,  while 
they  detract  from  the  virtues  of  the  Saints. 

15.  For  if  they  reproach  men  for  hiding  themselves  from 
those  who  seek  to  destroy  them,  and  accuse  those  who  flee 
from  their  persecutors,  what  will  they  do  when  they  see  Jacob 
fleeing  from  his  brother  Esau,  and  Moses  withdrawing  into 
Midian  for  fear  of  Pharaoh  ?  What  excuse  will  they  make  for 
David,  after  all  this  idle  talk,  for  fleeing  from  his  house  on 
account  of  Saul,  where  he  sent  to  kill  him,  and  for  hiding 
himself  in  the  cave,  and  for  changing  his  appearance,  until  'Achish, 
he  withdrew  from  Abimelech9,  and  escaped  his  designs  21^*13.' 

o  2 

Digitized  by 

196    Examples  of  Scripture  Saints  in  defence  of  flight. 

Apol.  against  him  ?  What  will  they  say,  they  who  are  ready  to  say 
F^o*T.any  thing,  when  they  see  the  great  Elias,  after  calling  upon 
_  raising  the  dead,  hiding  himself  for  fear  of  Ahab, 

and  fleeing  from  the  threats  of  Jezebel  ?  At  which  time  also 
the  sons  of  the  prophets,  when  they  were  sought  after,  hid 
t     x  themselves  with  the  assistance  of  Abdias,  and  lay  concealed 

*  Hist.   .  9  J 

Ar.§.53.  in  caves  \ 

§.  11.     16.  Perhaps  they  have  not  read  these  histories^  as  being  out 
of  date ;  yet  have  they  no  recollection  of  what  is  written  in  the 
Gospel  ?  For  the  disciples  also  withdrew  and  hid  themselves 
for  fear  of  the  Jews ;  and  Paul,  when  he  was  sought  after  by 
the  governor  at  Damascus,  was  let  down  from  the  wall  in  a 
basket,  and  so  escaped  his  hands.    As  the  Scripture  then 
relates  these  things  of  the  Saints,  what  excuse  will  they  be 
able  to  invent  for  their  wickedness  ?   To  reproach  them  with 
cowardice  would  be  an  act  of  madness,  and  to  accuse  them  of 
acting  contrary  to  the  will  of  God,  would  be  to  shew  them- 
selves entirely  ignorant  of  the  Scriptures.  For  there  was  a  com- 
Ex.  21,  mand  under  the  Law  that  cities  of  refuge  should  be  appointed, 
in  order  that  they  who  were  sought  after  to  be  put  to  death, 
might  at  least  have  some  means  of  saving  themselves.  And 
when  He  who  spake  unto  Moses,  the  Word  of  the  Father, 
appeared  in  the  end  of  the  world,  He  also  gave  this  corn- 
Mat.  10,  mandment,  saying,  But  when  they  persecute  you  in  this  city, 
Mat.24,^*y*  into  another  :  and  shortly  after  He  says,  When  ye  there- 
It.     fore  shall  see  the  abomination  qf  desolation,  spoken  qf  by 
Daniel  the  prophet,  stand  in  the  holy  place,  (whoso  readeth, 
let  Mm  understand;)  then  let  them  which  be  in  Judeaflee 
into  the  mountains:  let  him  which  is  on  the  housetop  not 
come  down  to  take  any  thing  out  qf  his  house :  neither  let 
him  which  is  in  the  field  return  back  to  take  his  clothes. 
Knowing  these  things,  the  Saints  regulated  their  conduct 
2  «•«     accordingly.    For  what  our  Lord  has  now  commanded,  the 
same  a^so  He  spoke  by  His  Saints  before  His  coming  in  the 
*i*t>     flesh2:  and  this  is  the  rule  which  is  given  unto  men  to  lead 
p!Pi29,  them  to  perfection, — what  God  commands,  that  to  do. 
%  3\2      l7'  ^nere*°re  *^so  tne  Word  Himself,  being  made  man  for 
^*     "  our  sakes,  condescended  to  hide  Himself  when  He  was  sought 
after,  as  we  do :  and  also  when  He  was  persecuted,  to  flee 
and  avoid  the  designs  of  His  enemies.    For  it  became  Him, 

Digitized  by  Google 

Example  of  our  Lord. 


as  by  hunger  and  thirst  and  suffering,  so  also  by  hiding  Tr.  v. 
Himself  and  fleeing,  to  shew  that  He  had  taken  our  flesh,  }lm~l3m 
and  was  made  man.    Thus  at  the  very  first,  as  soon  as  He 
became  man,  when  He  was  a  little  child,  He  Himself  by 
His  Angel  commanded  Joseph,  Arise,  and  take  the  young  WL&t.  2, 
Child  and  His  Mother,  and  flee  into  Egypt;  for  Herod  will 13' 
seek  the  young  ChilcTs  life.    And  when  Herod  was  dead,  we 
find  Him  withdrawing  to  Nazareth  for  fear  of  Archelaus  his 
son.    And  when  afterwards  He  was  shewing  Himself  to  be 
God,  and  made  whole  the  withered  hand,  the  Pharisees  went . 
out,  and  held  a  council  against  Him,  how  they  might  destroy 
Him  ;  but  when  Jesus  knew  it,  He  withdrew  Himself  from  Mat.26, 
thence.    So  also  when  He  raised  Lazarus  from  the  dead, 
from  that  day  forth,  says  the  Scripture,  they  took  counsel for  Johnii, 
to  put  Him  to  death.    Jesus  therefore  walked  no  more  openly  63>  64" 
among  the  Jews  ;  but  went  thence  into  a  country  near  to  the 
wilderness.    Again,  when  our  Saviour  said,  Before  Abraham  John  8, 
was,  I  am,  the  Jews  took  up  stones  to  cast  at  Him;  but  Jesus  5Sf  59' 
hid  Himself,  and  went  out  of  the  temple.   And  going  through  Luke  4, 
the  midst  of  them,  He  went  His  way,  and  so  passed  by.30' 
When  they  see  these  things,  or  rather  when  they  hear  of§.  13. 
them,  for  see  they  do  not,  will  they  not  desire,  as  it  is  written, 
to  become  fuel  of  fire,  because  their  counsels  and  their  words  Is.  9, 5. 
are  contrary  to  what  the  Lord  both  did  and  taught  ?  Also 
when  John  was  martyred,  and  his  disciples  buried  his  body, 
when  Jesus  heard  of  it,  He  departed  thence  by  ship  into  a  Mat.14, 
desert  place  apart.  3' 

18.  Thus  the  Lord  acted,  and  thus  He  taught.  Would  that 
these  men  were  even  now  ashamed  of  their  conduct,  and  con- 
fined their  rashness  to  man,  nor  proceeded  to  such  extreme 
madness  as  even  to  charge  our  Saviour  with  cowardice !  for 
it  is  against  Him  that  they  now  utter  their  blasphemies.  But 
no  one  will  endure  such  madness ;  nay  it  will  be  seen  that 
they  do  not  understand  the  Gospels.  The  cause  must  be  a 
reasonable  and  just  one,  which  the  Evangelists  represent  as 
weighing  with  our  Saviour  to  withdraw  and  to  flee;  and  we 
ought  therefore  to  assign  the  same  for  the  conduct  of  all  the 
Saints.  (For  whatever  is  written  concerning  our  Saviour  in 
His  human  nature,  ought  to  be  considered  as  applying  to  the 
whole  race  of  mankind1 ;  because  He  took  our  body,  and  ex- 1  vol.  8. 

p.  241. 

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An  hour  and  a  time  for  aU  men. 

A  pol.  hibited  in  Himself  human  infirmity.)  Now  of  this  cause  John 
Flight. has  written  thus,  They  sought  to  take  Him:  but  no  man  laid 
John  7,  hands  on  Him,  because  His  hour  was  not  yet  come.  And 
John  2  before  it  came,  He  Himself  said  to  His  Mother,  Mine  hour  is 
4.  '  not  yet  come:  and  to  them  who  are  called  His  brethren,  My 
John  7,  fime  fa  nQt  come  ^nd  again,  when  His  time  was  come, 
Mat26,  He  said  to  the  disciples,  Sleep  on  now,  and  take  your  rest : 
46,     for  behold,  the  hour  is  at  hand,  and  the  Son  of  man  is  betrayed 

into  the  hands  of  sinners. 
§.14.     1 9.  Now  in  so  far  as  He  was  God  and  the  Word  of  the  Father, 
^oi.s.  He  had  no  time;  for  He  is  Himself  the  Creator  of  times1, 
noten.         being  made  man,  He  shews  by  speaking  in  this  man- 
ner that  there  is  a  time  allotted  to  every  man;  and  that  not 
by  chance,  as  some  of  the  Gentiles  imagine  in  their  fables, 
but  a  time  which  He,  the  Creator,  has  appointed  to  every 
one  according  to  the  will  of  the  Father.    This  is  written  in 
Eccles.  the  Scriptures,  and  is  manifest  to  all  men.    For  although  it 
'  *     be  hidden  and  unknown  to  all,  what  period  of  time  is  allotted 
to  each,  and  how  it  is  allotted ;  yet  every  one  knows  this,  that 
as  there  is  a  time  for  spring  and  for  summer,  and  for  autumn 
and  for  winter,  so,  as  it  is  written,  there  is  a  time  to  die,  and 
a  time  to  live.    And  so  the  time  of  the  generation  which  lived 
in  the  days  of  Noah  was  cut  short,  and  their  years  were  con* 
tracted,  because  the  time  of  all  things  was  at  hand.    But  to 
Hezekiah  were  added  fifteen  years.  And  as  God  promises  to 
Gen.26,  them  that  serve  Him  truly,  I  will  fulfil  the  number  of  thy 
8'        days;  Abraham  dies  full  of  days,  and  David  besought  God, 
Ps.  102,  saying,  Take  me  not  away  in  the  midst  of  my  days.  And 
24.      Elfphaz,  one  of  the  friends  of  Job,  being  assured  of  this  truth, 
Job  6,  said,  Thou  shalt  come  to  thy  grave  in  a  full  age,  like  as  a 
shock  qf  corn  comet h  hi  in  his  season.   And  Solomon  confirm- 
ed,     ing  his  words,  says,  The  souls  of  the  unrighteous  are  taken 
lor,°27.  away  untimely.    And  therefore  he  exhorts  in  the  book  of 
Eccles.  Ecclesiastes,  saying,  Be  not  overmuch  wicked,  neither  be 

17 '    thou  foolish:  why  shouldest  thou  die  before  thy  time? 
§.15.    20.  Now  as  these  things  are  written  in  the  Scriptures, the  case 
cred8*"  *s  c*ear> tnat  tne  saints2  knew  that  a  certain  time  was  allotted 
writer*,  to  every  man,  but  that  no  one  knows  the  end  of  that  time,  is 
i28^r.P2.plamly  intimated  by  the  words  of  David,  Declare  unto  me 

Ph.  102,  the  shortness  of  my  days.  What  he  did  not  know,  that  he 
23.  Sept. 

Digitized  by 


Our  Lord's  hour  and  time. 


desired  to  be  informed  of.    Accordingly  the  rich  man  also,  Tr.  v. 
while  he  thought  that  he  had  yet  a  long  time  to  live,  heard  l5>  l6' 
the  words,  Thou  fool,  this  night  thy  soul  shall  be  required  t^Luke 
thee:  then  whose  shall  those  things  be  which  thou  hast  pro-  9 
vided?    And  the  Preacher  speaks  confidently  in  the  Holy 
Spirit,  and  says,  Man  also  knoweth  not  his  time.    Wherefore  Eccles. 
the  Patriarch  Isaac  said  to  his  son  Esau,  Behold,  I  am  old,  Gen. 27, 
and  I  know  not  the  day  qfmy  death.  2# 

21.  Our  Lord  therefore,  although  as  God,  and  the  Word  of 
the  Father,  He  both  knew  the  period  which  He  had  allotted  to 
all,  and  was  conscious  of  the  time  for  suffering,  which  He  Him- 
self had  appointed  also  to  His  own  body ;  yet  since  He  was 
made  man  for  our  sakes,  He  hid  Himself  when  He  was  sought 
after  before  that  time  came,  as  we  do ;  when  He  was  perse- 
cuted, He  fled;  and  avoiding  the  designs  of  His  enemies  He 
passed  by,  and  so  went  through  the  midst  qf  them.    But  Luke  4, 
when  He  had  brought  on  that  time  which  He  Himself  had  30# 
appointed,  at  which  He  desired  to  suffer  in  the  body  for  all 
men,  He  announces  it  to  the  Father,  saying,  Father,  the  hour  Johnir, 
is  come;  glorify  Thy  Son.    And  then  He  no  longer  hid  Him- l' 
self  from  those  who  sought  Him,  but  stood  willing  to  be  taken 

by  them ;  for  the  Scripture  says,  He  said  to  them  that  came 
unto  Him,  Wliom  seek  ye  f  and  when  they  answered,  Jesus  Johnis, 
qf  Nazareth,  He  saith  unto  them,  /  am  He  whom  ye  seek. 4>  5* 
And  this  He  did  even  more  than  once;  and  so  they  straightway 
led  Him  away  to  Pilate.    He  neither  suffered  Himself  to  be 
taken  before  the  time  came,  nor  did  He  hide  Himself  when 
it  was  come ;  but  gave  Himself  up  to  them  that  conspired 
against  Him,  that  He  might  shew  to  all  men  that  the  life  and 
death  of  man  depends  upon  the  divine  sentence ;  and  that  vid. 
without  our  Father  which  is  in  heaven,  neither  a  hair  of  man's  ^'Jq' 
head  can  become  white  or  black,  nor  a  sparrow  fall  into  the  29/ 

nef.  'A19*' 

22.  Our  Lord  therefore,  as  I  said  before,  thus  offered  Himself  §.  16. 
for  all;  and  the  Saints  having  received  this  example  from 
their  Saviour,  (for  all  of  them  before  His  coming,  nay  always, 
were  under  His  teaching2,)  in  their  conflicts  with  their8  vol.  8. 
persecutors  acted  lawfully  in  flying,  and  hiding  themselves  Jotfc.' 
when  they  were  sought  after.    And  being  ignorant,  as  men, 

of  the  end  of  the  time  which  Providence  had  appointed  unto 

Digitized  by 


200  A  time  to  flee  and  a  time  to  stay. 

Apol.  them,  they  were  unwilling  at  once  to  deliver  themselves  up 
Flight.*11*0  the  Power  of  those  who  conspired  against  them.  But 
Ps.  31,  knowing  on  the  other  hand  what  is  written,  that  the  times 
]6'      of  man  are  in  God's  hand,  and  that  the  Lord  killeth,  and 

1  Sam.  . 

3, 6.  the  Lord  maketh  alive,  they  the  rather  endured  unto  the 
Heb.n,end,  wandering  about,  as  the  Apostle  has  spoken,  in  sheep- 
skins, and  goatskins,  being  destitute,  tormented,  wandering 
in  deserts,  and  hiding  themselves  in  dens  and  caves  qf  the 
earth;  until  either  the  appointed  time  of  death  arrived,  or 
God  who  had  appointed  their  time  spake  unto  them,  and 
stayed  the  designs  of  their  enemies,  or  else  delivered  up  the 
persecuted  to  their  persecutors,  according  as  it  seemed  to 
Him  to  be  good.  This  we  may  well  learn  respecting  all  men 
from  David:  for  when  Joab  instigated  him  to  slay  Saul,  he 
l  Sam.  Said,  As  the  Lord  liveth,  the  Lord  shall  smite  him  ;  or  his 

26  1Q 

ii J    '  day  shall  come  to  die;  or  he  shall  descend  into  battle,  and 
perish;  the  Lord  forbid  that  I  should  stretch  forth  my  hand 
against  the  Lord?  8  anointed. 
§.  17.    23.  And  if  ever  in  their  flight  they  voluntarily  came  unto 
those  that  sought  after  them,  they  did  not  do  so  without 
reason:  but  when  the  Spirit  spoke  unto  them,  then  as 
righteous  men  they  went  and  met  their  enemies ;  by  which 
they  also  shewed  their  obedience  and  zeal  towards  God. 
Such  was  the  conduct  of  Elias,  when,  being  commanded  by 
the  Spirit,  he  shewed  himself  unto  Ahab;  and  of  Micaiah 
the  prophet  when  he  came  to  the  same  Ahab;  and  of  the 
prophet  who  cried  against  the  altar  in  Samaria,  and  rebuked 
Jeroboam;  and  of  Paul  when  he  appealed  unto  Caesar.  It 
was  not  certainly  through  cowardice  that  they  fled:  God 
forbid.    The  flight  to  which  they  submitted  was  rather  a 
conflict  and  war  against  death.    For  with  wise  caution  they 
guarded  against  these  two  things;  either  that  they  should 
offer  themselves  up  without  reason,  (for  this  would  have 
been  to  kill  themselves,  and  to  become  guilty  of  death,  and 
Mat.i9,to  transgress  that  saying  of  the  Lord,  What  God  hath  joined, 
6*       let  not  man  put  asunder;)  or  that  they  should  willingly 
subject  themselves  to  the  reproach  of  negligence,  as  if  they 
were  unmoved  by  the  tribulations  which  they  met  with  in 
,  ^     their  flight,  and  which  brought  with  them  sufferings  greater  and 
supr.p.  more  terrible  than  death.    For  he  that  dies,  ceases  to  suffer1; 

Digitized  by  Google 

A  life  of  flight  worse  than  death. 


but  he  that  flies,  while  he  expects  daily  the  assaults  of  his  Tr.  v. 
enemies,  esteems  death  a  lighter  evil.  They  therefore  whose  17 9 18* 
course  was  consummated  in  their  flight  did  not  perish  dis- 
honourably, but  attained  as  well  as  others  the  glory  of 
martyrdom.  Therefore  it  is  that  Job  is  accounted  a  man 
of  mighty  fortitude,  because  he  endured  to  live  under  so 
many  and  such  severe  sufferings,  of  which  he  would  have 
had  no  perception,  had  he  come  to  his  end. 

24.  Wherefore  the  blessed  Fathers  thus  regulated  their  con- 
duct also ;  they  shewed  no  cowardice  in  fleeing  from  the  perse- 
cutor, but  rather  manifested  their  fortitude  of  soul  in  shutting 
themselves  up  in  close  and  dark  places,  and  living  a  hard 
life.  Yet  did  they  not  desire  to  avoid  the  time  of  death  when 
it  arrived;  for  their  concern  was  neither  to  shrink  from  it 
when  it  came,  nor  to  forestall  the  sentence  determined  by 
Providence,  nor  to  resist  His  dispensation,  for  which  they 
knew  themselves  to  be  preserved ;  lest  by  acting  hastily,  they 
should  become  to  themselves  the  cause  of  terror:  for  thus 

it  is  written,  He  that  is  hasty  with  his  lips,  shall  bring  terror  Proy. 
upon  himself.  Sept." 

25.  Of  a  truth  no  one  can  possibly  doubt  that  they  were  18. 
well  furnished  with  the  virtue  of  fortitude.    For  the  Patriarch 
Jacob  who  had  before  fled  from  Esau,  feared  not  death  when 

it  came,  but  at  that  very  time  blessed  the  Patriarchs,  each 
according  to  his  deserts.  And  the  great  Moses  who  pre- 
viously had  hid  himself  from  Pharaoh,  and  had  withdrawn 
into  Midian  for  fear  of  him,  when  he  received  the  command- 
ment, Go  into  Egypt,  feared  not  to  do  so.  And  again  when  vid.  Ex. 
he  was  bidden  to  go  up  into  the  mountain  Abarim  and  die,  ' 
he  delayed  not  through  cowardice,  but  even  joyfully  proceeded 
thither.  And  David  who  had  before  fled  from  Saul,  feared 
not  to  risk  his  life  in  war  in  defence  of  his  people;  but 
having  the  choice  of  death  or  of  flight  set  before  him,  when 
he  might  have  fled  and  lived,  he  wisely  preferred  death. 
And  the  great  Elias  who  had  at  a  former  time  hid  himself 
from  Jezebel,  shewed  no  cowardice  when  he  was  commanded 
by  the  Spirit  to  meet  Ahab,  and  to  reprove  Ochozias.  And 
Peter  who  had  hid  himself  for  fear  of  he  Jews,  and  the 
Apostle  Paul  who  was  let  down  in  a  basket,  and  fled,  when 
they  were  told,  Ye  must  bear  witness  at  Rome,  deferred  not™,,^ct8 

Digitized  by  Google 

202  The  Saints  courageous  in  their/light,  and  divinely  favoured. 

Apol.  the  journey;  yea,  rather,  they  departed  rejoicing1;  the  one 
Flight.  35  hastening  to  meet  his  friends,  received  his  death  with 
irid.    exultation;  and  the  other  shrunk  not  from  the  time  when  it 
Hist*ii  came>  but  gloried  in  it,  saying,  For  I  am  now  ready  to  be 
26.      offered,  and  the  time  of  my  departure  is  at  hand. 
2Tim.4,         These  things  both  prove  that  their  previous  flight  was 
§.  19. not  the  effect  of  cowardice;  and  testify  that  their  after  con- 
duct also  was  of  no  ordinary  character :  and  they  loudly  pro- 
claim that  they  possessed  in  a  high  degree  the  virtue  of 
fortitude.    For  neither  did  they  withdraw  themselves  to 
gratify  a  slothful  timidity,  seeing  they  were  at  such  times 
2        under  the  practice  of  a  severer  discipline2  than  at  others;  nor 
*ll»fa*t  were  they  condemned  for  their  flight,  or  charged  with  cow- 
ardice, by  such  as  are  now  so  fond  of  criminating  others. 
Nay  they  were  blessed  through  that  declaration  of  our  Lord, 
Mat.  5,  Blessed  are  they  which  are  persecuted  for  righteousness^  sake. 
Nor  yet  were  these  their  sufferings  without  profit  to  them- 
selves; for  having  tried  them  as  gold  in  the  furnace,  as  the 
Book  of  Wisdom  has  said,  God  found  them  worthy  for  Him- 
self.   And  then  they  shone  the  more  like  sparks,  being  saved 
from  them  that  persecuted  them,  and  delivered  from  the  de- 
signs of  their  enemies,  and  preserved  to  the  end  that  they 
might  teach  the  people,  that  their  flight  and  escape  from  the 
rage  of  them  that  sought  after  them,  was  according  to  the  dis- 
pensation of  the  Lord.    And  so  they  became  dear  in  the 
sight  of  God,  and  obtained  the  most  glorious  testimony  to 
their  fortitude. 

§.  20.  27.  Thus,  for  example,  the  Patriarch  Jacob  was  favoured  in 
his  flight  with  many,  even  divine  visions,  and  remaining  quiet 
himself,  he  had  the  Lord  on  his  side,  rebuking  Laban,  and 
hindering  the  designs  of  Esau;  and  afterwards  he  became 
the  father  of  Judah,  of  whom  sprang  the  Lord  according  to 
the  flesh ;  and  he  dispensed  the  blessings  to  the  Patriarchs. 
And  Moses  the  beloved  of  God,  when  he  was  in  exile,  then 
it  was  that  he  saw  that  great  sight,  and  being  preserved  from 
his  persecutors,  was  sent  as  a  prophet  into  Egypt,  and  being 
made  the  minister  of  those  mighty  wonders  and  of  the  Law, 
he  led  that  great  people  in  the  wilderness.  And  David  when 
Pg.46,i.he  was  persecuted  wrote  the  Psalm,  My  heart  is  inditing  a 
Pa.50,3.good  matter;  and,  Our  God  shall  come,  and  shall  not  keep 

Digitized  by  Google 

Tlie  Saints  fled  that  the  truth  might  escape.  203 

silence.    And  again  he  speaks  more  confidently,  saying,  Tr.  v. 
Mine  eye  hath  seen  his  desire  upon  mine  enemies;  and  2Q' 21 '. 
again,  In  God  have  I  put  my  trust;  I  will  not  be  afraid plf^e,' 
what  man  can  do  unto  me.    And  when  he  fled  and  escaped  u- 
from  the  face  of  Saul  to  the  cave,  he  said,  He  hath  sent  from  Ps.67,3. 
heaven,  and  hath  saved  me.   He  hath  given  them  to  reproach 
that  would  tread  me  under  their  feet.  God  hath  sen  t  His  mercy 
and  truth,  and  hath  delivered  my  soul  from  the  midst  of 
lions.    Thus  he  too  was  saved  according  to  the  dispensation 
of  God,  and  afterwards  became  king,  and  received  the  pro- 
mise, that  from  his  seed  our  Lord  should  spring. 

28.  And  the  great  Elias,  when  he  withdrew  himself  to  mount 
Carmel,  called  upon  God,  and  destroyed  at  once  more  than  four 
hundred  prophets  of  Baal ;  and  when  there  were  sent  to  take  him 

two  captains  of  fifty  with  their  hundred  men,  he  said,  Let  fire  2  Kings 
come  down  from  heaven,  and  thus  rebuked  them.    And  he1' 10, 
too  was  preserved,  so  that  he  anointed  Elisha  in  his  own 
stead,  and  became  a  pattern  of  virtue  for  the  sons  of  the  pro- 
phets.   And  the  blessed  Paul,  after  writing  these  words, 
what  persecutions  I  endured;  but  out  of  them  all  the  Lord 2Tim.3, 
delivered  me,  and  will  deliver;  could  speak  more  confidently  n" 
and  say,  But  in  all  these  things  we  are  more  than  cow- Rom.  8, 
querors,  for  nothing  shall  separate  us  from  the  love  of  Christ1.  ^^49 
For  then  it  was  that  he  was  caught  up  to  the  third  heaven,  220. 
and  admitted  into  paradise,  where  he  heard  unspeakable  2  Cor. 
words,  which  it  is  not  lawful  for  a  man  to  utter.    And  for 12' 4* 
this  end  was  he  then  preserved,  that  from  Jerusalem  even  Rom. 
unto  Illyricum  he  might  fully  preach  the  Gospel.  l5)  l9t 

29,  The  flight  of  the  saints  therefore  was  neither  blameable  §.  21. 
nor  unprofitable.  If  they  had  not  avoided  their  persecutors, 
how  would  it  have  come  to  pass  that  the  Lord  should  spring 
from  the  seed  of  David  ?  Or  who  would  have  preached  the 
glad  tidings  of  the  word  of  truth  ?  It  was  for  this  that  the 
persecutors  sought  after  the  saints,  .that  there  might  be  no 

one  to  teach,  as  the  Jews  charged  the  Apostles ;  but  for  this 
cause  they  endured  all  things,  that  the  Gospel  might  be 
preached2.  Behold,  therefore,  in  that  they  were  thus  engaged  in  *  p.  184. 
conflict  with  their  enemies,  they  passed  not  the  time  of  their 
flight  unprofitably,  nor  while  they  were  persecuted,  did  they 
forget  the  welfare  of  others.:  but  as  being  ministers  of  the 

Digitized  by  Google 


The  Saints  fled  for  our  sokes. 

Apol.  good  word,  they  grudged  not  to  communicate  it  to  all  men ; 
Flight.  so  *^at  even  wnu<e  tne7        tne7  preached  the  Gospel,  and 

 gave  warning  of  the  wickedness  of  those  who  conspired 

against  them,  and  confirmed  the  faithful  by  their  exhortations. 
30.  Thus  the  blessed  Paul,  having  found  it  so  by-experience, 
2  Tim.  declared  beforehand,  As  many  as  will  live  godly  in  Christ, 
3' 1  '   shall  suffer  persecution.    And  so  he  straightway  prepared 
Heb.i2,  them  that  fled  for  the  trial,  saying,  Let  us  run  with  patience 
'       the  race  that  is  set  before  us  ;  for  although  there  be  continual 
Rom.  5,  tribulations,  yet  tribulation  worketh  patience,  and  patience 
experience,  and  experience  hope,  and  hope  maketh  not 
ashamed.    And  the  Prophet  Esaias  when  such-like  affliction 
la.  26,  was  expected,  exhorted  and  cried  aloud,  Come,  my  people, 
299      enter  thou  into  thy  chambers,  and  shut  thy  doors:  hide  thy- 
self as  H  were  for  a  little  moment,  until  the  indignation  be 
ip.  186.  overpast1.    And  the  Preacher  who  knew  the  designs  of  the 
Eccles.  wicked  against  the  righteous,  and  said,  If  thou  seest  the  op- 
&f  8*  *  pression  of  the  poor,  and  violent  perverting  of  judgment  and 
justice  in  a  province,  marvel  not  at  the  matter :  for  He  that 
is  higher  than  the  highest  regardeth,  and  there  be  higher 
than  they  :  moreover  there  is  the  profit  of  the  earth.  He 
had  his  own  father  David  for  an  example,  who  had  himself 
experienced  the  sufferings  of  persecution,  and  who  supports 
Pa.  31,  them  that  suffer  by  the  words,  Be  of  good  courage,  and  He 
shall  strengthen  your  heart,  all  ye  that  put  your  trust  in  the 
Lord;  for  them  that  so  endure,  not  man,  but  the  Lord  Him- 
Ps.37,  self,  (he  says,)  shall  help  them,  and  deliver  them,  because 
Ps.40,i  they  put  their  trust  in  Him:  for  I  also  waited  patiently  for 
the  Lord,  and  He  inclined  unto  me,  and  heard  my  calling  ; 
He  brought  me  up  also  out  of  the  lowest  pit,  and  out  of  the 
mire  and  clay.    Thus  is  shewn  how  profitable  to  the  people 
and  productive  of  good  is  the  flight  of  the  Saints,  howsoever 
the  Arians  may  think  otherwise. 
§.  22.    31.  Thus  the  Saints,  as  I  said  before,  were  abundantly  pre- 
served in  their  flight  by  the  Providence  of  God,  as  physi- 
cians for  the  sake  of  them  that  had  need.    And  to  all  men 
generally,  even  to  us,  is  this  law  given,  that  we  should  flee 
when  we  are  persecuted,  and  hide  ourselves  when  we  are 
sought  after,  and  not  rashly  tempt  the  Lord,  but  should  wait, 
as  I  said  above,  until  the  appointed  time  of  death  arrive,  or 

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Persecution  is  from  the  Devil. 


the  Judge  determine  something  concerning  us,  according  as  Tr.  v. 
it  shall  seem  to  Him  to  be  good:  that  we  should  be  ready, 
that,  when  the  time  calls  for  us,  or  when  we  are  taken,  we 
may  contend  for  the  truth  even  unto  death.  This  rule  the 
blessed  Martyrs  observed  in  their  several  persecutions.  When 
persecuted  they  fled,  while  concealing  themselves  they  shewed 
fortitude,  and  when  discovered  they  submitted  to  martyrdom. 
And  if  some  of  them  came  and  presented  themselves  to  their 
persecutors',  they  did  not  do  so  without  reason;  for  immedi- 
ately in  that  case  they  were  martyred,  and  thus  made  it  evi- 
dent to  all  that  their  zeal,  and  this  offering  up  of  themselves 
to  their  enemies,  were  from  the  Spirit. 

32.  Seeing  therefore  that  such  are  the  commands  of  our  §.  23. 
Saviour,  and  that  such  is  the  conduct  of  the  Saints,  let  these 
persons,  to  whom  one  cannot  give  a  name  suitable  to  their  cha- 
racter,— let  them,  1  say,  tell  us,  from  whom  they  learnt  to  per- 
secute ?  They  cannot  say,  from  the  Saints 1.    No,  but  from  the 1  Hist. 
Devil ;  (that  is  the  only  answer  which  is  left  them ;) — from  him  $$"3^ 
who  says,  /  will  pursue,  I  will  overtake.  Our  Lord  commanded  67. 

to  flee,  and  the  saints  fled:  but  persecution  is  a  device  of  the  gX*  16» 
Devil,  and  one  which  he  desires  to  exercise  against  all. 
Let  them  say  then,  to  which  we  ought  to  submit  ourselves; 
to  the  words  of  the  Lord,  or  to  their  fabrications?  Whose 
conduct  ought  we  to  imitate,  that  of  the  Saints,  or  that  of 
those  whose  example  they  have  adopted?   But  since  it  is 
likely  they  cannot  determine  this  question,  (for,  as  Esaias 
said,  their  minds  and  their  consciences  are  blinded,  and  they  is.  5,20. 
think  bitter  to  be  sweet,  and  light  darkness*,)  let  some  one 2  p. 220. 
come  forth  from  among  us  Christians,  and  put  them  to  p#  <}#  " 
rebuke,  and  cry  with  a  loud  voice,  "  It  is  better  to  trust 
in  the  Lord,  than  to  attend  to  the  foolish  sayings  of  these 
men ;  for  the  words  of  the  Lord  have  eternal  life,  but  the  John  6, 


things  which  these  utter  are  full  of  iniquity  and  blood." 

33.  This  were  sufficient  to  put  a  stop  to  the  madness  of  these  §.  24. 
impious  men,  and  to  prove  that  their  desire  is  for  nothing 

else,  but  only  through  a  love  of  contention  to  utter  revilings 

a  Vid.  instances  and  passages  col-  ii.  c.  9.  also  Gibbon,  cb.  xvi.  p.  438. 
lected  in  Pearson's  Vind.  Ignat.  part   Mosheim  de  Reb.  Ante  Const,  p.  941. 

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Irruption  of  Syrianus  into  the  Church. 

Apol.  and  blasphemies.  Bat  forasmuch  as  having  once  dared  to 
f*ohT. fight  against .  Christ,  they  have  now  become  officious,  let 
them  enquire  and  learn  into  the  manner  of  my  withdrawal 
from  their  own  friends.  For  the  Arians  were  mixed  with 
the  soldiers  in  order  to  exasperate  them  against  me,  and,  as 
they  were  unacquainted  with  my  person,  to  point  me  out  to 
them.  And  although  they  ate  destitute  of  all  feelings  of 
compassion,  yet  when  they  hear  the  circumstances  they  will 
surely  be  quiet  for  very  shame. 
»  p.  176.  34.  It  was  now  night1,  and  some  of  the  people  were  keeping 
a  vigil  preparatory  to  a  communion  on  the  morrow,  when 
the  General  Syrianus  suddenly  came  upon  us  with  more 
than  five  thousand  soldiers,  having  arms  and  drawn  swords, 
bows,  spears,  and  clubs,  as  1  have  related  above.  With 
these  he  surrounded  the  Church,  stationing  his  soldiers 
near  at  hand,  in  order  that  no  one  might  be  able  to  leave 
the  Church  and  pass  by  them.  Now  I  considered  that  it 
would  be  unfair  in  me  to  desert  the  people  during  such 
a  disturbance,  and  not  to  endanger  myself  in  their  behalf ; 
therefore  I  sat  down  upon  my  throne,  and  desired  the 
Ps.  136,  Deacon  to  read  the  Psalm,  and  the  people  to  answer,  For  His 
l'  mercy  endureth  for  ever,  and  then  all  to  withdraw  and 
depart  home.  But  the  General  having  now  made  a  forcible 
entry,  and  the  soldiers  having  surrounded  the  Chancel  for 
the  purpose  of  apprehending  me,  the  Clergy  and  those  of  the 
laity,  who  were  still  there,  cried  out,  and  demanded  that 
I  should  withdraw.  But  I  refused,  declaring  that  I  would 
not  do  so,  until  they  had  retired  one  and  alL  Accord- 
ingly I  stood  up,  and  having  bidden  prayer,  I  then  made  my 
request  of  them,  that  all  should  depart  before  me,  saying 
that  it  was  better  that  my  safety  should  be  endangered,  than 
that  any  of  them  should  receive  hurt.  So  when  the  greater 
part  had  gone  forth,  and  the  rest  were  following,  the  monks 
who  were  there  with  me  and  certain  of  the  Clergy  came  up 
and  dragged  me  away.  And  thus,  (Truth  is  my  witness,) 
while  some  of  the  soldiers  stood  about  the  Chancel,  and 
others  were  going  round  the  Church,  I  passed  through, 
under  the  Lord's  guidance,  and  with  His  protection  withdrew 
without  observation,  greatly  glorifying  God,  that  I  had  not 

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Athanasius>s  wonderful  escape.  207  * 

betrayed  the  people,  but  had  first  sent  them  away,  and  then  Tr.  V. 
had  been  able  to  save  myself,  and  to  escape  the  hands  nf24— 26- 
them  which  sought  after  me. 

35.  Now  when  Providence  had  delivered  me  in  such  an  §.  25. 
extraordinary  manner,  who  can  justly  lay  any  blame  upon 

me,  because  1  did  not  give  myself  up  into  the  hands  of  them 
that  sought  after  me,  nor  return  and  present  myself  before 
them?  This  would  have  been  plainly  to  shew  ingratitude 
to  the  Lord,  and  to  act  against  His  commandment,  and  in 
contradiction  to  the  practice  of  the  Saints.    He  who  censures 
me  in  this  matter  must  presume  also  to  blame  the  great 
Apostle  Peter,  because  though  he  was  shut  up  and  guarded 
by  soldiers,  he  followed  the  angel  that  summoned  him,  and 
when  he  had  gone  forth  from  the  prison  and  escaped  in 
safety,  he  did  not  return  and  surrender  himself,  although  he 
heard  what  Herod  had  done.    Let  the  Arian  in  his  madness 
censure  the  Apostle  Paul,  because  when  he  was  let  down 
from  the  wall  and  had  escaped  in  safety,  he  did  not  change 
his  mind,  and  return  and  give  himself  up ;  or  Moses,  because 
he  returned  not  out  of  Midian  into  Egypt,  that  he  might  be 
taken  of  them  that  sought  after  him;  or  David,  because 
when  he  was  concealed  in  the  cave,  he  did  not  discover 
himself  to  Saul.    As  also  the  sons  of  the  prophets  remained 
in  their  caves,  and  did  not  surrender  themselves  to  Ahab. 
This  would  have  been  to  act  contrary  to  the  commandment,  D««t.  6, 
since  the  Scripture  says,  Thou  shalt  not  tempt  the  Lord  thy  4  \% 
God.    Being  careful  to  avoid  such  an  offence,  and  instructed  §.  26. 
by  these  examples,  I  so  ordered  my  conduct ;  and  1  do  not 
undervalue  the  favour  and  the  help  which  have  been  shewn 
me  of  the  Lord,  howsoever  these  madmen  may  gnash  their 
teeth 1  against  me.    For  since  the  manner  of  my  retreat  was 1  Sent, 
such  as  I  have  described,  I  do  not  think  that  any  blame  Jejaist. 
whatever  can  attach  to  it  in  the  minds  of  those  who  are  Pos"^r*^ 
sessed  of  a  sound  judgment:  seeing  that  according  to  holy 
Scripture,  this  pattern  has  been  left  us  by  the  Saints  for  our 
instruction.    But  there  is  no  atrocity,  it  would  seem,  which 
these  men  neglect  to  practise,  nor  will  they  leave  any  thing 
undone,  which  may  shew  their  own  wickedness  and  cruelty. 

36.  And  indeed  their  lives  are  only  in  accordance  with  their 
spirit  and  the  follies  of  their  doctrine;  for  there  are  no  sins 

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208  Hie  profligate  character  of  the  Arians. 

•  Apol.  that  one  could  charge  them  with,  how  heinous  soever,  that 
Flight,        ^°  not  commit  without  shame.     Leontius1,  for  in- 
'  Hist,  stance,  being  censured  for  his  intimacy  with  a  certain 
^28°   younS  woman,  named  Eustolium,  and  prohibited  from  living 
with  her,  mutilated  himself  for  her  sake,  in  order  that  he 
might  be  able  to  associate  with  her  freely.    He  did  not 
however  clear  himself  from  suspicion,  but  rather  on  this 
account  he  was  degraded  from  his  rank  as  Presbyter, 
although  the  heretic  Constantius  by  violence  caused  him  to 
*p.  60.  be  named  a  Bishop.    Narcissus2,  besides  being  charged 
p?99.  many  other  transgressions,  was  degraded  three  times  by 

different  Councils ;  and  now  he  is  the  most  wicked  among 
3  p.  25.  them.  And  George3  who  was  a  Presbyter,  was  degraded  on 
account  of  his  vices,  and  although  he  had  nominated  himself 
a  Bishop,  he  was  nevertheless  a  second  time  degraded  in  the 
great  Council  of  Sardica.  And  besides  all  this,  his  dissolute 
life  is  notorious,  for  he  is  condemned  even  by  his  own  friends, 
as  making  the  end  of  existence  and  happiness  to  consist  in 
the  commission  of  the  most  disgraceful  crimes. 
§.  27.  37.  Thus  each  surpasses  the  other  in  his  own  peculiar  vices. 
But  there  is  a  common  blot  that  attaches  to  them  all,  in  that 
through  their  heresy  they  are  enemies  of  Christ,  and  are  no 
longer  called  Christians1*,  but  Arians.  They  ought  indeed  to 
accuse  each  other  of  the  sins  they  are  guilty  of,  for  they  are 
contrary  to  the  faith  of  Christ;  but  they  rather  conceal  them 
for  their  own  sakes.  And  it  is  no  wonder,  that  being  possessed 
of  such  a  spirit,  and  implicated  in  such  vices,  they  persecute 
and  seek  after  those  who  follow  not  the  same  impious  heresy 
as  themselves;  that  they  delight  to  destroy  them,  and  are 
grieved  if  they  fail  of  obtaining  their  desires,  and  think  them- 
selves injured,  as  I  said  before,  when  they  see  those  alive, 
whom  they  wish  to  perish.  May  they  continue  to  be  injured 
in  such  sort,  that  they  may  lose  the  power  of  inflicting  injuries, 
and  that  those  whom  they  persecute  may  give  thanks  unto  the 
Ps.27,1.  Lord,  and  say  in  the  words  of  the  twenty-sixth  Psalm,  The 
Lord  is  my  light  and  my  salvation;  whom  then  shall  I fear  ? 
The  Lord  is  the  strength  of  my  life  ;  of  whom  then  shall  I  be 
afraid  ?    When  the  wicked,  even  mine  enemies  and  my  foes, 

h  Vid.  supr.  p.  149,  r.  4.  infir.  Hist.   64  init.  vol.  8.  p.  27,  note  h.  pp.  reff. 
Arian.  $$.  17.  34  fin.  41  init.  59  fin.   85,  1.  179,  4.  182.  188,  4.  194,  2. 

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come  upon  me  to  eat  up  my  fleshy  they  stumbled  and  fell :  Tn.  V. 
and  again  in  the  thirtieth  Psalm,  TJwu  hast  known  my  $oulps  ^ 
in  adversities;  Thou  hast  not  shut  me  up  into  the  hands  of  7.8.  9 
my  enemies;  Thou  hast  set  my  feet  in  a  large  room;  in  Christ 
Jesus  our  Lord,  through  whom  to  the  Father  in  the  Holy 
Spirit  be  glory  and  power  for  ever  and  ever.  Amen. 


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[  S.  Serapion,  Bishop  of  Thmuis,  was  a  friend  of  St.  Anthony's ;  to  him 
the  Sainton  his  death,  which  took  place  shortly  hefore  the  following  Letter 
from  Athanasius,left  one  of  his  sheepskins,  leaving  the  other  to  S.  Atha- 
nasius  himself.  His  fellowship  with  Athanasius  in  persecution,  has 
gained  him  the  title  of  Confessor,  and  his  accomplishments  and  talents 
that  of  Scholasticus.  Jerom.  de  Vir.  Illustr.  99.  At  his  suggestion 
Athanasius  about  the  same  date  wrote  his  work  upon  the  divinity  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  addressing  it  to  him.  He  seems  also  to  have  been  a  cor- 
respondent of  Apollinaris.  His  name  is  found  in  the  Roman  Martyrology 
under  March  21.  It  appears  from  the  commencement  of  the  following 
Letter,  written  A.D.  358 — 360,  that  Serapion  had  asked  Athanasius, 
first  for  a  history  of  his  times,  next  for  a  refutation  of  Arianism,  and 
thirdly  for  an  account  of  the  death  of  Arius.  The  death  of  Arius  is  the 
subject  of  this  Letter  itself;  for  the  history  of  his  times  he  refers  him  to 
his  History  of  Arianism  addressed  to  the  Monks,  which  he  sent  him  at  the 
same  time ;  and  the  refutation  of  Arianism,  which  was  also  addressed  to  the 
Monks,  has  sometimes  been  supposed  to  be  the  four  celebrated  Orations 
which  are  his  principal  dogmatic  work.  Though  in  strict  order  of  time 
the  Epistles  both  to  Serapion  and  to  the  Monks  are  later  than  the  History, 
and  the  latter  Epistle,  as  containing  scarcely  an  allusion  to  the  History, 
might  easily  be  detached  from  it,  yet  it  seems  best  in  a  matter  of  this 
kind  to  follow  the  arrangement  adopted  in  the  Benedictine  Edition.] 

1.  Athanasius  to  Serapion  a  brother  and  fellow-minister 
sends  health  in  the  Lord. 

1.  I  have  read  the  letters  of  your  Piety,  in  which  you 
have  requested  me  to  make  known  to  you  the  events  of  my 

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Arius  deceives  Constantine  by  a  false  oath.  211 

times  relating  to  myself,  and  to  give  an  account  of  that  most  Ta.  VI. 
impious  heresy  of  the  Arians,  in  consequence  of  which  I  -  2* 
have  endured  these  sufferings,  and  also  of  the  manner  of  the 
death  of  Arius.    With  two  out  of  your  three  demands  I  have 
readily  undertaken  to  comply,  and  have  sent  to  your  God- 
liness the  letter  which  I  wrote  to  the  Monks ;  from  which 
you  will  be  able  to  learn  my  own  history  as  well  as  that  of 
the  heresy.    But  with  respect  to  the  other  matter,  I  mean 
the  Death,  I  debated  with  myself  for  a  long  time,  fearing  lest 
any  one  should  suppose  that  I  was  exulting  in  the  death  of 
that  man.    But  yet,  since  a  disputation  which  has  taken 
place  amongst  you  concerning  the  heresy,  has  issued  in 
this  question,  whether  Arius  died  in  communion  with  the 
Church  ;  1  therefore  was  necessarily  desirous  of  giving  an 
account  of  his  death,  as  thinking  that  the  question  would 
thus  be  set  at  rest,  considering  also  that  by  making  this 
known  I  should  at  the  same  time  silence  those  who  are  fond 
of  contention.    For  I  conceive  that  when  the  wonderful11 
circumstances  connected  with  his  death  become  known, £217^* 
even  those  who  before  questioned  it  will  no  longer  venture r-  6« 
to  doubt  that  the  Arian  heresy  is  hateful  in  the  sight  of9^^- 

God*.  217,?.6. 

2.  I  was  not  at  Constantinople  when  he  died,  but  Macarius  §.  2. 
the  Presbyter  was,  and  I  heard  the  account  of  it  from  him. 
Arius  had  been  summoned  by  the  Emperor  Constantine, 
through  the  interest  of  the  Eusebians ;  and  when  he  entered 
the  presence  the  Emperor  enquired  of  him,  whether  he  held 
the  Faith  of  the  Catholic  Church  ?  And  he  declared  upon 
oath  that  he  held  the  right3  Faith,  and  gave  in  an  account  of 3  V** 
his  Faith  in  writing,  suppressing  the  points  for  which  he  had 
been  cast  out  of  the  Church  by  the  Bishop  Alexander,  and 
speciously 4  alleging  expressions  out  of  the  Scriptures.  When 
therefore  he  swore  that  he  did  not  profess  the  opinions  fov9§fU9H 
which  Alexander  had  excommunicated  him,  the  Emperor 
dismissed  him,  saying,  "If  thy  Faith  be  right,  thou  hast 
done  well  to  swear ;  but  if  thy  Faith  be  impious,  and  thou 
hast  sworn,  God  judge  thee  according  to  thy  oath."  When 
he  thus  came  forth  from  the  presence  of  the  Emperor,  the 
Eusebians  with  their  accustomed  violence  desired  to  bring 
him  into  the  Church*.    But  Alexander  the  Bishop  of  Con-*P-  w7« 


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212  Death  of  Arius 

Epist.  stantinople  of  blessed  memory1  resisted  them,  saying  that 
Skrap  tne  mventor  °f  *ne  heresy  ought  not  to  be  admitted  to  com- 
i  p  162>  munion ;  whereupon  the  Eusebians  threatened,  declaring, 
r.  3.     «  As  we  have  caused  him  to  be  summoned*  by  the  Emperor, 
MM.vid.  in  opposition  to  your  wishes,  so  to-morrow,  though  it  be 
P  7o'r  l  contrary  to  y°ur  desire,  Arius  shall  have  communion  with  us 
P    ,T   in  this  Church."    It  was  the  Sabbath  when  they  said  this. 
§.  3.      3.  When  the  Bishop  Alexander  heard  this,  he  was  greatly 
distressed,  and  entering  into  the  Church,  he  stretched  forth 
his  hands  unto  God,  and  bewailed  himself;  and  casting 
3*^«-   himself  upon  his  face  in  the  Chancel3,  he  prayed,  lying 
2Q#f ' p*  upon  the  pavement.    Macarius  also  was  present,  and  prayed 
with  him,  and  heard  his  words.    And  he  besought  these  two 
things,  saying,  "  If  Arius  is  brought  to  communion  to-morrow, 
let  me  Thy  servant  depart,  and  destroy  not  the  pious  with 
the  impious ;  but  if  Thou  wilt  spare  Thy  Church,  (and  I 
know  that  Thou  wilt  spare,)  look  upon  the  words  of  the 
Eusebians,  and  give  not  Thine  inheritance  to  destruction 
4<J{"    and  reproach,  and  take  off  Arius4,  lest  if  he  enter  into  the 
fym.    church,  the  heresy  also  may  seem  to  enter  with  him,  and 

5  29>  henceforward  impiety 5  be  accounted  for  piety."    When  the 

Bishop  had  thus  prayed,  he  retired  in  great  anxiety ;  and  a 
wonderful  and  extraordinary  circumstance  took  place.  While 
the  Eusebians  threatened,  the  Bishop  prayed;  but  Arius,  who 
had  great  confidence  in  the  Eusebians,  and  talked  very  wildly, 

6  tU  **-  urged  by  the  necessities  of  nature  withdrew 6,  and  suddenly, 
AStsi  m  tne  language  °f  Scripture,  falling  headlong  he  burst 
l8'      asunder  in  the  midst,  and  immediately  expired  as  he  lay, 

and  was  deprived  both  of  communion  and  of  his  life 

§.  4.      4.  Such  was  the  end  of  Arius :  and  the  Eusebians,  over- 
7vid.    whelmed  with  shame,  buried7  their  accomplice,  while  the 
6. 10. '  blessed  Alexander,  amidst  the  rejoicings  of  the  Church, 
celebrated  the  Communion  with  piety  and  orthodoxy, 
praying  with  all  the  brethren,  and  greatly  glorifying  God,  not 
as  exulting  in  his  death,  (God  forbid !)  for  it  is  appointed 
Heb.  9,  unto  all  men  once  to  die,  but  because  this  thing  had  been 
shewn  forth  in  a  manner  surpassing  the  expectations  of  all 
men.    For  the  Lord  Himself  judging  between  the  threats 
of  the  Eusebians  and  the  prayer  of  Alexander,  condemned 

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was  the  condemnation  of  his  heresy.  213 

the  Arian  heresy,  shewing  it  to  be  unworthy  of  communion  Tb. VI, 
with  the  Church,  and  making  manifest  to  all,  that  although  4f  5' 
it  receive  the  support  of  the  Emperor  and  of  all  mankind, 
yet  it  has  been  condemned  by  the  Church  herself. 

6.  Thus  this  antichristian  workshop1  of  the  Arian  fanatics 1 
has  been  shewn  to  be  unpleasing  to  God  and  impious ;  and"^"' 
many  of  those  who  before  were  deceived  by  it  have  changed 
their  opinions.    For  none  other  than  the  Lord  Himself  who 
was  blasphemed  by  them  has  condemned  the  heresy  which 
rose  up  against  Him,  and  has  again  shewn,  that  howsoever 
the  Emperor  Constantius  may  now  use  violence  to  the 
Bishops  in  behalf  of  it,  yet  it  is  excluded  from  the  com- 
munion of  the  Church,  and  alien  from  the  kingdom  of 
heaven8.    Wherefore  also  let  the  question  which  has  arisen 8 
among  you  be  henceforth  set  at  rest ;  (for  this  is  the  agree-  ™ 
ment  that  was  made  among  you,)  and  let  no  one  join  himself  Mat.i8, 
to  the  heresy,  but  let  even  those  who  have  been  deceived 
repent.    For  who  shall  receive  a  heresy  which  the  Lord  has 
condemned  ?   And  will  not  he  who  takes  up  the  support  of 
that  which  He  has  made  excommunicate,  be  guilty  of  great 
impiety,  and  manifestly  an  enemy  of  Christ  ? 

6.  Now  this  is  sufficient  to  confound  the  contentious ;  §.  5. 
read  it  therefore  to  those  who  before  raised  this  question,  as 
well  as  what  I  have  briefly3  addressed  to  the  Monks  against ^P^216' 
the  heresy,  in  order  that  they  may  be  led  thereby  more 
strongly  to  condemn  the  impiety  and  wickedness  of  the 
Arian  fanatics.    Do  not  however  consent  to  give  a  copy  of 
these  letters  to  any  one,  neither  transcribe  them  for  yourself, 
(I  have  signified  the  same  to  the  Monks  also4;)  but  as  a*P^2i7, 
sincere  friend,  if  any  thing  is  wanting  in  what  I  have  written, 
add  it,  and  immediately  send  them  back  to  me.    For  you 
will  be  able  to  learn  from  the  letter  which  I  have  written  to 
the  Brethren,  what  pains  it  has  cost  me  to  write  it5,  and  also 5  p.  215, 
to  perceive  that  it  is  not  safe  for  the  writings  of  an  indi-r* 2* 
vidual6  to  be  published,  (especially  if  they  relate  to  the 
highest  and  chief7  doctrines,)  for  this  reason; — lest  what  is r."i. 
imperfectly  expressed  through  infirmity  or  the  obscurity  of^Jg*^ 
language,  do  hurt  to  the  reader.    For  the  majority  of  men 
do  not  consider  the  faith  or  the  aim  of  the  writer8,  but  either 8  P- 130> 
through  envy  or  a  spirit  of  contention,  receive  what  is  134,  r.  4. 

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Epmt.  written  as  themselves  choose,  according  to  an  opinion  which 
Serap.  tney  nave  previously  formed,  and  misinterpret  it  to  suit  their 
i  bytmi-  pleasure.  But  the  Lord  grant  that  the  Truth  and  a  sound1 
m«t«»,  jn  Qur  Lor(j  jesus  Christ  may  prevail  among  all,  and 

Alex,   especially  among  those  to  whom  you  read  this.  Amen. 


§.6  fin. 

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[The  beautiful  and  striking  Letter  which  follows  formed  the  introduction 
to  a  work,  which  the  Author,  as  he  says  in  the  course  of  it,  thought 
unworthy  of  being  preserved  for  posterity.  Some  critics  have  supposed 
it  to  be  the  Orations  against  the  Arians,  which  form  his  greatest  work ; 
but  this  opinion  can  hardly  be  maintained,  though  the  discussion  of  it 
does  not  belong  to  this  place.  The  Epistle  to  the  Monks  was  written  in 
358,  or  later,  but  before  the  foregoing  Epistle  to  Serapion.] 

1.  To  those  in  every  place  who  are  living  a  monastic  life,  who  §.  1. 
are  established  in  the  faith  of  God,  and  sanctified  in 
Christ,  and  who  say,  Behold,  we  have  forsaken  all,  anrfMat.19, 
followed  Thee,  brethren  dearly  beloved  and  longed  for,27, 
a  full  greeting  in  the  Lord. 

1.  In  compliance  with  your  affectionate  request,  which 
you  have  frequently  urged  upon  me,  I  have  written  a  short 
account  of  the  sufferings  which  ourselves  and  the  Church 
have  undergone,  refuting,  according  to  my  ability,  the 
accursed1  heresy  of  the  Arian  fanatics,  and  proving  howV*»t*» 
entirely  it  is  alien  from  the  Truth.    And  I  thought  it  needful 
to  represent  to  your  Piety  what  pains*  the  writing  of  these 8  p.  213, 
things  has  cost  me,  in  order  that  you  may  understand  thereby  r' 4* 
how  truly  the  blessed  Apostle  has  said,  O  the  depth  of  the 'Rom. 


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216  Impossible  to  know  God's  Perfections, 

Epibt.  riches  both  of  the  wisdom  and  knowledge  of  God  ;  and  may 
Monks  kindly  bear  with  a  weak  man  such  as  I  am  by  nature.  For 
the  more  I  desired  to  write,  and  endeavoured  to  force  myself 
to  understand  the  Divinity  of  the  Word,  so  much  the  more 
did  the  knowledge  thereof  withdraw  itself  from  me ;  and  in 
proportion  as  I  thought  that  I  apprehended  it,  in  so  much  I 
perceived  myself  to  fail  of  doing  so.  Moreover  also  I  was 
unable  to  express  in  writing  even  what  I  seemed  to  myself 
to  understand ;  and  that  which  I  wrote  was  unequal  to  the 
imperfect  shadow  of  the  truth  which  existed  in  my  con- 

§.  2.      2.  Considering  therefore  how  it  is  written  in  the  Book  of 
Ecdes.  Ecclesiastes,  I  said,  I  will  be  wise,  but  it  was  far  from  me; 
7,23.24.        which  is  far  off,  and  exceeding  deep,  who  shall  find  it 
Ps.  139,  out  ?  and  what  is  said  in  the  Psalms,  The  knowledge  of  Thee 
6'       is  too  wonderful  for  me;  it  is  high,  I  cannot  attain  unto  it; 
Prov.    and  that  Solomon  says,  It  is  the  glory  of  God  to  conceal  a 
25>  2*    thing ;  I  frequently  designed  to  stop  and  to  cease  writing; 
1  pp.240,  believe  me1,!  did.    But  lest  I  should  be  found  to  disappoint 
168'     you,  or  by  my  silence  to  lead  into  impiety  those  who  have  made 
enquiry  of  you,  and  are  given  to  disputation,  I  constrained 
9 p. 213, myself  to  write  briefly2,  what  I  have  now  sent  to  your  Piety. 
r* 2*     For  although  a  perfect  apprehension  of  the  truth  is  at  present 
far  removed  from  us  by  reason  of  the  infirmity  of  the  flesh ; 
yet  it  is  possible,  as  the  Preacher  himself  has  said,  to  per- 
ceive the  madness  of  the  impious,  and  having  found  it,  to 
Eccles.  say  that  it  is  more  bitter  than  death.    Wherefore  for  this 
7»26'   reason,  as  perceiving  this  and  able  to  find  it  out,  1  have 
written,  knowing  that  to  the  faithful  the  detection  of  impiety 
is  a  sufficient  information  wherein  piety  consists.  For 
although  it  be  impossible  to  comprehend  what  God  is,  yet  it 
is  possible  to  say,  what  He  is  not*.    And  we  know  that  He  is 

a  This  negative  character  of  our  make  concerning  God,  relate  not  to 

knowledge,  whether  of  the  Father  or  His  Nature,  but  to  the  accompaniments 

of  the  Son,  is  insisted  on  by  other  of  His  Nature."  Damasc.  F.  O.  i.  4. 

writers.  "  When  we  speak  of  the  sub-  S.  Basil  ad  Eunom.  i.  10.  speaks  sirai- 

stance  of  any  being,  we  have  to  say  larly  of  the  negative  attributes,  (so  to 

what  it  is,  not  what  it  is  not ;  how-  speak,)  of  the  Divine  Nature,  adding, 

ever,  as  relates  to  God,  it  is  impossible  however,  the  positive.  And  St.  Austin 

to  say  what  He  is  as  to  His  substance,  says,  "  Totum  ab  animo  rejicite;  quid- 

....  All  we  can  know  about  the  Divine  quid  occurrerit,  negate. . .  .dicite  turn 

Nature  i«,  that  it  is  not  to  be  known;  est  Mud"  August.  Enarrat.  2.  in  Psalm 

and  whatever  positive  statements  we  26. 8."  How," says  St.  Cyril,  "the Fa- 

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or  His  Son,  except  negatively.  217 

not  as  man;  and  that  it  is  not  lawful  to  conceive  of  anyTR.vil. 
created 1  nature  as  existing  in  Him.    So  also  respecting  the  1  2J3' 
Son  of  God,  although  we  are  by  nature  very  far  from  being 
able  to  apprehend  Him ;  yet  it  is  possible  and  easy  to  con-  J01^ 
demn  the  assertions  of  the  heretics  concerning  Him,  and  to  note  e. 
say,  that  the  Son  of  God  is  not  such ;  nor  is  it  lawful  even 
to  conceive  in  our  minds  such  things  as  they  speak,  con- 
cerning His  divinity ;  much  less  to  utter  them  with  the  lips. 

3.  Accordingly  I  have  written  as  well  as  I  was  able;  and  §.  3. 
you,  dearly  beloved,  receive  these  communications  not  as 
containing  a  perfect  exposition  of  the  doctrine  of  the  divinity 

of  the  Word,  but  as  being  merely  a  refutation  of  the  impiety 
of  the  enemies  of  Christ,  and  as  containing  and  affording  to 
those  who  desire  it,  suggestions 2  for  arriving  at  a  pious  and 2 
sound3  faith  in  Christ.    And  if  in  any  thing  they  are  de-?p.2i4, 
fective,  (and  I  think  they  are  defective  in  all  respects,) r-  *• 
pardon  it  with  a  pure  conscience,  and  only  receive  favourably 
the  boldness4  of  my  good  intentions  in  support  of  godliness. 4  «  «-,x- 
For  an  utter  condemnation  of  the  heresy  of  the  Arians,  it  is'*"*" 
sufficient  for  you  to  know  the  judgment  which  has  been 
given  by  the  Lord  in  the  death  of  Arius,  of  which  you  have 
already  been  informed  by  others.    For  the  Lord  of  Hosts  Is.  14, 
hath  purposed,  and  who  shall  disannul  it  ?  and  whom  the  27' 
Lord  hath  condemned  who  shall  justify5?  After  such  a  sign65  so 
has  been  given,  who  does  not  now  acknowledge,  that  the^i^g. 
heresy  is  hated  of  God7,  however  it  may  have  men  for  its6^1*'"* 
patrons  ?  2ii  ,?.i. 

4.  Now  when  you  have  read  this  account,  pray  for  me>^"^'f(i" 
and  exhort  one  another  so  to  do.    And  immediately  send  it  p.  211, 
back  to  me,  and  suffer  no  one  whatever  to  take  a  copy  of  it, T'  2* 
nor  transcribe  it  for  yourselves8.    But  like  good  money-8 p. 213, 
changers*  be  satisfied  with  the  reading;   but  read  it  re-1,3, 
peatedly  if  you  desire  to  do  so.    For  it  is  not  safe  that  the 

ther  begat  the  Son,  we  profess  not  to  Append.  Aug.  Oper.  t.  6.  p.  383. 
tell ;  only  we  insist  upon  its  not  being      b  On  this  celebrated  text,  as  it  may 

in  this  manner  or  that."  Catech.  xi.  11.  be  called,  which  is  cited  so  frequently 

"  Patrem  non  esse  Filium,  sed  habere  by  the  Fathers,  vid.  Coteler.  in  Const. 

Filium  qui  Pater  non  sit;  Filium  non  Apol.  ii.  36.  in  Clement.  Horn.  ii.  51. 

esse  Patrem,  sed  Filium  Dei  esse  na-  Potter  in  Clem.  Strom,  i.  p.  426.  Vales, 

turn  j  sanctum  quoque  Paracletum  esse,  in  Euseb.  Hist.  vii.  7.  vid.  also  S.  Cyril, 

qui  nec  Pater  sit  ipse,  nec  Filius,  sed  a  Catech.  tr.  p.  78,  note  o. 
Patre  Filioque  procedat.  Anonym,  in 

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Epi8t.  writings  of  us  babblers  and  private  persons1  should  fall  into 
Monks  tne  nands  of  them  that  shall  come  after.  Salute  one  another 
*iiwr2$,  in  love,  and  also  all  that  come  unto  you  in  piety  and  faith, 
f.  6.13>  -^or  if  anV  man9  as  tne  Apostle  has  said,  love  not  the  Lord, 
Apol.  let  him  be  anathema.  The  grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
Ar.^*.  9.  be  with  you.  Amen. 

supr.  p. 
27.  §.12. 
p.  30. 
1  Cor. 
16,  22. 

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[Down  to  the  Year  857,  the  beginning  being  lost.] 

[The  earlier  portion  of  this  History,  which  seems  to  have  commenced  with 
the  Author's  elevation  to  his  see,  has  not  "been  preserved,  because,  as 
Montfaucon  conjectures,  it  was  considered  hut  a  repetition  of  the  second 
part  of  the  Apology  against  the  Arians,  §.  59 — 84.  pp.  88 — 1 16.  supr. 
He  notices  a  correspondence  even  in  the  words  employed  in  the  two 
works,  at  the  place  in  the  Apology  where  the  line  of  narrative  may  he 
considered  to  he  taken  up  hy  the  opening  hut  broken  sentence  of  the 
following  History.  In  the  beginning  of  §.  84.  of  the  Apology,  supr.  p.  1 16, 
towards  the  end  of  its  second  part,  Athanasius  says,  "  As  such  is  the 
nature  of  their  machinations,  so  they  very  soon  shewed  plainly  the  reasons 
of  their  conduct.  For,  when  they  went  away,  they  took  the  Arians  with 
them  to  Jerusalem,  and  there  admitted  them  to  communion  and  in  the 
beginning,  as  extant,  of  the  History.  "  And  not  long  after >  they  pro- 
ceeded to  put  in  execution  the  designs  for  the  sake  of  which  they  had 
had  recourse  to  these  artifices;  for  they  no  sooner  had  formed  their  plans, 
but  they  immediately  admitted  the  Arians  to  communion"  vid.  also  infir. 
p.  220,  r.  2.  Papebroke,  whomTillemont  in  the  main  follows,  considers  that 
the  whole  Apology  formed  a  sort  of  third  part  of  the  Work  addressed  to  the 
Monks,  (the  dogmatic  treatise  being  the  first  of  the  three.)  And  in  main- 
tenance of  this  opinion  he  proposes  an  ingenious  though  untenable  emend- 
ation of  some  words  in  the  text  of  Athanasius,  or  rather  in  the  notes  added 
to  the  text  by  his  copyists,  (in  Maii  2.  p.  187.)  A  question  has  been  raised 
about  the  genuineness  of  the  work  before  us,  under  the  idea  that  it  probably 
was  the  writing  of  a  companion  of  Athanasius,  not  of  the  Saint  himself.  It 
cannot  be  denied  that  in  parts  it  is  written  in  a  livelier  and  terser,  not  to 
say  freer,  style  than  his  other  works,  and  he  speaks  of  himself  in  the  third 
person.  And  there  is  a  passage,  where,  if  the  text  be  not  corrupt,  the 
writer  distinguishes  himself  from  Athanasius,  §.  52.  But  on  the  other  hand, 
there  is  a  passage  in  which  he  speaks  in  the  first  person  where  none  but 
Athanasius  can  be  meant,  vid.  §.  21.  p.  236.  And  he  speaks  of  himself 
in  other  works  in  the  third  person,  e.  g.  Orat.  i.  §.  3.  Moreover,  it  is 
plain  that  the  very  circumstance  that  he  was  not  writing  in  his  own 
person  would  make  a  considerable  alteration  in  his  mode  of  writing, 
not  to  dwell  on  the  difference  between  an  apology  and  what  is  a  history  and 
invective.  Some  instances  of  agreement  in  words,  phrases,  texts,  &c. 
are  pointed  out  in  the  margin  and  notes.] 

CHAP.  I. 


1.  ....  .  And  not  long  after  they  proceeded  to  put  in  §.  1. 

execution  the  designs  for  the  sake  of  which  they  had  had 

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Avians  sacrifice  morality  and  integrity 

Am  an  recourse  to  these  artifices ;  for  they  no  sooner  had  formed 
Hl8T'  their  plans,  but  they  immediately  admitted  the  Arians  to 
communion.    They  set  aside  the  repeated  condemnations 
which  had  been  passed  upon  them,  and  again  pretended  the 
1  p.  246.  imperial  authority1  in  their  behalf.    And  they  were  not 
ashamed  to  say  in  their  letters,  "  since  Athanasius  has 
*  <ptff##,  suffered,  all  opposition8  has  ceased,  and  let  us  henceforward 
twice  p. receive  the  Arians;"  adding,  in  order  to  frighten  their 
116  fin.  hearers,  *  because  the  Emperor  has  commanded  it.'  More- 
over they  were  not  ashamed  to  add,  "  for  these  men  profess 
ls.5,20.  orthodox  opinions;"  not  fearing  that  which  is  written,  Woe 
unto  them  that  call  bitter  sweet,  that  put  darkness  for 

3  vol.  8.  light 3 ;  for  they  are  ready  to  undertake  any  thing  in  support 
Bapr.p.  °f  tirafr  heresy.  Now  is  it  not  hereby  plainly  proved  to  all,  that  we  both  suffered  heretofore,  and  that  you  now 

persecute  us,  not  under  the  authority  of  an  Ecclesiastical 

4  infr.    sentence4,  but  on  the  ground  of  the  Emperor's  threats,  and  on 
76#    account  of  our  Piety  towards  Christ?  As  also  they  conspired 

in  like  planner  against  the  Bishops,  fabricating  charges 
against  them  also;  some  of  whom  are  fallen  asleep  in  the 
place  of  their  exile,  having  attained  the  glory  of  Christian 
confession  ;  and  others  are  at  this  day  banished  from  their 
country,  and  contend  still  more  and  more  manfully  against 

Rom.  8,  their  heresy,  saying,  Nothing  shall  separate  us  from  the 

™\>A4S>9love  of  Christ*. 

203.  2.  And  hence  also  you  may  discern  its  character,  and  be 
^#  able  to  condemn  it  more  confidently.  The  man  who  is 
their  friend  and  their  associate  in  impiety,  although  he  is 
open  to  ten  thousand  charges  for  other  enormities  which  he 
has  committed ;  although  the  evidence  and  proof  against 
him  are  most  clear;  he  is  approved  of  by  them,  and 
straightway  becomes  the  friend  of  the  Emperor,  obtaining 
favour  by  his  impiety ;  and  making  large  gains,  he  acquires 
confidence  before  the  magistrates  to  do  whatever  he  desires. 
But  he  who  exposes  their  impiety,  and  honestly  advocates 
the  cause  of  Christ,  though  he  is  pure  in  all  things,  though 
he  is  conscious  of  no  delinquencies,  though  he  meets  with 
no  accuser;  yet  on  the  false  pretences  which  they  have 
framed  against  him,  is  immediately  seized  and  sent  into 
banishment  under  a  sentence  of  the  Emperor,  as  if  he  were 

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to  the  purposes  of  their  party.  221 

guilty  of  the  crimes  which  they  wish  to  charge  upon  him,  or  tr.  vin. 
as  if,  like  Naboth,  he  had  blasphemed  the  king.    While  he    ~  * 
who  advocates  the  cause  of  their  heresy,  is  sought  for  and 
immediately  sent  to  take  possession  of  the  other's  Church ;  1  T% 
and  henceforth  confiscations  and  insults,  and  all  kinds  of 
cruelty  are  exercised  against  those  who  do  not  receive  him.  vid.  p. 
And  what  is  the  strangest  thing  of  all1,  the  man  whom  the  j?'** 14 
people  desire,  and  know  to  be  blameless*,  the  Emperor  takes  i  Tim. 
away  and  banishes ;  but  him  whom  they  neither  desire,  nor  3>  2«l79 
know,  he  sends  to  them  from  a  distant  place3  with  soldiers infr.  p. ' 
and  letters4  from  himself.    And  henceforward  a  strong  neces-  p 
sity  is  laid  upon  them,  either  to  hate  him  whom  they  love ;  133,  r. 
who  has  been  their  teacher,  and  their  father  in  godliness ;  4  p"  g, 
and  to  love  him  whom  they  do  not  desire,  and  to  trust  their  r#  3* 
children  to  one  of  whose  life  and  conversation  and  character 
they  are  ignorant ;  or  else  certainly  to  suffer  punishment,  if 
they  disobey  the  Emperor. 

3.  In  this  manner  the  impious  are  now  proceeding,  as  §.  3. 
heretofore,  against  the  orthodox ;   giving  proof  of  their 
malice  and  impiety  amongst  all  men  every  where.  For 
granting6  that  they  have  justly  accused  Athanasius;  yet 5 
what  have  the  other  Bishops  done  ?   On  what  grounds  can  Apoi. 
they  charge  them  ?   Has  there  been  found  in  their  case  too  J"*^ 
the  dead  body  of  an  Arsenius?    Is  there  a  Presbyter  supr.  p. 
Macarius,  or  has  a  chalice  been  broken  amongst  them  ?   Is  66, 
there  a  Meletian  to  play  the  hypocrite  ?   No :  but  as  their 
proceedings  against  the  other  Bishops  shew  the  charges 
which  they  have  brought  against  Athanasius,  in  all  pro- 
bability, to  be  false ;  so  their  attacks  upon  Athanasius  make 

it  plain,  that  their  accusations  of  the  other  Bishops  are 
unfounded  likewise.    This  heresy  has  come  forth  upon  the 
earth  like  some  wild  monster,  which  not  only  injures  the 
innocent  with  its  words,  as  with  teeth6;  but  it  has  also  hired6  ^d. 
external  power  to  assist  it  in  its  designs.  J^" 7> 

4.  And  strange  it  is  that,  as  I  said  before,  no  accusation 
is  brought  against  any  of  them ;  or  if  any  be  accused,  he  is 
not  brought  to  trial ;  or  if  a  shew  of  enquiry  be  made,  he  is  ac- 
quitted against  evidence,  while  the  convicting  party  is  plotted 
against,  rather  than  the  criminal  put  to  shame.  Thus  the  7  ^9 
whole  party  of  them  is  full  of  vileness7 ;  and  their  spies8,  fors*«r«- 

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Avians  persecute  Eustathius, 

am  an  Bishops1  they  are  not,  are  the  vilest  of  them  all.    And  if 
1  U-lvL  any  one  amon8  them  desires  to  become  a  Bishop,  he  is  not 
**      told,  a  Bishop  must  be  blameless3;  but  only,  "  Take  up 
3  ^im*  opinions  contrary  to  Christ,  and  care  not  for  manners.  This 
8  p.  221.  will  be  sufficient  to  obtain  favour  for  you,  and  friendship 
with  the  Emperor."    Such  is  the  character  of  those  who 
support  the  tenets  of  Arius.    And  they  who  are  zealous  for 
the  truth,  however  holy  and  pure  they  shew  themselves,  are 
yet,  as  I  said  before,  made  criminals,  whenever  these  men 
choose,  and  on  whatever  pretences  it  may  seem  good  to 
them  to  invent.    The  truth  of  this,  as  I  before  remarked, 
you  may  clearly  gather  from  their  proceedings. 
§.  4.      5.  There  was  one  Eustathius3,  Bishop  of  Antioch,  a  Con- 
3  P;  190>  fessor,  and  sound  in  the  Faith.    This  man,  because  he  was 

note  a.  7  7 

very  zealous  for  the  truth,  and  hated  the  Arian  heresy,  and 
would  not  receive  those  who  adopted  its  tenets,  is  falsely 
accused  before  the  Emperor  Constantine,  and  a  charge 
invented  against  him,  that  he  had  insulted  his  mother'. 
And  immediately  he  is  driven  into  banishment,  and  a  great 
number  of  Presbyters  and  Deacons  with  him.    And  im- 
mediately after  the  banishment  of  the  Bishop,  those  whom 
he  would  not  admit  into  the  clerical  order  on  account  of 
their  impiety  were  not  only  received  into  the  Church  by 
them,  but  were  eveu  appointed  the  greater  part  of  them  to 
be  Bishops,  in  order  that  they  might  have  accomplices  in 
*        their  impiety.  Among  these  was  Leontius  the  eunuch4,  now 
*p*208  °^  Antioch>  and  before  him  Stephanus,  George  of  Laodicea, 
241,     and  Theodosius  who  was  of  Tripolis,  Eudoxius  of  Ger- 
* P?i33.  manicia,  and  Eustathius 6  now  of  Sebastia. 
^  5#      6.  Did  they  then  stop  here  ?   No.    For  Eutropius3  who 
was  Bishop  of  Adrian ople,  a  good  man,  and  excellent  in  all 
respects,  because  he  had  often  convicted  Eusebius,  and  had 

*  If  the  common  slander  of  the  day  r»*  .Zosim.Hisr.ii.p.78.Con8tantinusex 

concerning  St.  Helena  was  imputed  to  concubina  Helena  procreatus.  Hieron. 

St.  Eustathius,  Constantine  was  likely  in  Chron.  Euseb.  p.  773.  (ed.  Yallars.) 

to  feel  it  keenly.  "  Stabulariam,"  says  Tillemont  however  maintains,  (Empe- 

St.  Ambrose,  "  hano  primo  fuisse  as-  rears,  t.  4.  p.  613.)  and  Gibbon  fully 

serunt,siccognitamConstantio."  deOb.  admits  (Hist.  ch.  14.  p.  190.)  the  legi- 

Theod.  42.  Stabularia,  i.e.  an  innkeeper;  timacy  of  Constantine.  The  latter  adds, 

so  Eahab  is  sometimes  considered  to  be  "  Eutropius  (x.  2.)  expresses  in  a  few 

"  cauponaria  sive  tabernaria  et  mere-  words  the  real  truth,  and  the  occasion 

trix, "Cornel. a  Lap. in  JosAi.l. ty/uXUg  of  the  error,  (ex  obscuriori  matrimcnh 

ymmxU  «£ #ty*nw  rftt  xark  pipt  fmtXJtv  ejus  Alius.'  " 

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Marcellus,  Paul,  and  others. 


advised  them  who  came  that  way,  not  to  comply  with  hisTn.viii. 

impious  dictates,  suffered  the  same  treatment  as  Eustatbius,  — 

and  was  cast  out  of  his  city  and  his  Church.    Basilina1  was1  Julian's 
the  most  active  in  the  proceedings  against  him.    And  Eu-motber* 
phration  of  Balanea,  Cymatius  of  Paltus,  another  Cymatius 
of  Taradus,  Asclepas  of  Gaza,  Cyrus  of  Berea*  in  Syria,  2qu.Ber- 
Diodorus  of  Asia,  Domnion  of  Sirmium,  and  Ellanicus  0frhcea? 
Tripolis,  were  merely  known  to  hate3  the  heresy;  and  some 3 p. 217, 
of  them  on  one  pretence  or  another,  some  without  any,  they  r#  7* 
removed  under  the  authority  of  royal  letters4,  drove  them  out4  p.  221, 
of  their  cities,  and  appointed  others  whom  they  knew  to  be r#  3* 
impious  men,  to  occupy  the  Churches  in  their  stead. 

7.  Of  Marcellus6  the  Bishop  of  Galatia  it  is  perhaps  super-  §.  6, 
fluous  for  me  to  speak;  for  all  men  have  heard  how  the*^2' 
Eusebians,  who  had  been  first  accused  by  him  of  impiety, 
brought  a  counter-accusation  against  him,  and  caused  him 

to  be  banished  in  his  old  age.  He  we$t  up6  to  Rome,  and6AuiAfe, 
there  made  his  defence,  and  being  required  by  them,  he^'f^*8 
offered  a  written  declaration  of  his  faith,  of  which  theinfr.  pp. 

239  r.  3. 

Council  of  Sardica  approved.    But  the  Eusebians  made  no  242^.4! 

defence,  nor,  when  they  were  convicted  of  impiety  out  of 

their  writings,  were  they  put  to  shame,  but  rather  assumed 

greater  boldness  against  all.    For  they  had  interest  with  the  cJjn®- 

Emperor  through  the  women7,  and  were  formidable  to  allstantia, 
r  e  Const,'* 

men.  siater. 

8.  And  I  suppose  no  one  is  ignorant  of  the  case  of  Paul8,  §.  7. 
Bishop  of  Constantinople ;  for  the  more  illustrious  any  city  ^i.191' 
is,  so  much  the  more  that  which  takes  place  in  it  is  not 
concealed.    A  charge  was  fabricated  against  him  also.  For 
Macedonius  his  accuser,  who  has  now  become  Bishop  in  his 
stead,  (I  was  present  myself  at  the  accusation,)  afterwards 
held  communion  with  him,  and  was  a  Presbyter  under  Paul 
himself.    And  yet  when  Eusebius  with  an  evil  eye9  wished9  l^ty- 
to  seize  upon  the  Bishopric  of  that  city,  (he  had  been8u£np'. 
translated  in  the  same  manner  from  Berytus  to  Nicomedia,) 23, 
the  charge  was  revived  against  Paul ;  and  they  did  not  give 

up  their  plot,  but  persisted  in  the  calumny.  And  he  was 
banished  first  into  Pontus  by  Constantine,  and  a  second 
time  by  Constantius  he  was  sent  bound  with  iron  chains  to 
Singara  in  Mesopotamia,  and  from  thence  transferred  to 

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Martyrdom  of  Paul. 

Arian  Emesa,  and  a  fourth  time  he  was  banished  to  Cucusus  in 

 -  Cappadocia,  near  the  deserts  of  mount  Taurus ;  where,  as 

those  who  were  with  him  have  declared,  he  died  by 
^Pj 191  >  strangulation1  at  their  hands.  And  yet  these  men  who 
never  speak  the  truth,  though  guilty  of  this,  were  not 
ashamed  after  his  death  to  invent  another  story,  representing 
that  he  had  died  from  disease ;  although  all  who  live  in  that 
place  know  the  circumstances.  And  even  Philagriusb  who 
was  then  Deputy-Governor0  of  those  parts,  and  represented 
all  their  proceedings  in  such  manner  as  they  desired,  was 
yet  astonished  at  this ;  and  being  grieved  perhaps  that 
another,  and  not  himself,  had  done  the  evil  deed,  he 
informed  Serapion  the  Bishop  as  well  as  many  other  of  our 
friends,  that  Paul  was  shut  up  by  them  in  a  very  confined 
and  dark  place,  and  left  to  perish  of  hunger;  and  when 
after  six  days  they  went  in  and  found  him  still  alive,  they 
immediately  set  upon  him,  and  strangled  him. 

9.  This  was  the  end  of  his  life ;  and  they  said  that  Philip 
who  was  Prefect  was  their  agent  in  the  perpetration  of  this 
murder.    Divine  Justice  however  did  not  overlook  this ;  for 
not  a  year  had  past,  when  Philip  was  deprived  of  his  office 
in  great  disgrace,  so  that  being  reduced  to  a  private  station, 
he  became  the  mockery  of  those  whom  he  least  desired  to 
be  the  witnesses  of  his  fall.    For  in  extreme  distress  of 
Gen.  4,  mind,  a  fugitive  and  a  vagabond,  like  Cain2,  and  expecting 
srfav   everv  day  that  some  one  would  destroy  him,  far  from  his 
««)      country  and  his  friends,  he  died,  like  one  astounded  at  his 
g£p-#    misfortunes,  in  a  manner  that  he  least  desired.  Moreover 
"supr.  these  men  spare  not  even  after  death  those  against  whom 
they  have  invented  charges  whilst  living.    They  are  so  eager 
to  shew  themselves  formidable  to  all,  that  they  banish  the 
living,  and  shew  no  mercy  on  the  dead ;  but  alone  of  all  the 

b  It  is  remarkable  that  this  Phila-  Greg.  Orat.  23.  28.   St.  Athan.  how- 

grius,  who  has  been  so  often  mentioned  ever  wrote  on  the  spot  and  at  the  time, 

wjth  dishonour  in  these  Tracts  of  St.  and  there  is  nothing  inconsistent  in  his 

Athanasius,  as  an  apostate  and  a  per-  being  a  popular  magistrate  and  an 

secutor,  vid.  supr.  pp.  5, 31 ,  &c.  is  repre-  enemy  of  the  Church, 

sentedby  St.  Greg.  Naz.  as  very  popular  c  Vicarius,  i.  e.  "  vicarius  Praefecti, 

in  Alexandria,  and  as  on  that  account  agens  vicem  Prspfecti;"  Gothofred  in 

appointed  to  the  prefecture  there  a  Cod.  Theod.  i.  tit.  6.  vid.  their  office, 

second  time.    He  compares  his  entry  &c.  drawn  out  at  length,  ibid.  t.  6. 

into  the  city  on  this  occasion  to  that  of  p.  334. 
St.  Athan.'s  after  banishment,  vid. 


p.  161 

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Restoration  of  the  Catholics. 


world  they  manifest  their  hatred  to  them  that  are  departed,  tr.  viii. 
and  conspire  against  their  friends,  truly  inhuman  as  they  are,  /,s' 
and  haters  of  that  which  is  good,  savage  in  temper  beyond 
mere  enemies,  in  behalf  of  their  impiety,  who  eagerly  plot 
the  ruin  of  me  and  of  all  the  rest,  with  no  regard  to  truth, 
but  by  false  charges. 

10.  Perceiving  this  to  be  the  case,  the  three  brothers,  §.  8. 
Constantine,  Constantius,  and  Constans,  caused  us  all  after 
the  death  of  their  father  to  return  to  our  own  country  and 
Church ;  and  while  they  wrote  letters  concerning  the  rest  to 
their  respective  Churches,  concerning  Athanasius  they  wrote 
the  following;  which  likewise  shews  the  violence  of  the 
whole  proceedings,  and  proves  the  murderous  disposition, 
of  the  Eusebian  party. 

11.  A  copy  of  the  Letter  of  Constantine  Cmsar  to  the  people 
of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  city  of  the  Alexandrians. 

I  suppose  that  it  has  not  escaped  the  knowledge  of  your 
pious  minds1,  &c.  1  vid. 

12.  This  is  his  letter ;  and  what  more  credible  witness  of 
their  conspiracy  could  there  be  than  this,  who  knowing  A™n. 
these  circumstances  has  thus  written  of  them  ?  |ipr/ 

p.  121. 


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§.9.  I.  The  Eusebians  however,  seeing  the  declension  of  their 
heresy,  wrote  to  Rome,  as  well  as  to  the  Emperors  Con- 
stantine  and  Constans,  to  accuse  Athanasius :  but  when  the 
persons  who  were  sent  by  Athanasius  disproved  the  state- 
ments which  they  had  written,  they  were  repulsed  with 
disgrace  by  the  Emperors ;  and  Julius,  Bishop  of  Rome, 
wrote  to  say  that  a  Council  ought  to  be  held,  wherever  we 
should  desire,  in  order  that  they  might  exhibit  the  charges 
which  they  had  to  make,  and  might  also  freely  defend  them- 
selves concerning  those  things  of  which  they  themselves 
were  accused.  The  Presbyters  also  who  were  sent  by  them, 
when  they  saw  themselves  making  an  exposure,  requested 
that  this  might  be  done.  Whereupon  these  men,  whose 
conduct  is  suspicious  in  all  that  they  do,  when  they  see  that 
they  are  not  likely  to  get  the  better  in  au  Ecclesiastical  trial, 
betake  themselves  to  Constantius  alone,  and  there  bewail  them- 
1  #^r«£-  selves,  as  to  the  patron 1  of  their  heresy.  "  Spare,!'  they  say,"  the 
Syn.d§e.  neresy  5  y°u  see  that  all  men  have  withdrawn  from  us ;  and 

31 127  ver^  ^eW  °^  US  are  D0W  *e^'    ■^e^n  t0  Persecute>  f°r  we  are 
P*     *  being  deserted  even  of  those  few,  and  are  left  destitute. 
Those  persons  whom  we  forced  over  to  our  side,  when  these 
men  were  banished,  they  now  by  their  return  have  persuaded 
again  to  take  part  against  us.    Write  letters  therefore  against 
*p.  224,  them  all,  and  send  out  Philagrius  a  second  time9  as  Prefect 
aote  b.      jjgyp^  for  he  is  able  to  carry  on  a  persecution  favourably 
for  us,  as  he  has  already  shewn  upon  trial,  and  the  more  so, 
3**e«-  as  he  is  an  apostate3.    Send  also  Gregory  as  Bishop  to 
Jfj*'  Alexandria,  for  he  too  is  able  to  strengthen  our  heresy." 
§.  10.     2.  Accordingly  Constantius  at  once  writes  letters,  and 
commences  a  persecution  against  all,  and  sends  Philagrius 
as  Prefect  with  one  Arsacius  an  eunuch ;  he  sends  also 
Gregory  with  a  military  forcer   And  the  same  consequences' 

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Eusebians  decline  the  Council  at  Rome.  227 

followed  as  before  *.    For  gathering  together8  a  multitude  of  tr.  viii. 
herdsmen  and  shepherds,  and  other  dissolute  youths  belong-  /    n  - 
ing  to  the  town,  armed  with  swords  and  clubs,  they  attacked  the 
in  a  body  the  Church  which  is  called  the  Church  of  Cyrinus8;  mhSon, 
and  some  they  slew,  some  they  trampled  under  foot,  others  P- 33- 
they  beat  with  stripes  and  cast  into  prison  or  banished.  ^53^ 
They  haled  away  many  women  also,  and  dragged  themf^^. 
openly  into  the  court,  and  insulted  them,  dragging  them  by  mis. 
the  hair.    Some  they  proscribed;  from  some  they  took  away 
their  bread4  for  no  other  reason,  but  that  they  might  befvid. 
induced  to  join  the  Arians,  and  receive  Gregory  who  had  {53^' 
been  sent  by  the  Emperor. 

3.  Athanasius  however,  before  these  things  happened,  §.  1L 
at  the  first  report  of  their  proceedings,  sailed  to  Rome, 
knowing  the  rage  of  the  heretics,  and  for  the  purpose  of 
having  the  Council  held  as  had  been  determined.  And 
Julius  wrote  letters  to  them,  and  sent  the  Presbyters 
Elpidius  and  Philoxenus5,  appointing  a  day6,  and  saying, 5  p.  39. 
that  either  they  must  come,  or  consider  themselves  as^J-**" 
altogether  suspected  persons.    But  as  soon  as  the  Eusebians  supr.  p. 
heard  that  the  trial  was  to  be  an  Ecclesiastical  one,  at  which  45)  r* 4* 
no  Count  would  be  present7,  nor  soldiers  stationed  before  the7  pp.  26, 
doors,  and  that  the  proceedings  would  not  be  regulated  by249,r'8' 
royal  order,  (for  they  have  always  depended  upon  these 
things  to  support  them  against  the  Bishops,  and  without 
them  they  have  no  boldness  even  to  speak ;)  they  were  so 
alarmed  that  they  detained  the  Presbyters  till  after  the 
appointed  time,  and  pretended  this  indecent  excuse,  that 

they  were  not  able  to  come  now  on  account  of  the  war 
which  was  begun  by  the  Persians6.    But  this  was  not  the 8  p.  46, 
true  cause  of  their  delay,  but  the  fears  of  their  own  con- r* 1# 
sciences.    For  what  have  Bishops  to  do  with  war  ?   Or  if 9 1  Pet. 
they  were  unable  on  account  of  the  Persians  to  come  tO\oT^. 
Rome,  although  it  is  at  a  distance  and  beyond  sea,  why  did*"^s 
they  like  lions9  traverse10  the  parts  of  the  East  and  those  Fnfr.p! 
which  are  near  the  Persians,  seeking  who  was  opposed  to^tn.2< 
them,  that  they  might  falsely  accuse  and  banish  them  ?        §.  22.  iii 

4.  However  when  they  had  dismissed  the  Presbyters  with  r11'8^" 
this  improbable  excuse,  they  said  to  one  another,  "  Since 

we  are  unable  to  get  the  advantage  in  an  Ecclesiastical  trial, 


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228  Cruelties  of  Gregory  at  Alexandria. 

Ahian  let  us  exhibit  our  usual  audacity."    Accordingly  they  write 

 Lto  Philagrius,  and  cause  him  after  a  while  to  go  out  with 

Gregory  into  Egypt.    Whereupon  the  Bishops  are  severely 

1  pp.  61,  scourged  and  cast  into  chains1;  Sarapammon,  for  instance, 
fts       Bishop  and  Confessor,  they  drive  into  banishment ;  Potam- 

mon,  Bishop  and  Confessor,  who  had  also  lost  an  eye  in  the 
persecution,  they  beat  with  stripes  on  the  back  so  cruelly, 
that  he  appeared  to  be  dead  before  they  came  to  an  end. 
In  which  condition  he  was  cast  aside,  and  hardly  after  some 
hours,  being  carefully  attended  and  fanned,  he  revived,  God 
granting  him  his  life ;  but  a  short  time  after  he  died  of  the 
sufferings  caused  by  the  stripes,  and  attained  in  Christ  to 
the  glory  of  a  second  martyrdom.  And  besides  these,  how 
many  monks  were  scourged,  while  Gregory  sat  by  with 
Balacius  the  Duke  !  how  many  Bishops  were  wounded ! 
how  many  virgins  were  beaten! 
§.  13.     5.  After  this  the  wretched  Gregory  called  upon  all  men  to 

2  P»  8«   have  communion  with  him9;  but  if  thou  didst  demand  of  them 

communion,  they  were  not  worthy  of  stripes :  and  if  thou  did 
scourge  them  as  if  evil  persons,  why  didst  thou  ask  it  of  them 
as  if  holy  ?  But  he  had  no  other  end  in  view,  except  to 
fulfil  the  designs  of  them  that  sent  him,  and  to  establish  the 
heresy.    Wherefore  he  became  in  his  folly  a  murderer  and 

3  W^**.  an  executioner3,  injurious,  crafty,  and  profane  ;  in  one  word, 
fin.  247,  an  enemy  of  Christ.  He  so  cruelly  persecuted  the  Bishop's 
r* 2<  aunt,  that  even  when  she  died  he  would  not  suffer  her  to  be 
4p.  i78,Durie(j4    And  this  would  have  been  her  lot;  she  would  have 

§.27  fin.  . 

been  cast  away  without  burial,  had  not  they  who  attended 
on  the  corpse  carried  her  out  as  one  of  their  own  kindred. 
Thus  even  in  such  things  he  shewed  his  profane  temper. 
And  again  when  the  widows  and  other  mendicants*  had 
received  alms,  he  commanded  what  had  been  given  them  to 
be  seized,  and  the  vessels  in  which  they  carried  their  oil  and 
wine  to  be  broken,  that  he  might  not  only  shew  impiety  by 
robbery,  but  in  his  deeds  dishonour  the  Lord ;  from  whom 
vid.  very  shortly b  he  will  hear  those  words,  Inasmuch  as  thou  hast 
Mat.2o,  jjfogkQnQuyed  these,  thou  hast  dishonoured  Me. 

*  AngA**,  vid.  infr.  §.  60.  Tillemont  b  Un  Mr*,  vid.  p.  245,  r.  4.  George 

translates  it,  prisoners.    Montfaucon  was  pulled  to  pieces  by  the  populace, 

has  been  here  followed;  vid.  Collect.  A.D.362.  This  was  written  A. V. 358, 

Nov.  t.  2.  p.  xliii.  or  later. 

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Profaneness  of  Gregory  and  death  of  Balacius. 


6.  And  many  other  things  he  did,  which  exceed  the  power  tb.  viil 
of  language  to  describe,  and  which  whoever  should  hear  would  '  * 
think  to  be  incredible.  And  the  reason  why  he  acted  thus 
was,  because  he  had  not  received  his  ordination  according  to 
ecclesiastical  rule,  nor  had  been  called  to  be  a  Bishop  by 
apostolical  tradition1*;  but  had  been  sent  out  from  court  with 
military  power  and  pomp,  as  one  entrusted  with  a  secular 
government  Wherefore  he  boasted  rather  to  be  the  friend 
of  Governors,  than  of  Bishops  and  Monks.  Whenever  there- 
fore Father  Antony  wrote  to  him  from  the  mountains,  as  godli- 
ness is  an  abomination  to  a  sinner,  so  he  abhorred  the  letters 
of  the  Saint.  But  whenever  the  Emperor,  or  a  General,  or 
other  magistrate,  sent  him  a  letter,  he  was  as  much  overjoyed 
as  those  in  the  Proverbs,  of  whom  the  Word  has  said  indig- 
nantly, Woe  unto  them  who  leave  the  paths  of  uprightness ;  Prov.  2, 
who  rejoice  to  do  evil,  and  delight  in  the  frowardness  of  the  s^**" 
wicked.  And  so  he  honoured  with  presents  the  bearers  of 
these  letters ;  but  once  when  Antony  wrote  to  him  he  caused 
Duke  Balacius  to  spit  upon  the  letter,  and  to  cast  it  from 
him.  But  Divine  Justice  did  not  overlook  this ;  for  no  long 
time  after,  when  the  Duke  was  on  horseback,  and  on  his  way 
to  the  first  halt0,  the  horse  turned  his  head,  and  biting  him 
on  the  thigh,  threw  him  off ;  and  after  three  days  he  died. 

b  He  had  neither  apostolical  call-      c  vid.  supr.  p.  50,  note  h. 

ing,  nor  canonical  ordination,  for  he  This  halt  or  station  which  lay  up  the 

was  a  layman,  nominated  to  his  see  by  Nile  was  called  Cereu,  (A than.  V.  Ant. 

the  Emperor,  and  that,  when  there  was  §.  86.)  or  Chsereus,  or  the  land  or  pro- 

a  lawful  occupant,  and  consecrated  by  perty  of  Chsereus,  vid.  Naz.  Orat.  21, 

heretics.   "  Tradition"  and  "  Canon"  29.  who  says  it  was  the  place  where 

seem  used  nearly  as  synonymous,  p. 249,  the  people  met  Athanasius  on  bis  return 

r.  6.  from  exile  on  Coostantius's  death. 

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§.  15.     1.  While  they  were  proceeding  in  like  measures  towards 

1  p.  14,  all,  at  Rome  about  fifty  Bishops  assembled1,  and  denounced 
note  b.  ^  Eusebians,  as  persons  suspected,  afraid  to  come,  and  also 

condemned  as  unworthy  of  credit  the  written  statement  they 

2  and  p.  had  sent;  but  us  they  received,  and  gladly  embraced*  our 
hy&*n-  communion.  While  these  things  were  taking  place,  a  report 
m.  vid.  0f  the  Council  held  at  Rome,  and  of  the  proceedings  against 
p.  39,  r!  the  Churches  at  Alexandria,  and  through  all  the  East,  came 
5.p.60,tQ  ^  hearing  of  the  Emperor  Constans3.    He  writes  to  his 

3  p.  158,  brother  Constantius,  and  immediately  they  both  determine4 
°infr?§.  t^at  a  Council  shall  be  called,  aud  matters  be  brought  to 
60-      a  settlement,  so  that  those  who  had  been  injured  may  be 

released  from  further  suffering,  and  the  injurious  be  no 
longer  able  to  perpetrate  such  outrages.    Accordingly  there 
assemble  at  the  city  of  Sardica  both  from  the  East  and  West 
to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  seventy  Bishops  %  more 
or  less ;  those  who  came  from  the  West  were  Bishops  only, 
*  *158  having  Hosius  for  their  father6,  but  those  from  the  East 
Snd   '  brought  with  them  instructors  of  youth  and  advocates, 
i-SArf*  ^ount  Musonianus6,  and  Hesychius6  the  Castrensian;  on 
xo*»t,   whose  account  they  came  with  great  alacrity,  thinking  that 
255  256.  Gvery  thing  would  be  again  managed  by  their  authority. 
6  p.  59,  For  thus  by  means  of  these  persons  they  have  always  shewn 

notes  3»  • 

b#  '  themselves  formidable  to  *  any  whom  they  wished  to  inti*- 
midate,  and  have  prosecuted  their  designs  against  whom- 
soever they  chose.    But  when  they  arrived  and  saw  that  the 

*  vid.  sapr.  p.  78,  note  o.  Mont- 
faucon  argues  in  the  Addenda  in  his 
Pr«f.  p.  xxxiv.  from  the  subscriptions 
in  St  Hilary,  p.  1292.  that  the  Bishops 
whose  signatures  occur  without  pro- 
vinces annexed,  (supr.  p.  76.)  were  the 
Bishops  present — whereas  those  who 
were  absent  signed  with  a  mention  of 
their  provinces.    Accordingly  he  con- 

siders the  number  of  orthodox  to  be  86; 
to  which  if  we  add  the  70  or  80  Euse- 
bians, we  approximate  to  the  number 
170.  If  the  parties  were  so  nearly 
matched,  it  is  very  remarkable  that  the 
Eusebians  should  withdraw.  But  they 
had  the  Pope,  Athanasius,  and  Hosius 
against  them. 

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Secession  of  the  Eusebians  at  Sardica.  281 

cause  was  to  be  conducted  as  simply  an  ecclesiastical  one,  tb.  vdl 

without  the  interference  of  the  Count  or  of  soldiers  ;  when  — -  

they  saw  the  accusers  who  came  from  every  church  and  city, 
and  the  evidence  which  was  brought  against  them,  when 
they  saw  the  venerable  Bishops  Arms  and  Asterius1,  who1?.  233, 
came  up  in  their  company,  withdrawing  from  them  andnotea 
siding  with  us,  and  giving  an  account  of  their  profligate 
conduct;  as  their  whole  proceedings  had  been  suspicious, 
so  now  they  fear  the  consequences  of  a  trial,  lest  they  should 
be  convicted  by  us  of  being  false  informers,  and  it  should  be 
discovered  by  those  whom  they  produced  in  the  character  of 
accusers,  that  they  had  themselves  suggested  all  they  were  to 
say,  and  were  the  contrivers  of  the  plot. 

2.  Perceiving  this  to  be  the  case,  although  they  had  come 
with  great  zeal,  as  thinking  that  we  should  be  afraid  to  meet 
them,  yet  now  when  they  saw  our  alacrity,  they  shut  them- 
selves up  in  the  Palace b,  (for  they  had  their  abode  there,) 
and  proceeded  to  confer  with  one  another  in  the  following 
manner,  "We  came  hither  for  one  result;  and  we  see  in 
prospect  another ;  we  arrived  in  company  with  Counts,  and 
the  trial  is  proceeding  without  them.  We  are  certainly  con- 
demned. You  all  know  the  orders  that  have  been  given. 
The  Athanasians  have  the  reports  of  the  proceedings  in  the 
Mareotis2,  by  which  he  is  cleared,  and  we  are  covered  with 2  pp.  47, 
disgrace.  Why  then  do  we  delay  ?  why  are  we  so  slow  ?  J)^16' 
Let  us  invent  some  excuse  and  be  gone,  or  we  shall  be 
condemned  if  we  remain.  It  is  better  to  suffer  the  shame  of 
fleeing,  than  the  disgrace  of  being  convicted  as  false  accusers. 

If  we  flee,  we  shall  find  some  means  of  defending  our  heresy ; 
and  even  if  they  condemn  us  for  our  flight,  still  we  have  the 
Emperor  as  our  patron8,  who  will  not  suffer  the  people  to 3 p. 226, 
expel  us  from  the  Churches."  Tf  lm 

3.  They  reasoned  with  themselves  in  this  manner:  and§.  16. 

b  The  wordPalatiam  sometimes  stands  might  not  lodge  in  it,  except  there 
for  the  space  or  limits  set  apart  in  cities  was  no  Prsetorium,  vii.  10.  2.  Gothofr. 
for  the  Emperor,  Cod.  Theod.xv.  1. 47.  in  vii.  10,  1.  enumerates  (with  refer- 
sometimes  for  the  buildings  upon  it,  encesj  the  Palatia  in  Antioch,  Daph- 
ibid.  vii.  10,  2.  which  were  one  of  the  ne,  Constantinople,  Heraclea,  Milan, 
four  public  works  mentioned  in  the  Treves,  &c.  It  was  a  great  mark  then 
Laws.  ibid.  xv.  1.  35.  and  36.  None  of  imperial  favour  that  the  Eusebians 
but  great  officers  of  state  were  admitted  were  accommodated  in  the  Palatium 
into  it.  xv.  1.  47.   Even  the  judges  at  Sardica. 

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282  Proceedings  of  the  Council  of  Sardica. 

A  man  Hosius  and  all  the  other  Bishops  repeatedly  signified  to  them 
Hl8T'  the  alacrity  of  the  Athanasians,  saying,  4  They  are  ready  with 
their  defence,  and  pledge  themselves  to  prove  you  false 
accusers.9    They  said  also,  i  If  you  fear  the  trial,  why  did 
you  come  to  meet  us?  either  you  ought  not  to  have  come,  or 
now  that  you  have  come,  not  to  flee.'  When  they  heard  this, 
being  still  more  alarmed,  they  had  recourse  to  an  excuse 
*  p.  227,  even  more  indecent  than  that  they  pretended  at  Antioch1, 
T%  8*     viz.  that  they  betook  themselves  to  flight  because  the  Emperor 
had  written  to  them  the  news  of  his  victory  over  the  Persians. 
And  this  excuse  they  were  not  ashamed  to  send  by  Eusta- 
thius  a  Presbyter  of  the  Sardican  Church.  Nevertheless 
their  flight  did  not  succeed  according  to  their  wishes ;  for 
immediately  the  holy  Council,  of  which  the  great  Hosius  was 
president,  wrote  to  them  plainly,  saying,  "  Either  come  for- 
ward and  answer  the  charges  which  are  brought  against  you, 
for  the  false  accusations  which  you  have  made  against  others, 
or  know  that  the  Council  will  condemn  you  as  guilty,  and 
declare  Athanasius  and  his  friends  free  and  clear  from  all 
blame."   Whereupon  they  were  rather  impelled  to  flight  by 
the  alarms  of  conscience,  than  to  compliance  with  the  pro- 
posals of  the  letter :  for  when  they  saw  those  who  had  been 
injured  by  them,  they  did  not  even  turn  their  faces  to  listen 
to  their  words,  but  fled  with  greater  speed. 
§.  17.    4.  Under  these  disgraceful  and  unseemly  circumstances 
their  flight  took  place.    And  the  holy  Council,  which  had 
9  pp.  14,  been  assembled  out  of  more  than  five  and  thirty  provinces2, 
' r'  *  perceiving  the  malice  of  the  Arians,  admitted  the  Athanasian 
party  to  answer  to  the  charges  which  they  had  brought 
against  them,  and  to  declare  the  sufferings  which  they  had 
undergone.    And  when  they  had  thus  made  their  defence, 
as  we  said  before,  they  approved  and  so  highly  admired  their 
3  p.  230,  conduct,  that  they  gladly  embraced3  our  communion,  and 
wrote  letters  to  all  quarters,  to  the  diocese  of  each,  and 
especially  to  Alexandria,  and  Egypt,  and  the  Libyas,  declar- 
ing Athanasius  and  his  friends  to  be  innocent,  and  free  from 
all  blame,  and  their  opponents  to  be  calumniators,  evil-doers, 
4P^8,and  every  thing  rather  thau  Christians4.    Accordingly  they 
s  p.  75.  dismissed  them  in  peace;  but  deposed5  Stephanus  and  Meno- 
phantus,  Acacius  and  George  of  Laodicea,  Ursacius  and 

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Arian  Persecution  after  Sardica.  233 

Valens,  Theodorus  and  Narcissus.    And  against  Gregory  tr.  viii. 

who  had  been  sent  to  Alexandria  by  the  Emperor,  they  put  : 

forth  a  proclamation  to  the  effect  that  he  had  never  been 
made  a  Bishop,  and  that  he  ought  not  to  be  called  a  Chris- 
tian1.   They  therefore  declared  the  ordinations  which  he 'p.  68. 
professed  to  have  conferred  to  be  void,  and  commanded  %  not 
that  they  should  not  be  even  named  in  the  Church,  on*°J^ 
account  of  their  novel  and  illegal  nature.    Thus  Athanasius  but  in 
and  his  friends  were  dismissed  in  peace  (the  letters  concern- 
ing  them  are  inserted  at  the  end  on  account  of  their  length9) ;  Ar.supr. 
and  the  Council  was  dissolved.  76.60"" 

5.  But  the  deposed  persons,  who  ought  now  to  have§.  18. 
remained  quiet,  with  those  who  had  separated  after  so  dis- 
graceful a  flight,  were  guilty  of  such  conduct,  that  their 
former  proceedings  appear  trifling  in  comparison  of  these. 

For  when  the  people  of  Adrianople  would  not  have  com- 
munion with  them,  as  men  who  had  fled  from  the  Council, 
and  had  been  declared  guilty,  they  carried  their  complaints 
to  the  Emperor  Constantius,  and  succeeded  in  causing  ten 
of  the  laity  to  be  beheaded,  belonging  to  the  Manufactory  of 
arms3  there,  Fhilagrius,  who  was  there  again  as  Count,3 de  Fa- 
assisting  their  designs  in  this  matter  also.    The  tombs  ofJ™§0. 
these  persons,  which  we  have  seen  in  passing  by,  are  in  front  thofr. 
of  the  city.  Theod; 

6.  Then  as  if  they  had  been  quite  successful,  because  *• 21  • 
they  had  fled  lest  they  should  be  convicted  of  false  accu- 
sation, they  prevailed  with  the  Emperor  to  command  whatso- 
ever they  wished  to  be  done.  Thus  they  caused  two  Pres- 
byters and  three  Deacons  to  be  banished  from  Alexandria 
into  Armenia.    As  to  Arius  and  Asterius,  the  former  Bishop 

of  Petrae c  in  Palestine,  the  latter  Bishop  in  Arabia,  who  had 

c  This  seems  to  be  the  famous  it  Reland  observes,  Palestine,  p.  928, 

Petra,  the  capital  of  Edom,  which  has  (in  answer  to  Cellarius,  who  considered 

lately  been  discovered  by  travellers ;  in  consequence  that  there  were  two 

Edom  being  formed  into  the  Province  Petra,  Le  Quien  Orien.  Christ,  t.  3. 

Tertia  Palestina,  or  at  least  called  pp.  665.  666.)  that  as  there  is  already 

Palestine,  about  or  soon  after  the  time  one  error  of  text  in  this  passage  (as  it 

of  St.  Athanasius.    But  a  difficulty  appears),  of  Arius  for  Macarius,  so  the 

arises  from  a  passage  in  the  Tomus  ad  word  Petra  may  have  fallen  into  the 

Antioch.  §.  10.  where  Asterius,  the  wrong  place,  instead  of  "  the  one  of  Pa- 

fellow-sufferer  with  Arius,  (or  Maca-  lestine,  the  other  of  Petra  of  Arabia  j" 

riu8,  a*  he  is  called  supr.  p.  74.)  is  said  or  that  Petra  may  be  a  marginal  note, 

to  be  Bishop  of  Petra?  of  Arabia,  as  if  the  which  has  been  incorporated  with  the 

Petra  of  Palestine  were  distinct  from  text  in  the  wrong  place,  as  is  con- 

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234     Tyrannical  measures  against  (he  Alexandrians. 

Ariam  withdrawn  from  their  party,  they  not  only  banished  into 
Hl8T'  upper  Libya,  but  also  caused  them  to  be  treated  with  insult ; 
§.19.  and  as  to  Lucius1,  Bishop  of  Adrianople,  when  they  saw  that 
note  f 9      usec^  &rea*  boldness  of  speech  against  them,  and  exposed 
p.  190.  their  impiety,  they  again,  as  they  had  done  before,  caused 
him  to  be  bound  with  iron  chains  on  the  neck  and  hands, 
and  so  drove  him  into  banishment,  where  he  died,  as  they 
»of  Te-  know.  And  Diodorus  the  Bishop9  they  transported  from  his 
v?d°pp.  place>  but  against  Olympius  of  iEni,  and  Theodulus  of 
76,  223.  Trajanople3,  both  Bishops  of  Thrace,  good  and  orthodox 
not/g.'  men>  when  they  perceived  their  hatred  of  the  heresy,  they 
brought  false  charges. 

7.  This  the  party  of  Eusebius  had  done  first  of  all,  and 
the  Emperor  Constantius  wrote  letters  on  the  subject ;  and 
4  Aca-  next  these  men4  revived  the  accusation.    The  purport  of  the 
^°pB  letters  was,  that  they  should  not  only  be  expelled  from  their 
^'g'1'  cities  and  churches,  but  should  suffer  capital  punishment, 
7,note  p.  wherever  they  were  discovered.    However  surprising  this 
conduct  may  be,  it  is  only  in  accordance  with  their  prin- 
ciples; for  as  being  instructed  by  the  Eusebians  in  such 
proceedings,  and  as  heirs  of  their  impiety  and  evil  principles, 
they  wished  to  shew  themselves  formidable  at  Alexandria,  as 
their  fathers  had  done  in  Thrace.    They  caused  an  order  to 
be  written,  that  the  ports  and  gates  of  the  cities  should  be 
watched,  lest  availing  themselves  of  the  permission  granted 
by  the  Council,  the  banished  persons  should  return  to  their 
churches.    They  also  cause  orders  to  be  sent  to  the  magis- 
trates at  Alexandria,  respecting  Athanasius  and  certain  Pres- 
nhisac-byters,  named  therein,  that  if  either  the  Bishop5,  or  any  of 
forAth.'s  ^e  others,  should  be  found  coming  to  the  city  or  its  borders, 
caution,  the  magistrate  should  have  power  to  behead  those  who  were 

80,  and  firmed  by  the  ran  of  the  passage  supr.  Epistle,  but  in  the  Historia  Arianor. 

236,  r.5.  p.  74.  and  by  passages  to  which  he  re-  §.  18."  Palest,  vol.  2.  p.  665.  But  these 

fers  in  St.  Hilary.    He  observes  more-  were  but  two  titles  of  the  same  work, 

over,  on  the  improbability  of  the  silence  till  Montfaucon  more  correctly  confined 

of  Eusebius,  St.  Jerome,  the  acts  of  the  former  to  the  short  introduction  to  a 

Councils,  and  ancient  Notitiffi,  suppos-  lost  dogmatic  work  which  is  prefixed  to 

ing  there  were  two  Petrse.  Dr.  Robin-  the  History,  (vid.  supr.  pp.  210, 216,  and 

son,  who  in  his  recent  elaborate  and  note  of  Amanuensis  in  Calc.  Hist.)  yet 

useful  work  on  Palestine,  referring  to  even  Montf.  calls  the  History,  "  Ep.  ad 

Beland,  observes,  that "  the  passage  [in  Sol."  Notes,  torn.  1 .  p.  150, 151 .  correct- 

the  text]  is  usually  referred  to  as  con-  ing  himself  in  Prsef.  xxxiii.    And  it  is 

tained  in  the  *  Epist.  ad  solitariam  Vi-  called  "  Epistle  to  the  Solitaries"  by 

tam  agentes,*  though  in  the  Benedictine  Ceillier  even  since  Montfaucon. 
Edition  at  least,  it  is  found,  not  in  that 

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Plot  against  the  Catholic  Legates  at  Antioch.  235 

so  discovered.  Thus  this  new  Jewish  heresy 1  does  not  only  tr.  viii. 
deny  the  Lord,  but  has  also  learnt  to  commit  murder.  r^nf 

8.  Yet  even  after  this  they  did  not  rest ;  but  as  the  father  p.  4. 
of  their  heresy  goeth  about9  like  a  lion,  seeking  whom  he  §•  20. 
may  devour,  so  these  obtaining  the  use  of  the  public  posts 3 
went  about,  and  whenever  they  found  any  that  reproached  vid^u 
them  with  their  flight,  and  that  hated  the  Arian  heresy,  they?  p.  ioo7 
scourged  them,  cast  them  into  chains,  and  caused  them  to  benote  y* 
banished  from  their  country ;  and  they  rendered  themselves 

so  formidable,  as  to  induce  many  to  dissemble,  many  to  fly 
into  the  deserts,  rather  than  willingly  even  to  have  any 
dealings  with  them.  Such  were  the  enormities  which  their 
madness  prompted  them  to  commit  after  their  flight. 

9.  Moreover  they  perpetrate  another  outrageous  act,  which 
is  indeed  in  accordance  with  the  character  of  their  heresy,  but 
is  such  as  was  never  heard  of  before,  nor  is  likely  soon  to 
take  place  again,  even  among  the  more  dissolute  of  the 
Gentiles4,  much  less  among  Christians.    The  holy  Council4 pp. 9, 
had  sent  as  Legates  the  Bishops  Vincentius5  of  Capua,  (this-1^236, 
is  the  Metropolis  of  Campania,)  and  Euphrates  of  Agrippina6,|-  64. 
(this  is  the  Metropolis  of  Upper  Gaul,)  that  they  might  note  c. ' 
obtain  the  Emperor's  consent  to  the  decision  of  the  Council,? Co* 

.  logne. 

that  the  Bishops  should  return  to  their  Churches,  inasmuch 
as  he  was  the  author  of  their  expulsion.    The  most  religious 
Constans  had  also  written  to  his  brother7,  and  supported  the7  ^fr» 
cause  of  the  Bishops.    But  these  admirable  men,  who  are**60" 
equal  to  any  act  of  audacity,  when  they  saw  the  two  Legates 
at  Antioch,  consulted  together  and  formed  a  plot,  which 
Stephanus8  undertook  by  himself  to  execute,  as  being  a 8  Bishop 
suitable  instrument  for  such  purposes.    Accordingly  they^och^p, 
hire  a  common  harlot,  even  at  the  season  of  the  most  holy  6°>  r«  6. 
Easter,  and  stripping  her  introduce  her  by  night  into  the 
apartment  of  the  Bishop  Euphrates.     The  harlot  who 
thought  that  it  was  a  young  man  who  had  sent  to  invite 
her,  at  first  willingly  accompanied  them;  but  when  they 
thrust  her  in,  and  she  saw  the  man  asleep  and  unconscious 
of  what  was  going  on,  and  when  presently  she  distinguished 
his  features,  and  beheld  the  face  of  an  old  man,  and  the 
figure  of  a  Bishop,  she  immediately  cried  aloud,  and  declared 
that  violence  was  used  towards  her.    They  desired  her  to  be 

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Constantius^  change  of  mind. 

Abian  silent,  and  to  lay  a  false  charge  against  the  Bishop  ;  and  so 
Hl8T'  when  it  was  day,  the  matter  was  noised  abroad,  and  all  the 

note^1' C^  11111  together;  and  those  who  came  from  the  Palace1  were 
in  great  commotion,  wondering  at  the  report  which  had  been 
spread  abroad,  and  demanding  that  it  should  not  be  passed 
by  in  silence.    An  enquiry  therefore  was  made,  and  her 

2  irmp-  master8  gave  information  concerning  those  who  came  to 

******  fetch  the  harlot,  and  these  informed  against  Stephanus; 
for  they  were  his  Clergy.  Stephanus  therefore  is  deposed, 
and  Leontius  the  eunuch3  appointed  in  his  place,  only  that 

24T!note*ke  Arian  heresy  may  not  want  a  supporter. 

*•  10.  And  now  the  Emperor  Constantius,  feeling  some 

*  compunctions,  returned  to  a  right4  mind;  and  concluding 
from  their  conduct  towards  Euphrates,  that  their  attacks 
upon  the  others  were  of  the  same  kind,  he  gives  orders  that 
the  Presbyters  and  Deacons  who  had  been  banished  from 
Alexandria  into  Armenia  should  immediately  be  released. 
He  also  writes  publicly  to  Alexandria  commanding  that  the 
clergy  and  laity  who  were  friends  of  Athanasius  should  suffer 
no  further  persecution.  And  when  Gregory  died  about  ten 
months  after,  he  sends  for  Athanasius  with  every  mark  of 
honour,  writing  to  him  no  less  than  three  times  a  very 

*  pp.  79,  friendly  letter5,  in  which  he  exhorted  him  to  take  courage 
and  come.  He  sends  also  a  Presbyter  and  a  Deacon,  that 
he  may  be  still  further  encouraged  to  return ;  for  he  thought 

6vid.  p.  that,  through  alarm  at  what  had  taken  place  before,  I6  did 
not  care  to  return.  Moreover  he  writes  to  his  brother 
Constans,  that  he  also  would  exhort  me  to  return.  And  he 
affirmed  that  he  had  been  expecting  Athanasius  a  whole 
year,  and  that  he  would  not  permit  any  change  to  be  made, 
or  any  ordination  to  take  place,  as  he  was  preserving  the 
Churches  for  Athanasius  their  Bishop. 

§.  22.  11.  When  therefore  he  wrote  in  this  strain,  and  encouraged 
him  by  means  of  many,  (for  he  caused  Polemius,  Datianus, 

7  p.  166, Bardion,  Thalassus7,  Taurus8, and  Florentius,  his  Counts,  in 

8At*Ari-whom  Athanasius  could  best  confide,  to  write  also;)  Atha- 

minum.  nasius  committing  the  whole  matter  to  God,  who  had  stirred 
the  conscience  of  Constantius  to  do  this,  came  with  his 
friends  to  him ;  and  he  gave  him  a  favourable  audience,  and 
sent  him  away  to  go  to  his  country  and  his  Churches, 

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Letters  of  Constantius  in  behalf  of  Athanasius.  237 

writing  at  the  same  time  to  the  magistrates  in  the  several  tr.  viii. 
places,  that  whereas  he  had  before  commanded  the  ways  to — =^-: 
be  guarded,  they  should  now  grant  him  a  free  passage. 
Then  when  the  Bishop  complained  of  the  sufferings  he  had 
undergone,  and  of  the  letters  which  the  Emperor  had  written 
against  him,  and  besought  him  that  the  false  accusations 
against  him  might  not  be  revived  by  his  enemies  after  his 
departure,  saying,  "  If  you  please,  summon  these  persons ; 
for  as  far  as  we  are  concerned  they  are  at  liberty  to  stand 
forth,  and  we  will  expose  their  conduct ;"  he  would  not  do 
this,  but  commanded  that  whatever  had  been  before 
slanderously  written  against  him  should  all  be  destroyed 
and  obliterated,  affirming  that  he  would  never  again  listen 
to  any  such  accusations,  and  that  his  purpose  was  fixed  and 
unalterable.  This  he  did  not  simply  say,  but  sealed  his 
words  with  an  oath,  calling  upon  God  to  be  witness  of  them. 
And  so  encouraging  him  with  many  other  words,  and  de- 
siring him  to  be  of  good  courage,  he  sends  the  following 
letters  to  the  Bishops  and  Magistrates. 

12.  Constantius  Augustus,  the  Great,  the  Conqueror,  to    §.  23. 
the  Bishops  and  Clergy  of  the  Catholic  Church. 

The  most  Reverend  Athanasius  has  not  been  deserted  by 

the  grace  of  God !,  &c.  1 


Another  Letter. 

From  Constantius  to  the  people  of  Alexandria.  64# 
r    r  supr.  p. 

Desiring  as  we  do  your  welfare  in  all  respects8,  &c.  82.^ 


Another  Letter.  contr. 

.       -~  Arian. 

Constantius  Augustus,  the  Conqueror,  to  Nestonus,  Pre-    $ .  56. 

feet  of  Egypt.  JJf-P- 

It  is  well  known  that  an  order  was  heretofore  given  by  us, 
and  that  certain  documents  are  to  be  found  prejudicial  to 
the  character  of  the  most  reverend  Bishop  Athanasius ;  and 
that  these  exist  among  the  Orders3  of  your  worship.  Now3orAc- 
we  desire  your  Prudence,  of  which  we  have  good  proof,  to  J*  ™^ 
transmit  to  our  Court,  in  compliance  with  this  our  order,  all  supr.  p. 
the  letters  respecting  the  fore-mentioned  person,  which  are84, 
found  in  your  Order-Book3. 

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238         Return  of  Athanasius  from  second  exile. 

Arian     13*  The  following  is  the  letter  which  he  wrote  after  the 
HlST*  death  of  the  blessed  Constans.    It  was  written  in  Latin,  and 
Mother*8  here  translated  into  Greek1. 

trans-  t 

lation,        Constantius  Augustus,  the  Conqueror,  to  Athanasius. 

p.  174. 

It  is  not  unknown  to  your  Prudence,  that  it  was  my 
constant  prayer,  that  prosperity  might  attend  my  late 
brother  Constans  in  all  his  undertakings ;  and  your  wisdom 
may  therefore  imagine  how  greatly  I  was  afflicted  when  I 
learnt  that  he  had  been  taken  off  by  most  unhallowed  hands. 
Now  whereas  there  are  certain  persons  who  at  the  present 
time  endeavour  to  alarm  you  by  that  so  melancholy  event,  I 
have  therefore  thought  it  right  to  address  this  letter  to  your 
Constancy,  to  exhort  you  that,  as  becomes  a  Bishop,  you 
would  teach  the  people  those  things  which  pertain  to  the 
service  of  God,  and  that,  as  you  are  accustomed  to  do,  you 
would  employ  your  time  in  prayers  together  with  them,  and 
not  give  credit  to  vain  rumours,  whatever  they  may  be. 
For  our  fixed  determination  is,  that  you  should  continue, 
agreeably  to  our  desire,  to  perform  the  office  of  a  Bishop  in 
your  own  place.  May  Divine  Providence,  preserve  you, 
4  fnZ  most  beloved  Father*,  many  years. 

§.  25.  14.  Under  these  circumstances,  when  they  had  at  length 
taken  their  leave,  and  commenced  their  journey,  those  who 
were  friendly  to  them  rejoiced  to  see  their  friend ;  but  of  the 
other  party,  some  were  confounded  at  the  sight  of  himj 
others  not  having  the  confidence  to  appear,  hid  themselves ; 
and  others  repented  of  what  they  had  written  against  the 
Bishop.  Thus  all  the  Bishops  of  Palestine,  except  some 
two  or  three,  and  those  men  of  suspected  character,  so 
willingly  received  Athanasius,  and  embraced  communion 

*p.85.  with  him3,  that  they  wrote  to  excuse  themselves,  on  the 
ground  that  in  what  they  had  formerly  written,  they  had 

*  *mtk  acted,  not  according  to  their  own  wishes4,  but  by  compulsion, 
Qf  tne  Bishops  of  Egypt  and  the  Libyan  provinces,  of  the 
laity  both  of  those  countries  and  of  Alexandria,  it  is  super- 
fluous for  me  to  speak.  They  all  ran  together,  and  were 
possessed  with  unspeakable  delight,  that  they  had  not  only 
received  their  friends  alive  contrary  to  their  hopes ;  but  that 

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Recantation  of  Ursacius  and  Valens,  239 

they  were  also  delivered  from  the  heretics  who  were  asTR.viu. 
tyrants  and  as  raging  dogs  towards  them.    Accordingly — 1 — - 
great  was  their  joy,  the  people  in  the  congregations 
encouraging  one  another  in  virtue.    How  many  unmarried 
women,  who  were  before  ready  to  enter  upon  marriage,  now 
remained  virgins  to  Christ !   How  many  young  men,  seeing 
the  examples  of  others,  embraced  the  monastic  life !  How 
many  fathers  persuaded  their  children,  and  how  many 
were  urged  by  their  children,  to  submit  themselves  to 
Christian  discipline1 !   How  many  wives  persuaded  their1 
husbands,  and  how  many  were  persuaded  by  their  husbands,  p!*202, 
to  give  themselves  to  prayer,  as  the  Apostle  has  spoken  ! r* 2- 
How  many  widows  and  how  many  orphans,  who  were  before 
hungry  and  naked,  now  through  the  great  zeal  of  the  people, 
were  no  longer  hungry,  and  went  forth  clothed  !   Tn  a  word, 
so  great  was  their  emulation  in  virtue,  that  you  would  have 
thought  every  family  and  every  house  a  Church,  by  reason 
of  the  goodness  of  its  inmates,  and  the  prayers  which  were 
offered  to  God*    And  in  the  Churches  there  was  a  profound 
and  wonderful  peace,  while  the  Bishops  wrote  from  all 
quarters,  and  received  from  Athanasius  the  customary  letters 
of  peace* 

15.  Moreover  Ursacius  and  Valens,  as  if  suffering  the§.  26. 
scourge  of  conscience,  came  to  another  mind,  and  wrote  to 
the  Bishop  himself  a  friendly  and  peaceable  letter3,  although2  p.  86, 
they  had  received  no  communication  from  him.    And  going    e  q' 
up3  to  Rome  they  repented,  and  confessed  that  all  their  pro-3«wx- 
ceedings  and  assertions  against  him  were  founded  in  false-  JTSS'  r, 
hood  and  mere  calumny.    And  they  not  only  voluntarily  did  ^39. 
this,  but  also  anathematized  the  Arian  heresy,  and  presented  242, 
a  written  declaration  of  their  repentance,  addressing  to  the^auli* 
Bishop  Julius  the  following  letter  in  Latin,  which  has  been  supr.  p. 
translated  into  Greek.    The  Latin  copy  was  sent  to  us  byp6a"ulia- 
Paul4  Bishop  of  Tibur.  ™8  ?  P- 

Translation  from  the  Latin.  supr.  p. 


Ursacius  and  Valens  to  my5  Lord  the  most  blessed  Pope  6 

T    V  Apol. 

JullUS.  contr. 

Whereas  it  is  well  known  that  we6,  &c,  supr.  p8, 


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240  Triumph  of  Athanasius. 

A£tan  Translation  from  the  Latin. 

l**tftf  The  Bishops  Ursacius  and  Valens  to  my1  Lord  and^Brother, 
JJJJ^  the  Bishop  Athanasius. 


jyid.  Having  an  opportunity  of  sending8,  &c. 


§°58Ar     After  W"^n&  tnese>  Aey  also  subscribed  the  letters  of 
rapr.  p.  peace  which  were  presented  to  them  by  Peter  and  Irenaeus, 
8#       Presbyters  of  Athanasius,  and  by  Ammonius  a  layman,  who 
were  passing  that  way,  although  Athanasius  had  sent  no 
communication  to  them  by  these  persons. 
§.  27.    16.  Now  who  was  not  filled  with  admiration  at  witness- 
ing these  things,  and  the  great  peace  that  prevailed  in  the 
Churches?  who  did  not  rejoice  to  see  the  concord  of  so 
many  Bishops  ?  who  did  not  glorify  the  Lord,  beholding  the 
delight  of  the  people  in  their  assemblies  ?  How  many  enemies 
repented  !  How  many  excused  themselves  who  had  formerly 
accused  him  falsely !  How  many  who  formerly  hated  him, 
now  shewed  affection  for  him !  How  many  of  those  who  had 
3 *«xj»«- written  against  him,  recanted3  their  assertions!  Many  also 
^""who  had  sided  with  the  Arians,  not  through  choice  but  by 
necessity,  came  by  night  and  excused  themselves.  They 
anathematized  the  heresy,  and  besought  him  to  pardon  them, 
because,  although  through  the  plots  and  calumnies  of  these 
men  they  appeared  bodily  on  their  side,  yet  in  their  hearts 
they  held  communion  with  Athanasius,  and  were  always 
*pp.i58,  with  him.    Believe  me,  this  is  true4. 



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1.  But  the  inheritors1  of  the  opinions  and  impiety  of  the  §.  28. 
Eusebians,  the  eunuch  Leon  this*,  who  ought  not  to  remain  * p^  234> 
in  communion  even  as  a  layman*,  because  he  mutilated  himself 2  Can. 
that  he  might  henceforward  be  at  liberty  to  sleep  with  one^t  ^id! 
Eustolium3,  who  is  a  wife  as  far  as  he  is  concerned,  but  isMorin. 
called  a  virgin;  and  George  and  Acacius,  and  Theodoras, B.  iss.  * 
and  Narcissus,  who  were  deposed  by  the  Council;  when  P'208- 
they  heard  and  saw  these  things,  were  greatly  ashamed. 
And  when  they  perceived  the  unanimity  and  peace  that 
existed  between  Athanasius  and  the  Bishops;  (they  were 
more  than  four  hundred4,  from  great  Rome,  and  all  Italy,4  after 
from  Calabria,  Apulia,  Campania,  Bruttia,  Sicily,  Sardinia,  ^Tp!*' 

78,  note 

in  which  a  youth  persuades  his  hride,  °* 
it  mbrn  v*»  <rettr£ii ,  «-J  <r{"rp  rZt  ydpvt 
hpl&  tiist.  iv.  12.'  Another  is  the 
instance  so  beautifully  related  by  St. 
Gregory  of  Tours,  in  which  the  bride 
persuades  her  husband  ;  "  puella,  gra- 
viter  contristata,  aversa  ad  parietem, 

*  Various  writers  have  treated  on  the 
subject  of  that  great  scandal  of  the 
early  centuries,  the  ftnutmxrau.  The 
most  charitable  account  of  it  is  to 
be  found  in  the  unprotected  state  of 
women  dedicated  to  a  single  life  when 
or  where  Convents  did  not  exist  "  She 
says  that  she  has  no  protector,  husband, 
guardian,  father,  nay,  nor  brother, 
&c.  Chrysost.  ap.  Basn.  Dissert,  vii. 
19.  ad  Ann.  Eccles.  t.  2.  And  the  ex- 
ample of  the  Holy  and  Blessed  Virgin 
was  adduced,  whom  our  Lord  consigned 
to  the  care  of  St  John,  Epiph.  Hsr.  78. 
11.  which  the  Nicene  Council  so  far  ac- 
knowledged that  it  dispensed  with  its 
prohibition  in  favour  of  mother,  sister, 
aunt,  or  other  person,  to  whom  no  sus- 
picion could  attach.  Nay,  even  in 
the  case  of  the  atrocious  extra va - 

fance,  which  St.  Cyprian  repro- 
ates,  Ep.  62.  (ed.  Ben.)  and  which 
in  a  still  more  perverted  and  shock- 
ing form  is  spoken  of  in  the  text,  it 
must  be  recollected  that  it  was  not  un- 
known to  primitive  times  for  husband 
and  wife  to  vow  continency  and  yet  to 
cohabit    Theodoret  gives  an  instance 

amarissime  flebat,"  till  "  tunc  ille,  ar- 
matus  crucis  vexillo,  ait,  Faciam  qu« 
hortaris,  et  datis  inter  se  dextris,  qui- 
everunt."  He  adds,  "  Multos  postea  in 
uno  strata  recumbentes  annos,  vixerunt 
cum  castitate  laudabili."  Hist.  Franc, 
i.  42.  What  was  found  possible  in  the 
married,  others  had  the  indecency  and 
wiidness  to  attempt  in  the  single  state. 
On  the  9wuv*»rwy  vid.  Mosheim  de  Re- 
bus Ante  Const,  p.  599.  Bouth,  Reliqu. 
Sacr.  t.  2.  p.  506.  t.  3.  p.  445.  Basnag. 
Diss.  vii.  19.  in  Ann.  Eccles.  t.  2. 
Muratori  Anecdot.  Grcec.  p.  218.  Dod- 
well,  Dissert  Cyprian,  iii.  Bevereg.  in 
Can.  Nic.  3.  Suicer.  Thesaur.  in  voc. 
&c.&c.  It  is  conjectured  by  Beveridge, 
Dodwell,  Van  Espen,  &c.  that  Leontius 
gave  occasion  to  the  first  Canon  of  the 
Nicene  Council,  n(i  vSn  toX/m^vm* 
\avr§vs  Inrifiruv. 


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242  Relapse  of  Ursacius  and  Valens, 

Arian  Corsica,  and  the  whole  of  Africa;  and  those  from  Gaul, 
J?!iT-  Britain,  and  Spaiu,  with  the  great  Confessor  Hosius;  and 
also  those  from  Pannonia,  Noricum,  Siscia,  Dalmatia,  Dar- 
dania,  Dacia,  Mysia,  Macedonia,  Thessaly,  and  all  Achaia, 
and  from  Crete,  Cyprus,  and  Lycia,  with  most  of  those  from 
Palestine,  Isauria,  Egypt,  the  Thebais,  the  whole  of  Libya, 
and  Pentapolis;)  when  I  say  they  perceived  these  things, 
they  were  possessed  with  envy  and  fear;  with  envy,  on 
account  of  the  communion  of  so  many  together;  and  with 
fear,  lest  those  who  had  been  entrapped  by  them  should  be 
brought  over  by  the  unanimity  of  so  great  a  number,  and 
henceforth  their  heresy  should  be  triumphantly  exposed,  and 
every  where  proscribed. 
§.  29.  2.  First  of  all  they  persuade  Ursacius  and  Valens  to  change 
vid.  sides  again,  and  like  dogs  to  return  to  their  own  vomit,  and 
2, 22!  lite  swine  to  wallow  again  in  the  former  mire  of  their  impiety; 
and  they  make  this  excuse  for  their  retractation,  that  they 
did  it  through  fear  of  the  most  religious  Constans.  And  yet 
even  had  there  been  cause  for  fear,  yet  if  they  had  confidence 
in  what  they  had  done,  they  ought  not  to  have  become  traitors 
to  their  friends.  But  when  there  was  no  cause  for  fear,  and 
yet  they  were  guilty  of  a  lie,  are  they  not  deserving  of  utter 

1  p-1?!, condemnation?    For  no  soldier  was  present,  no  Palatine1  or 

2  P.  173,  Notary 2  had  been  sent,  as  they  now  send  them,  nor  yet  was 

"afxnJi*  ^e  ^mPeror  tnere>  nor  na(i  tney  been  summoned3  by  any 
«■„,  p.  one,  when  they  wrote  their  recantation.  But  they  voluntarily 
4p2,223*went  up4  to  Rome,  and  of  their  own  accord  recanted  and 
r.  6.     wrote  it  down  in  the  Church,  where  there  was  no  fear  from 

without,  where  the  only  fear  is  the  fear  of  God,  and  where 
5  infr.  every  one  has  liberty  of  conscience6.  And  yet  although  they 
nofe4b!  naye  a  second  tmie  become  Arians,  and  then  have  devised 

this  indecent  excuse  for  their  conduct,  they  are  still  without 


§.  30.  3.  In  the  next  place  they  went  in  a  body  to  the  Emperor 
Constantius,  and  besought  him,  saying,  "When  we  first  made 
our  request  to  you,  we  were  not  believed ;  for  we  told  you, 
when  you  sent  for  Athanasius,  that  by  inviting  him  to  come 
forward,  you  were  expelling  our  heresy.  For  he  has  been 
opposed  to  it  from  the  very  first,  and  never  ceases  to  anathe- 
matize it.    He  has  already  written  letters  against  us  into  all 

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and  of  Constantius. 


parts  of  the  world,  and  the  majority  of  men  have  embraced  JJ^Jj1- 

communion  with  him ;  and  even  of  those  who  seemed  to  be  1 

on  our  side,  some  have  been  gained  over  by  him,  and  others 
are  likely  to  be.  And  we  are  left  alone,  so  that  the  fear  is, 
lest  the  character  of  our  heresy  become  known,  and  hence- 
forth both  we  and  you  gain  the  name  of  heretics.  And  if 
this  come  to  pass,  you  must  take  care  that  we  be  not  classed 
with  the  Manichaeans.  Therefore  begin  again  to  persecute, 
and  support  the  heresy,  for  it  accounts  you  its  king."  Such 
was  the  language  of  their  iniquity.  And  the  Emperor,  when 
in  his  passage  through  the  country  on  his  hasty  march  against 
Magnentius1,  he  saw  the  communion  of  the  Bishops  with  'p.  159, 
Athanasius,  like  one  set  on  fire,  suddenly  changed  his  mind, note 
and  no  longer  remembered  his  oaths,  but  was  alike  forgetful 
of  what  he  had  written,  and  regardless  of  the  duty  he  owed 
his  brother.  For  in  his  letters  to  him,  as  well  as  in  his 
interview  with  Athanasius,  he  took  an  oath  that  he  would 
not  act  otherwise  than  as  the  people  should  wish,  and  as 
should  be  agreeable  to  the  Bishop.  But  his  zeal  for  impiety 
caused  him  at  once  to  forget  all  these  things.  And  yet  one 
ought  not  to  wonder  that  after  so  many  letters  and  so  many 
oaths  Constantius  had  altered  his  mind,  when  we  remember 
that  Pharaoh2  of  old,  the  tyrant  of  Egypt,  after  frequently 2  p.  246, 
promising  and  by  that  means  obtaining  a  remission  of  hisr' 5* 
punishments,  likewise  changed,  until  he  at  last  perished 
together  with  his  associates  in  wickedness. 

4.  He  compelled  then  the  people  in  every  city  to  change  §.  31. 
their  party ;  and  on  arriving  at  Aries  and  Milan,  he  proceeded 

to  act  entirely  in  accordance  with  the  designs  and  suggestions 
of  the  heretics;  or  rather  they  acted  themselves,  and  receiving 
authority  from  him,  furiously  attacked  every  one.  Letters 
and  orders  were  immediately  sent  hither  to  the  Prefect,  that 
for  the  future  the  corn  should  be  taken  from  Athanasius  and 
given  to  those  who  favoured  the  Arian  doctrines,  and  that 
whoever  pleased  might  freely  insult  them  that  held  com- 
munion with  him  ;  and  a  threat  was  held  out  to  the  magis- 
trates, if  they  did  not  hold  communion  with  the  Arians. 
These  things  were  but  the  prelude  to  what  afterwards  took 
place  under  the  direction  of  the  Duke  Syrianus. 

5.  Orders  were  sent  also  to  the  more  distant  parts,  and 


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Avian  subscription,  or  banishment. 

Am  an  Notaries  despatched  to  every  city,  and  Palatines,  with  threats 
Hl8T*  to  the  Bishops  and  Magistrates,  directing  the  Magistrates  to 
urge  on  the  Bishops,  and  informing  the  Bishops  that  either 
they  must  subscribe  against  Athanasius,  and  hold  communion 
with  the  Arians,  or  themselves  undergo  the  punishment  of 
exile,  while  the  people  who  took  part  with  them  were  to 
understand  that  chains,  and  insults,  and  scourgings,  and  the 
loss  of  their  possessions,  would  be  their  portion.  These 
orders  were  not  neglected,  for  the  commissioners  had  in  their 
company  the  Clergy  of  Ursacius  and  Valeus,  to  inspire  them 
with  zeal,  and  to  inform  the  Emperor  if  the  Magistrates 
neglected  their  duty.    The  other  heresies,  as  younger  sisters 

'vol. 8.  of  their  own1,  they  permitted  to  blaspheme  the  Lord,  and 

notofm.  on^y  conspired  against  the  Christians,  not  enduring  to  hear 

P  te8b'  orthodox  language  concerning  Christ.  How  many  Bishops 
in  consequence,  according  to  the  words  of  Scripture,  were 
brought  before  rulers  and  kings,  and  received  this  sentence 
from  magistrates, "  Subscribe,  or  withdraw  from  your  churches, 
for  the  Emperor  has  commanded  you  to  be  deposed !"  How 
many  in  every  city  were  made  to  waver,  lest  they  should 
accuse  them  as  friends  of  the  Bishops !  Moreover  letters  were 
sent  to  the  city  authorities,  and  a  threat  of  a  fine  was  held 
out  to  them,  if  they  did  not  compel  the  Bishops  of  their 
respective  cities  to  subscribe.  In  short,  every  place  and 
every  city  was  full  of  fear  and  confusion,  while  the  Bishops 
were  dragged  along  to  trial,  and  the  magistrates  witnessed 
the  lamentations  and  groans  of  the  people. 

§.  32.  6.  Such  were  the  proceedings  of  the  Palatine  commis- 
sioners; on  the  other  hand,  those  admirable  persons, 
confident  in  the  patronage  which  they  had  obtained,  display 
great  zeal,  and  cause  some  of  the  Bishops  to  be  summoned 
before  the  Emperor,  while  they  persecute  others  by  letters, 
inventing  charges  against  them ;  to  the  intent  that  the  one 
might  be  overawed  by  the  presence  of  Constantius,  and  the 
other,  through  fear  of  the  commissioners  and  the  threats 
held  out  to  them  in  these  pretended  accusations,  might  be 

2 prtfnt.  brought  to  renounce  their  orthodox  and  pious  opinions9. 

jj^ntf^'ln  this  manner  it  was  that  the  Emperor  forced  so  great  a 
multitude  of  Bishops,  partly  by  threats,  and  partly  by 
promises,  to    declare,  "  We  will  no  longer  hold  corn- 

Digitized  by 


Persecution  is  from  the  Devil. 


munion  with  Athanasius."     For  those  who  came  for 
interview,  were  not  admitted  to  his  presence,  nor  allowed  32?  3S* 
any  relaxation,  not  so  much  as  to  go  out  of  their  dwell- 
ings, until  they  had  either  subscribed,  or  refused  and 
incurred  banishment  thereupon.    And  this  he  did  because 
he  saw  that  the  heresy  was  hateful1  to  all  men.    For  this  lp-  217, 
reason  especially  he  compelled  so  many  to  add  their  names  223)  r.s. 
to  the  small  number9  of  the  Arians,  his  earnest  desire  being  P*|48> 
to  collect  together  a  crowd  of  names,  both  from  envy  of  the  259.  P 
Bishop,  and  for  the  sake  of  making  a  shew  in  favour  of  the*Pg132> 
Arian  impiety,  of  which  he  is  the  patron ;  supposing  that  he 
will  be  able  to  alter  the  truth,  as  easily  as  he  can  influence  j0hni9, 
the  minds  of  men.    He  knows  not,  nor  has  ever  read,  how 
that  the  Sadducees  and  the  Herodians,  taking  unto  them  p.  190/ 
the  Pharisees,  were  not  able  to  obscure  the  truth;  rather 

Jir*.  p. 

it  shines  out  thereby  more  brightly  every  day,  while  they  228, 
crying  out,  We  have  no  king  but  Ctesar3,  and  obtaining  the^®^' 
judgment  of  Pilate  in  their  favour,  are  nevertheless  leftdfedin 
destitute,  and  wait  in  utter  shame,  expecting  shortly4  to ,^45. 
become  bereft,  like  the  partridge,  when  they  shall  see  their  vid.Jer. 
patron  near  his  death.  Sept/' 
7.  Now  if  it  was  altogether  unbecoming  in  any  of  the  §.  33. 
Bishops  to  change  their  opinions  merely  from  fear  of  these 
things,  yet  it  was  much  more  so5,  aud  not  the  part  of  men5p- 193 
who  have  confidence  in  what  they  believe,  to  force  and 
compel  the  unwilling.    In  this  manner  it  is  that  the  Devil, 
when  he  has  no  truth  on  his  side b,  attacks  and  breaks  down  vid.  Ps. 
the  doors  of  them  that  admit  him  with  axes  and  hammers. 74' 6" 
But  our  Saviour  is  so  gentle  that  He  teaches  thus,  //'  any  Mat.  16, 
man  wills  to  come  after  Me,  and,  Whoever  wills  to  be  My 
disciple ;  and  coming  to  each  He  does  not  force  them,  but 
knocks  at  the  door  and  says,  Open  unto  Me,  My  sister,  My  Can*« 
spouse ;  and  if  they  open  to  Him,  He  enters  in,  but  if  they 
delay  and  will  not,  He  departs  from  them.    For  the  truth  is 
not  preached  with  swords  or  with  darts,  nor  by  means  of 
soldiers;  but  by  persuasion  and  counsel.    But  what  per- 
suasion is  there  where  fear  of  the  Emperor  prevails  ?  or  what 
counsel  is  there,  when  he  who  withstands  them  receives  at 

b  The  fault  consists  in  substituting    vid.  p.  279,  note  c. 
persecution  for  the  power  of  truth. 


Digitized  by 

246  Banishment  of  the  Western  Bishops 

Arian last  banishment  and  death?   Even  David,  although  he  was 
Hl8T'  a  king,  and  had  his  enemy  in  his  power,  prevented  not  the 
soldiers  by  an  exercise  of  authority  when  they  wished  to  kill 
his  enemy,  but,  as  the  Scripture  says,  David  persuaded  his 
vid.      men  by  arguments,  and  suffered  them  not  to  rise  up  and  put 
26, 9.    Saul  to  death.    But  he,  being  without  arguments  of  reason, 
forces  all  men  by  his  power,  that  it  may  be  shewn  to  all, 
that  their  wisdom  is  not  according  to  God,  but  merely 
human,  and  that  they  who  favour  the  Arian  doctrines  have 
indeed  no  king  but  Caesar ;  for  by  his  means  it  is  that  these 
enemies  of  Christ  accomplish  whatsoever  they  wish  to  do. 

8.  But  while  they  thought  that  they  were  carrying  on 
their  designs  against  many  by  his  means,  they  knew  not 
that  they  were  making  many  to  be  confessors,  of  whom 
are  those  who  have  lately  made  so  glorious  a  confession, 
>  P  239,  religious  men,  and  excellent  Bishops,  Paulinus1  Bishop  of 
*p!"i9i,  Treves  the  Metropolis  of  Gaul,  Lucifer2  Bishop  of  the 
r.  3—6.  Metropolis  of  Sardinia,  Eusebius  of  Vercelli  in  Italy,  and 
Dionysius  of  Milan,  which   is   the  Metropolis  of  Italy. 
These  the  Emperor  summoned  before  him,  and  commanded 
them  to  subscribe  against  Athanasius,  and  to  hold  com- 
munion with  the  heretics ;  and  when  they  were  astonished 
at  this  novel  procedure,  and  said  that  there  was  no  Ecclesi- 
3  p.  3.   astical  Canon3  to  this  effect,  he  immediately  said,  "Whatever 
I  will,  be  that  esteemed  a  Canon ;  the  Bishops  of  Syria  let 
me  thus  speak.    Either  then  obey,  or  go  into  banishment. 
§.34.     9.  When  the  Bishops  heard  this  they  were  utterly  amazed, 
and  stretching  forth  their  hands  to  God,  they  used  great 
boldness  of  speech  against  him,  teaching  him  that  the  king- 
dom was  not  his,  but  God's  who  had  given  it  to  him,  whom 
also  they  bid  him  fear,  lest  He  should  suddenly  take  it  away 
from  him.     And  they  threatened  him  with  the  day  of 
judgment,  and  warned  him  against  infringing  Ecclesiastical 
*  3i*t«-  order,  and  mingling  Roman  sovereignty  with  the  constitution4 
249Pr    °^  *e  Church,  nor  to  introduce  the  Arian  heresy  into  the 
io.      Church  of  God.    But  he  would  not  listen  to  them,  nor  per- 
mit theui  to  speak  further,  but  threatened  them  so  much  the 
more,  and  drew  his  sword  against  them,  and  gave  orders  for 
some  of  them  to  be  led  to  punishment ;  although  afterwards, 
5  p.  243, like  Pharaoh5,  he  repented.  The  holy  men  therefore  shaking 

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spread  the  knowledge  of  the  truth. 


off  the  dust,  and  looking  up  to  God,  neither  feared  theTuviu. 

threats  of  the  Emperor,  nor  betrayed  their  cause  before  his  - — 

drawn  sword ;  but  received  their  banishment,  as  a  service 

pertaining  to  their  ministry.    And  as  they  passed  along, 

they  preached  the  Gospel  in  every  place  and  city  *,  although 1  infr»  p- 

they  were  in  bonds,  proclaiming  the  orthodox  faith,  anathe-  vid.Acts 

matizing  the  Arian  heresy,  and  stigmatizing  the  recantation 

of  Ursacius  and  Valens.    But  this  was  contrary  to  the  12.  ' 

intention  of  their  enemies ;  for  the  greater  was  the  distance 

of  their  place  of  banishment,  so  much  the  more  was  the 

hatred  against  them  increased,  while  the  wanderings  of  these 

men  were  but  the  heralding  of  their  impiety.    For  who  that 

saw  them  as  they  passed  along,  did  not  greatly  admire  them 

as  Confessors,  and  renounce  and  abominate  the  others, 2 tytm, 

via.  pi 

calling  them  not  only  impious  men,  but  executioners2,  and  133,  r. 
murderers,  and  every  thing  rather  than  Christians3? 

p.  208, 
note  b. 

CHAP.  V. 


§.35.     1.  Now  it  had  been  better  if  from  the  first  Constantius 
had  never  become  connected  with  this  heresy  at  all;  or 
being  connected  with  it,  if  he  had  not  yielded  so  much  to 
those  impious  men ;  or  having  yielded  to  them,  if  he  had 
stood  by  them  only  thus  far,  so  that  judgment  might 
come  upon  them  all  for  these  atrocities  alone.    But  as  it 
would  seem,  like  madmen,  having  entangled  themselves  in  the 
bonds  of  impiety,  they  are  drawing  down  upon  their  own 
» in  con- heads  a  more  severe  judgment.    Thus  from  the  first1  they 
date  of  spared  not  even  Liberius  Bishop  of  Rome,  but  extended  • 
his2^*11>  their  fury2  even  to  those  parts;  they  respected  not  his 
r.  6.  '  bishopric,  because  it  was  an  Apostolical  throne;  they  felt 
no  reverence  for  Rome,  because  she  is  the  Metropolis  of 
Romania b;   they  remembered  not  that  formerly  in  their 
letters  they  had  spoken  of  her  Bishops  as  Apostolical  men. 
But  confounding  all  things  together,  they  at  once  forgot 
every  thing,  and  cared  only  to  shew  their  zeal  in  behalf  of 
impiety.    When  they  perceived  that  he  was  an  orthodox 
3pp.245,man,  and  hated3  the  Arian  heresy,  and  earnestly  endeavoured 
r.2.    'to  persuade  all  persons  to  renounce  and  withdraw  from  it, 
these  impious  men  reasoned  thus  with  themselves :  "  If  we 
can  persuade  Liberius,  we  shall  soon  prevail  over  all." 

*  rip  futuai  l^irutati  vid.  ixfunu  yet  perhaps  Athanatrius  uses  it  from 
rtit/iMtUp.  infr.p.254.r.  1.  And  so  in  the  his  familiarity  with  Latin  ideas  dor- 
letter  of  the  Council  of  Chaleedon  to  ing  his  frequent  exiles  in  the  West, 
Pope  Leo;  which  says  that  Dioseorus,  just  as  he  also  adopts  some  of  their 
»ar  avrev  rnt  kp*'ik»t>  rfo  QvXaxh*  vrtc^k  theological  terms.  The  Eusebians  had 
rovevrnpt  Wtwtmpftinu  rnt  fiattat  igs  -  in  the  first  instance  resisted  the  autho- 
rim.  Xtyoftttih.  rm  ent  Utirnrt-  Hard,  rity  of  Rome,  though  with  expressions 
Cone.  t.  2.  p.  656.    As  to  the  words  In  of  respect,  supr.  p.  40,  note  c. 

stolical  throne  or  see,"  is  given  also,  Empire,  according  to  Montfaucon  after 

though  not  as  an  Jippellative,  to  the  sees  Nannius.  vid,  Prsefat.  xxxiv.  xxxv. 

of  Antioch,  Ephesus,  &c.  vid.  Tertull.  And  so  Epiph.  Ha?r.  lxvi.  1  fin.  p.  618. 

de  Prescript.  36.  August.  Ep.  43.  7.  and  lxviii.  2  init.  p.  728.  Nil.  Ep.  i.  75. 

Even  were  it  to  be  here  construed  vid.  Ducange  Gloss.  Grsec.  in  voc. 
"  because  it  is  the  Apostolical  see," 

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The  Eunuch  Eusebius  attempts  Liberius  in  vain.  249 

2.  Accordingly  they  accuse  him  falsely  before  the  Em-TB.vni. 
peror;  and  he,  expecting  easily  to  draw  over  all  men  to  his  35>  3g* 

by  means  of  Liberius,  writes  to  him,  and  sends  a 
certain  eunuch  called  Eusebius  with  letters  and  offerings,  to 
cajole  him  with  the  presents,  and  to  threaten  him  with  the 
letters.    The  eunuch  accordingly  went  to  Rome,  and  first 
proposed  to  Liberius  to  subscribe  against  Athanasius,  and  to 
hold  communion  with  the  Arians,  saying,  "  The  Emperor 
wishes  it,  and  commands  you  to  do  so."    And  then  shewing 
him  the  offerings,  he  took  him  by  the  hand,  and  again 
besought  him,  saying,  "  Be  persuaded  to  comply  with  the 
Emperor's  request,  and  receive  these."    But  the  Bishop  30. 
endeavoi^red  to  convince  him,  reasoning  with  him  thus: 
"  How  is  it  possible  for  me  to  do  this  against  Athanasius  ? 
how  can  we  condemn  a  man,  whom  not  one1  Council  only,  iat^]ex. 
but  a  second9  assembled  from  all  parts  of  the  world3,  has  fairly  andria. 
acquitted,  and  whom  the  Church  of  Rome  dismissed  in  peace?  aica. ar" 
who  will  approve  of  our  conduct,  if  we  reject  in  his  absence 3 
one,  whose  presence4  amongst  us  we  gladly  welcomed6,  andfvi£p 
admitted  him  to  our  communion?  There  is  no  Ecclesiastical  49  fin. 
Canon6  which  can  authorize  such  a  proceeding;  nor  have  we,.^230' 
had  transmitted  to  us  any  such  tradition7  from  the  Fathers, ®PP^i, 
which  they  might  have  received  from  the  great  and  blessed  7*4^. 
Apostle  Peter8.  r"^d- 
3.  "  But  if  the  Emperor  is  really  concerned  for  the  peace  note  b! 
of  the   Church,  if  he  requires  our  decrees  respecting 
Athanasius  to  be  reversed,  let  their  proceedings  both  against 
him  and  against  all  the  others  be  reversed  also ;  and  then 
let  an  Ecclesiastical  Council  be  called  at  a  distance  from 
the  Court9,  at  which  the  Emperor  shall  not  be  present,  nor 9  0r  Pa- 
any  Count  be  admitted,  nor  magistrate  to  threaten  us,  butlace> 
where  only  the  fear  of  God,  and  the  Apostolical  rule10  shall 25*22?," 
prevail ;  that  so  in  the  first  place,  the  faith  of  the  Church  ***~9 
may  be  secured,  as  the  Fathers  defined  it  in  the  Council  of 
Nicaea,  and  the  supporters  of  the  Arian  doctrines  may  be^j^" 
cast  out,  and  their  heresy  anathematized.    And  then  after  ^pr-  pp. 
that,  an   enquiry  being  made  into  the   charges  brought 57 9  246" 
against  Athanasius,  and  any  other  beside,  as  well  as  into 
those  things  of  which  the  other  party  is  accused,  let  the 
guilty  be  cast  out,  and  the  innocent  receive  encouragement 

250         Liberius  refuses  the  Emperor's  offering. 

Arian  and  support.  For  it  is  impossible  that  they  who  maintain 
Hist.  m  impious  creed  can  be  admitted  as  members  of  a  Council  ; 

nor  is  it  fit  that  an  enquiry  into  matters  of  conduct  should 
1  vid.    precede  the  enquiry  concerning  the  faith 1 ;  but  all  diversity 
vidn!"  °f  °Pmi°n  on  points  of  faith  ought  first  to  be  eradicated, 
Cone,    and  then  the  enquiry  made  into  matters  of  conduct.  Our 
SaVpii  Lord  Jesus  Christ  did  not  heal  them  that  were  afflicted, 
Hist.iL  until  they  shewed  and  declared  what  faith  they  had  in  Him. 
These  things* we  have  received  from  the  Fathers;  these 
report  to  the  Emperor ;  for  they  are  both  profitable  for  him 
and  edifying  to  the  Church.    But  let  not  Ursacius  and 
Valens  be  listened  to,  for  they  have  retracted  their  former 
assertions,  and  in  what  they  now  say  they  are  not  to  be 

§.  37.  4.  These  were  the  words  of  the  Bishop  Liberius.  And 
*tvfvXef  the  eunuch 9,  who  was  vexed,  not  so  much  because  he  would 
not  subscribe,  as  because  he  found  him  an  enemy  to  the 
3«^f  l-  heresy,  forgetting  that  he  was  in  the  presence  of  a  Bishop3, 
™*0*" after  threatening  him  severely,  went  away  with  the  offerings; 

and  proceeded  to  perpetrate  an  offence,  which  is  foreign 
4         from  a  Christian,  and  too  audacious  for  a  eunuch4.  In 
rm      imitation  of  the  transgression  of  Saul,  he  went  to  the 
Martyrycof  the  Apostle  Peter,  and  then  presented  the  of- 
ferings.   But  Liberius  having  notice  of  it,  was  very  angry 
with  the  person  who  kept  the  place,  that  he  had  not  pre- 
vented him,  and  cast  out  the  offerings  as  an  unlawful  sacrifice, 
5«-«4x«-  which  iucreased  the  anger  of  the  mutilated5  creature  against 
Mf      him.     Consequently  he  exasperates  the  Emperor  against 
him,  saying,  "  The  matter  that  concerns  us  is  no  longer  the 
obtaining  the  subscription  of  Liberius,  but  the  fact  that  he 
is  so  resolutely  opposed  to  the  heresy,  that  he  anathematizes 
the  Arians  by  name."    He  also  stirs  up  the  other  eunuchs 
to  say  the  same ;  for  many  of  those  who  are  about  Con- 
6  vid.    stantius,  or  rather  the  whole  number  of  them,  are  eunuchs6, 


19  init.  *    c  u  Under  this  eanopy,"[the  Baldac-  he  was  only  a  priest,  constructed  a 

chino  in  the  present  St.  Peter's  Church,]  chapel  here  in  106,  which  was  called 

is  the  high  altar,  which  is  only  used  on  the  Confessional  of  St.  Peter,  and  in- 

the  most  solemn  ceremonies,  and  be-  closed  the  body  of  the  Apostle  in  a  mar- 

neath  it  repose  the  bodies  of  St.  Peter  ble  urn.    Constantine  is  reported  to 

and  St.  Paul.    That  of  St.  Peter  lies  have  covered  the  urn  with  metal,  so 

in  the  place  where  it  was  first  buried,  that  it  can  never  be  seen."  Burton's 

It  is  said  that  Pope  Anacletus,  while  Rome,  p.  425. 

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Troubles  at  Rome  upon  Liberies  firmness.  251 

who  engross  all  the  influence  with  him,  and  it  is  impossible  to  tr.  viii. 
do  any  thing  there  without  them.  The  Emperor  accordingly  — ! — 1 
writes  to  Rome,  and  again  Palatines,  and  Notaries,  and 
Counts  are  sent  off  with  letters  to  the  Prefect,  in  order  that 
either  they  may  inveigle  Liberius  by  stratagem  away  from 
Rome  and  send  him  to  the  Court  to  him,  or  else  persecute 
him  by  violence. 

5.  Such  being  the  tenor  of  the  letters,  there  also  fear  and  §.  38. 
treachery  forthwith  prevailed  throughout  the  whole  city. 
How  many  were  the  families  against  which  threats  were 
held  out !    How  many  received  great  promises  on  condition 

of  their  acting  against  Liberius !    How  many  Bishops  hid 
themselves  when  they  saw  these  things  !    How  many  noble 
women  retired  to  their  estates  in  consequence  of  the  calum- 
nies of  the  enemies  of  Christ !  How  many  ascetics  were  made 
the  objects  of  their  plots  !    How  many  who  were  sojourning 
there,  and  had  made  that  place  their  home,  did  they  cause  to 
be  persecuted !  How  often  and  how  strictly  did  they  guard  the 
harbour1  and  the  approaches  to  the  gates,  lest  any  orthodox 1  Ostia, 
person  should  enter  and  visit  Liberius !   Rome  also  had  trial  Gibbon, 
of  the  enemies  of  Christ,  and  now  experienced  what  before  J*'8^ 
she  would  not  believe,  when  she  heard  how  the  other  p.  303. 
Churches  in  every  city  were  ravaged  by  them. 

6.  It  was  the  eunuchs  who  instigated  these  proceedings 
against  all.    And  the  most  remarkable  circumstance  in  the 
matter  is  this ;  that  the  Arian  heresy  which  denies  the  Son 
of  God,  receives  its  support  from  eunuchs,  who,  as  both  their 
bodies  are  fruitless,  and  their  souls  barren  of  the  seeds  of 
virtue,  cannot  bear  even  to  hear  the  name  of  son.  The 
Eunuch  of  Ethiopia  indeed,  though  he  understood  not  what  Acts  8, 
he  read,  believed  the  words  of  Philip,  when  he  taught  him 27' 
concerning  our  Saviour;  but  the  eunuchs  of  Constantius 
cannot  endure  the  confession  of  Peter3,  nay,  they  turn*^*- 
away  when  the  Father  manifests  the  Son,  and  madly  rage  allusion 
against  those  who  say,  that  the  Son  of  God  is  His  genuine  J^^a 
Son,  thus  claiming  as  a  heresy  of  eunuchs,  that  there  is  no  p.  57, 
genuine  and  true  offspring  of  the  Father.    On  these  grounds  Hard? 
it  is  that  the  law  forbids  such  persons  to  be  admitted  into  Cone.  t. 
any  ecclesiastical  Council3;  notwithstanding  which  these ^p,306> 
have  now  regarded  them  as  competent  judges  of  cccle-yj^ 

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Liberiuis  speech  to  Constantius. 

Arian  siastical  causes,  and  whatever  seems  good  to  them,  that 
5i!ZL  Constantius  decrees,  while  men  with  the  name  of  Bishops 
dissemble  with  them.    Oh !  who  shall  be  their  historian  ? 
who  shall  transmit  the  record  of  these  things  to  future 
generations  ?  who  indeed  would  believe  it,  were  he  to  hear 
it,  that  eunuchs  who  are  scarcely  entrusted  with  household 
1  fixflu- services  (for  theirs  is  a  pleasure-loving1  race,  that  has  no 
the  key  serious  concern  but  that  of  hindering  in  others  what  nature 
toW*.    has  taken  from  them);  that  these,  I  say,  now  exercise 
toward  authority  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  and  that  Constantius  in 
them,    submission  to  their  will  treacherously  conspired  against  all, 

and  banished  Liberius ! 
§.  39.  7.  For  after  the  Emperor  had  frequently  written  to 
Rome,  had  threatened,  sent  commissioners,  devised  schemes, 
on  the  persecution  subsequently  breaking  out  at  Alex- 
andria, Liberius  is  dragged  before  him,  who  uses  great 
boldness  of  speech  towards  him.  "Cease,"  he  said,  "to 
persecute  the  Christians ;  attempt  not  by  my  means  to  intro- 
duce impiety  into  the  Church.  We  are  ready  to  suffer  any 
thing  rather  than  to  be  called  Arian  fanatics.  We  are  Chris- 
tians ;  compel  us  not  to  become  enemies  of  Christ.  We  also 
give  you  this  counsel :  fight  not  against  Him  who  gave  you 
this  empire,  nor  shew  impiety  towards  Him  instead  of  thank- 
8 p.  246. fulness2;  persecute  not  them  that  believe  in  Him,  lest  you 

Acts  9  a*so  ^ear  ^e  wor<k>  &  *s  hard  for  t?tee  t°  kick  against  the 
6.  pricks.  Nay,  I  would  that  you  might  hear  them,  that  you 
might  obey,  as  the  holy  Paul  did.  Behold,  here  we  are ;  we 
are  come,  before  they  fabricate  charges.  For  this  cause  we 
hastened  hither,  knowing  that  banishment  awaits  us  at  your 
hands,  that  we  might  suffer  before  a  charge  encounters  us, 
and  that  all  may  clearly  see  that  all  the  others  too  have 
suffered  as  we  shall  suffer,  and  that  the  charges  brought 
against  them  were  fabrications  of  their  enemies,  and  all  their 
proceedings  are  mere  calumny  and  falsehood." 
§.  40.  8.  These  were  the  words  of  Liberius  at  that  time,  and 
he  was  admired  by  all  men  for  them.  But  the  Emperor 
instead  of  answering,  only  gave  orders  for  their  banishment, 
separating  each  of  them  from  the  rest,  as  he  had  done  in  the 
former  cases.  For  he  had  himself  devised  this  plan  in  the 
banishments  which  he  inflicted,  that  so  the  severity  of  his 

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Banishment  of  Liberius  and  others.  253 

punishments  might  be  greater  than  that  of  former  tyrants  and  tr.  viii. 
persecutors  *.  In  the  former  persecution  Maximian  who  was 
then  Emperor  commanded  a  number  of  Confessors  to  be^.4.infr,. 
banished  together,  and  thus  lightened  their  punishment  by  *• 
the  consolation  which  he  gave  them  in  each  other's  society. 
But  this  man  was  more  savage  than  he ;  he  separated  those 
who  had  spoken  boldly  and  confessed  together,  he  put  asunder 
them  who  were  united  by  the  bond  of  faith,  that  when  they 
came  to  die  they  might  not  see  one  another ;  thinking  that 
bodily  separation  can  disunite  also  the  affections  of  the  mind, 
and  that  being  severed  from  each  other,  they  would  forget 
the  concord  and  unanimity  which  existed  among  them. 
He  knew  not  that  however  each  one  may  remain  apart  from 
the  rest,  he  has  nevertheless  with  him  that  Lord,  whom  they 
confessed  in  one  body  together,  who  will  also  provide,  (as  he 
did  in  the  case  of  the  prophet  Elisha,)  that  more  shall  be 
with  each  of  them,  than  there  are  soldiers  with  Constantius. 
Of  a  truth  iniquity  is  blind;  for  in  that  they  thought  to  afflict 
the  Confessors,  by  separating  them  from  one  another,  they 
rather  brought  thereby  a  great  injury  upon  themselves. 
For  had  they  continued  in  each  other's  company,  and  abode 
together,  the  pollutions  of  those  impious  men  would  have 
been  proclaimed  from  one  place  only ;  but  now  by  putting 
them  asunder,  they  have  made  their  impious  heresy  and 
wickedness  to  spread  abroad  and  become  known  in  every 
place8.  *T**47> 
9.  Who  that  shall  hear  what  they  did  in  the  course  of  §.  41. 
these  proceedings  will  not  think  them  to  be  any  thing  rather 
than  Christians3?  When  Liberius  sent  Eutropius  a  Pres- 3pp.24j% 
byter  and  Hilarius  a  Deacon  with  letters  to  the  Emperor,  at^e2^8' 
the  time  that  Lucifer  and  his  friends  made  their  confession, 
they  banished  the  Presbyter  on  the  spot,  and  after  stripping 
Hilariusd  the  Deacon  and  scourging  him  on  the  back,  they 
banished  him  too,  exclaiming,  "  Why  didst  thou  not  resist 
Liberius  instead  of  being  the  bearer  of  letters  from  him." 
Ursacius  and  Valens  with  the  eunuchs  who  sided  with  them 
were  the  authors  of  this  outrage.    The  Deacon,  while  he  was 

«*  This  Hilary  afterwards  followed  Comments  on  St.  Paul's  Epistles  at- 
Lucifer  of  Cagliari  in  his  schism.  He  tributed  to  St.  Ambrose,  who  goes  under 
is  supposed  to  be  the  author  of  the   the  name  of  Ambrosiaster. 

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Lapse  of  Liberius. 

Arian  being  scourged,  praised  the  Lord,  remembering  his  words, 
/  gave  My  back  to  the  smiters;  but  they  while  they  scourged 
'  him  laughed  and  mocked  him,  feeling  no  shame  that  they 
were  insulting  a  Levite.  Indeed  they  acted  but  consistently 
in  laughing  while  he  continued  to  praise  God ;  for  it  is  the 
part  of  Christians  to  endure  stripes,  but  to  scourge  Christians 

1  p.  194,  is  the  outrage  of  a  Pilate  or  a  Caiaphas1. 

r.  i.  jq  Thus  they  endeavoured  at  the  first  to  corrupt  the 
Church  of  the  Romans,  wishing  to  introduce  impiety  into 
it  as  well  as  others.  But  Liberius  after  he  had  been  in 
banishment  two  years  gave  way,  and  from  fear  of  threatened 
death  was  induced  to  subscribe.    Yet  even  this  only  shews 

2  p.  217,  their  violent  conduct,  and  the  hatred2  of  Liberius  against  the 

heresy,  and  his  support  of  Athanasius,  so  long  as  he  was 
suffered  to  exercise  a  free  choice.  For  that  which  men  are 
forced  by  torture  to  do  contrary  to  their  first  judgment,  ought 
not  to  be  considered  the  willing  deed  of  those  who  are  in 

3  P-  245,  fear,  but  rather  of  their  tormentors3.  They  however  attempted 

every  thing  in  support  of  their  heresy,  while  the  people  in 
every  Church,  preserving  the  faith  which  they  had  learnt, 
waited  for  the  return  of  their  teachers,  and  cast  from  them, 
and  all  avoided,  as  they  would  a  serpent,  the  Antichristiaii 

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1.  But  although  they  had  done  all  this,  yet  these  impious  §.  42. 
men  thought  they  had  accomplished  nothing,  so  long  as  the 
great  Hosius  escaped  their  wicked  machinations.    And  now 
they  undertook  to  extend  their  fury1  to  that  venerable 1  \*nhmi 
old  man.    They  felt  no  shame  at  the  thought  that  he  is  the  ^9^' 
father  of  the  Bishops 8 ;  they  regarded  not  that  he  had  been  248* 
a  Confessor3;  they  reverenced  not  the  length  of  his  Epis-^j^ 
copate,  in  which  he  had  continued  more  than  sixty  years ;  230,256 
but  they  set  aside  eveiy  thing,  and  looked  only  to  theMaxi- 
interests  of  their  heresy,  as  being  of  a  truth  such  as  neither  ™ian' 
fear  God,  nor  regard  man.    Accordingly  they  went  to  Con-i^^ 
stantius,  and  again  employed  such  arguments  as  the  following,  2« 
"  We  have  done  every  thing  ;  we  have  banished  the  Bishop 
of  the  Romans ;  and  before  him  a  very  great  number  of  other 
Bishops,  and  have  filled  every  place  with  alarm.    But  these 
strong  measures  of  yours  are  as  nothing  to  us,  nor  is  our 
success  at  all  more  secure,  so  long  as  Hosius  remains. 
While  he  is  in  his  own  place,  the  rest  also  continue  in  their 
Churches,  for  he  is  able  by  his  arguments  and  his  faith  to 
persuade  all  men  against  us.  He  is  the  president  of  Councils4,4  of  Ni- 
and  his  letters  are  every  where  attended  to.    He  it  was  whosardica! 
put  forth  the  Nicene  Confession,  and  proclaimed  every  where 
that  the  Arians  were  heretics.    If  therefore  he  is  suffered  to 
remain,  the  banishment  of  the  rest  is  of  no  avail,  for  our 
heresy  will  be  destroyed.    Begin  then  to  persecute  him  also,^*£"*» 
and  spare  him  not,  ancient5  as  he  is.    Our  heresy  knows  not  284. 
to  honour  the  hoary  hairs  of  the  aged."  §• 

2.  Upon  hearing  this,  the  Emperor  no  longer  delay  ed,  24  Vr.i. 
but  knowing  the  man,  and  the  weight  of  his  years,  wrote  to^.^0 
summon  him.    This  was  when  he  first6  began  his  attempt  before 

his  fall. 

Digitized  by 


Letter  of  Hosius. 

Abian  upon  Liberius.  Upon  his  arrival  he  desired  him,  and  urged 
Hl8T*  him  with  the  usual  arguments,  with  which  he  thought  also 
to  deceive  the  others,  that  he  would  subscribe  against  us, 
and  hold  communion  with  the  Arians.  But  the  old  man, 
scarcely  bearing  to  hear  the  words,  and  grieved  that  he  had 
even  ventured  to  utter  such  a  proposal,  severely  rebuked 
him,  and  after  endeavouring  to  convince  him  of  his  error, 
withdrew  to  his  own  country  and  Church.  But  the  heretics 
still  complaining,  and  instigating  him  to  proceed,  (he  had 
the  eunuchs  also  to  remind  him  and  to  urge  him  further,) 
the  Emperor  again  wrote  in  threatening  terms ;  but  still 
Hosius,  while  he  endured  their  insults,  was  unmoved  by  any 
fear  of  their  designs  against  him,  and  remaining  firm  to  his 
purpose,  as  one  who  had  built  the  house  of  his  faith  upon 
the  rock,  he  spoke  boldly  against  the  heresy,  regarding  the 
threats  held  out  to  him  in  the  letters  but  as  drops  of  rain  and 
blasts  of  wind.  And  although  Constantius  wrote  frequently, 
i  p.  356,  sometimes  flattering  him  with  the  title  of  Father1,  and  some- 
r'3#  times  threatening  and  recounting  the  names  of  those  who 
had  been  banished,  and  saying,  "  Will  you  continue  the 
only  person  to  oppose  the  heresy  ?  Be  persuaded  and  sub- 
scribe against  Athanasius;  for  whoever  subscribes  against 
him  thereby  embraces  with  us  the  Arian  cause still 
Hosius  remained  fearless,  and  while  suffering  these  insults, 
*  trans-  wrote  an  answer  in  such  terms  as  these.    We  have  read  the 

^pyfste  letter>  Which  i8  Placed  at  the  end*- 

§.  44.     3.  Hosius  to  Constantius  the  Emperor  sends  health  in 

the  Lord. 

I  was  a  Confessor  at  the  first,  when  a  persecution  arose  in 
the  time  of  your  grandfather  Maximian ;  and  if  you  shall 
persecute  me,  I  am  ready  now  too  to  endure  any  thing 
rather  than  to  shed  innocent  blood  and  to  betray  the  truth. 
But  I  cannot  approve  of  your  conduct  in  writing  after  this 
threatening  manner.  Cease  to  write  thus;  adopt  not  the 
cause  of  Arius,  nor  listen  to  those  in  the  East,  nor  give 
credit  to  Ursacius  and  Valens.  For  whatever  they  assert,  it 
is  not  on  account  of  Athanasius,  but  for  the  sake  of  their 
own  heresy.  Believe  my  statement,  O  Constantius,  who  am 
of  an  age  to  be  your  grandfather.    I  was  present  at  the 

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to  Constantius.  257 


Council  of  Sardica,  when  you  and  your  brother  Constant  ofTR.  vin. 
blessed  memory  assembled  us  all  together;  and  on  my  own— ^ — 
account  I  challenged  the  enemies  of  Athanasius,  when  they 
came  to  the  Church  where  1  abode1,  that  if  they  had  any  thing »  Cor- 
against  him  they  might  declare  it;  desiring  them  to  have  con- duba* 
fidence,  and  not  to  expect  otherwise  than  that  a  right  judgment 
would  be  passed  in  all  things.    This  I  did  once  and  again, 
requesting  them,  if  they  were  unwilling  to  appear  before  the 
whole  Council,  yet  to  appear  before  me  alone ;  promising  them 
also,  that  if  he  should  be  proved  guilty,  he  should  certainly 
be  rejected  by  us ;  but  if  he  should  be  found  to  be  blame- 
less, and  should  prove  them  to  be  calumniators,  that  if  they 
should  then  refuse  to  hold  communion  with  him,  I  would 
persuade  him  to  go  with  me  into  Spain.    Athanasius  was 
willing  to  comply  with  these  conditions,  and  made  no  ob- 
jection to  my  proposal ;  but  they,  altogether  distrusting  their 
cause,  would  not  consent.    And  on  another  occasion  Atha- 
nasius came  to  your  Court2,  when  you  wrote  for  him,  and  his 2 
enemies  being  at  the  time  in  Antioch,  he  requested  that  they  p*iob, 
might  be  summoned  either  altogether  or  separately,  in  order  note  z- 
that  they  might  either  convict  him,  or  be  convicted,  and 
might  either  in  his  presence  prove  him  to  be  what  they 
represented,  or  cease  to  accuse  him  when  absent.    To  this 
proposal  also  you  would  not  listen,  and  they  equally  re- 
jected it. 

4.  Why  then  do  you  still  give  ear  to  them  that  speak  evil 
of  him  ?  How  can  you  endure  Ursacius  and  Valens,  although 
they  have  retracted,  and  made  a  written  confession  of  their 
calumnies?   For  it  is  not  true,  as  they  pretend,  that  they 
were  forced  to  confess ;  there  were  no  soldiers  at  hand  to 
influence  them ;  your  brother  was  not  cognizant  of  the 
matter3.    No,  such  things  were  not  done  under  his  govern- 3  p.  is, 
ment,  as  are  done  now ;  God  forbid.    But  they  voluntarily  p°242. 
went  up4  to  Rome,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  Bishop  and 4  p.  223, 
Presbyters  wrote  their  recantation,  having  previously  ad-r'6, 
dressed  to  Athanasius  a  friendly  and  peaceable  letter.    Andspp.  i9? 
if  they  pretend  that  force  was  employed  towards  them,  ^d^0^?1' 
acknowledge  that  this  is  an  evil  thing,  which  you  also  242, r.6. 
disapprove  of;  then  do  you  cease  to  use  force5;  write  no^^ote 
letters,  send  no  Counts;  but  release  those  that  have  beenr-2.279, 

note  c. 

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Letter  of  Hosius 

Arian  banished,  lest  while  you  are  complaining  of  violence,  they 

  do  but  exercise  greater  violence.    When  was  any  such  thing 

done  by  Constans?  What  Bishop  suffered  banishment  at 
his  hands?  When  did  he  appear  in  presence  at  an  Ec- 
clesiastical trial  ?  When  did  any  Palatine  of  his  compel  men 
to  subscribe  against  any  one,  that  Valens  and  his  fellows 
should  be  able  to  affirm  this  ? 

5.  Cease  these  proceedings,  I  beseech  you,  and  remember 
that  you  are  a  mortal  man.  Be  afraid  of  the  day  of  judg- 
ment, and  keep  yourself  pure  thereunto.  Intrude  not  your- 
self into  Ecclesiastical  matters,  neither  give  commands  unto 
us  concerning  them;  but  learn  them  from  us.  God  hath 
put  into  your  hands  the  kingdom )  to  us  He  hath  entrusted 
the  affairs  of  His  Church ;  and  as  he  who  should  steal  the 
empire  from  you  would  resist  the  ordinance  of  God,  so 
likewise  fear  on  your  part  lest  by  taking  upon  yourself  the 
government  of  the  Church,  you  become  guilty  of  a  great 
Mat.22,  offence.  It  is  written,  Render  unto  Ctesar  the  things  that 
21  are  Casar's,  and  unto  God  the  things  that  are  GooVs. 
Neither  therefore  is  it  permitted  unto  us  to  exercise  an 
earthly  rule,  nor  have  you,  Sire,  any  authority  to  burn 
incense'.  These  things  I  write  unto  you  out  of  a  concern 
for  your  salvation.  With  regard  to  the  subject  of  your 
letters,  this  is  my  determination :  I  will  not  unite  myself  to 
the  Arians;  I  anathematize  their  heresy.  Neither  will  I 
subscribe  against  Athanasius,  whom  both  we  and  the  Church 
of  the  Romans,  and  the  whole  Council  pronounced  to  be 
guiltless.  And  yourself  also,  when  you  understood  this, 
sent  for  the  man,  and  gave  him  permission  to  return  with 
honour  to  his  country  and  his  Church.  What  reason  then 
can  there  be  for  so  great  a  change  in  your  conduct  ?  The 
same  persons  who  were  his  enemies  before,  are  so  now  also ; 
and  the  things  they  now  whisper  to  his  prejudice,  (for  they 

*  Incense  is  mentioned  in  the  Apo-  the  Eucharistic  Sacrifice,  could  not  be 

stolical  Canon  iii.  but  apparently  no  a  recent  one.  From  Tertull.  Apol.  42. 

where  else  till  this  date.  Hippol.  de  and  Arnobius,  contr.  Gent.  vii.  27.  it 

Consumm.  Mund.  adduced  by  Beve-  appears  to  have  been  unknown  to  the 

ridge  on  the  Canon  is  not  genuine.    At  African  Churches  in  their  day.  vid. 

the  same  time  it  must  be  recollected,  Bon.  Rer.  Lit.  i.  25.  n.  9.  Bellarm. 

that  Hosius  was  at  this  time  100  years  deMiss.ii.15.Bevereg.Cod.Can.  Yind. 

old,  and  a  rite  which  he  singles  out  (if  ii.  2.  r.  5.  Dall.  de  Pseudepig.  Apost. 

he  does  not  speak  figurately)  to  describe  iii.  14.  §.  4.  Dodwell,  Use  of  Incense. 

Digitized  by  Google 

to  Constantius. 


do  not  declare  them  openly  in  his  presence,)  the  same  they  tr.  vni. 
spoke  against  him,  before  you  sent  for  him  ;  the  same  they  — 1 — - 
spread  abroad  concerning  him^  when  they  came  to  the 
Council.  And  when  I  required  them  to  come  forward,  as  I 
have  before  said,  they  were  unable  to  produce  their  proofs ; 
had  they  possessed  any,  they  would  not  have  fled  so  dis- 
gracefully. Who  then  has  persuaded  you  so  long  after  to 
forget  your  own  letters  and  declarations  ?  Forbear,  and  be 
not  influenced  by  evil  men,  lest  while  you  act  for  the  mutual 
advantage  of  yourself  and  them,  you  bring  guilt  upon  your- 
self. For  here  you  comply  with  their  desires,  hereafter  in  the 
judgment  you  will  have  to  answer  for  doing  so  alone.  These 
men  desire  by  your  means  to  injure  their  enemy,  and  wish 
to  make  you  the  minister  of  their  wickedness,  in  order  that 
through  your  help  they  may  sow  the  seeds b  of  their  accursed 
heresy  in  the  Church.  Now  it  is  not  a  prudent  thing  to 
cast  one's  self  into  manifest  danger  for  the  pleasure  of  others. 
Cease  then,  I  beseech  you,  O  Constantius,  and  be  persuaded 
by  me.  These  things  it  becomes  me  to  write,  and  you  not 
to  despise. 

6.  Such  were  the  sentiments,  and  such  the  letter,  of  the  §.  45. 
Abraham-like  old  man,  Hosius1,  truly  so  called6.    But  the1***- 
Emperor  desisted  not  from  his  designs,  nor  ceased  to  seek  saintly', 
an  occasion  against  him;  but  continued  to  threaten  him 
severely,  with  a  view  either  to  bring  him  over  by  force,  or  to 
banish  him  if  he  refused  to  comply.    And  as  the  Officers 
and  Satraps  of  Babylon2  seeking  an  occasion  against  Daniel, 2  P- 
found  none  except  in  the  law  of  his  God;  so  likewise 
these  present  Satraps  of  impiety  were  unable  to  invent  any 
charge  against  the  old  man,  (for  this  true  Hosius,  and  his 
blameless  life  were  known  to  all,)  except  the  charge  of 
hatred3  to  their  heresy.    They  therefore  proceeded  to  accuse 3  P-  260, 
him ;  though  not  under  the  same  circumstances  as  those  others 
accused  Daniel  to  Darius,  for  Darius  was  grieved  to  hear  the 

b  vid.  vol.  8.  p.  6.  note  k.    It  is  re-  c  S  mXniZf  *Orw.  xmr&exovu,  oh  yo\ 

markable,  this  letter  having  so  much  its  Wfxo^ot,  snpr.  §.  3.  infr.  §§.  48, 75  fin. 

own  character,  and  being  so  unlike  Atha-  and  so  &Xti4£t  E&rs/3/i,  Theod.  Hist.  i.  4. 

nasius's  writings  in  style,  that  a  phrase  'Ow^o*,  rot  «or%  tot  £x{nrro,  tvtl  ft 

characteristicofhimsnouldhereoccurin  itf^nrro,  Ep.  ad  Phil.  10.  vid.  vol.  8. 

it.  Did  Athan.  translate  it  from  Latin  ?  p.  1X4,  note  b. 


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Hosins  tortured  till  he  lapsed. 

arian  charge,  but  as  Jezebel  accused  Naboth,  and  as  the  Jews 
.Hl8T*  applied  themselves  to  Herod.    And  they  said,  "  He  not 
only  will  not  subscribe  against  Athanasius,  but  also  on  his 
>  p.  245,  account  condemns  us  ;  ana  his  hatred1  to  the  heresy  is  so 
r*        great,  that  he  also  writes  to  others,  that  they  should  rather 
suffer  death,  than  become  traitors  to  the  truth.    For,  he 
says,  our  beloved  Athanasius  also  is  persecuted  for  the 
Truth's  sake,  and  Liberius  Bishop  of  Rome,  and  all  the  rest, 
are  treacherously  assailed." 
lvid.pp.    7.  When  this  patron  of  impiety,  and  Emperor  of  heresy5, 
243*267  Constantius,  heard  this,  and  especially  that  there  were 
r.  3.     others  also  in  Spain  of  the  same  mind  as  Hosius,  after  he 
had  tempted  them  also  to  subscribe,  and  was  unable  to 
compel  them  to  do  so,  he  sent  for  Hosius,  and  instead  of 
banishing  him,  detained  him  a  whole  year  in  Sirmium. 
Godless,  unholy,  without  natural  affection,  he  feared  not 
God,  he  regarded  not  his  father's  love  for  Hosius,  he 
reverenced  not  his  great  age,  for  he  was  now  a  hundred 
years  oldd;  but  all  these  things  this  modern  Ahab,  this 
second  Belshazzar  of  our  times,  disregarded  for  the  sake  of 
impiety.    He  used  such  violence  towards  the  old  man,  and 
confined  him  so  straitly,  that  at  last,  broken  by  suffering, 
he  was  brought,  though  hardly,  to  hold  communion  with 
Valens  and  Ursacius,  though  he  would  not  subscribe  against 
Athanasius.    Yet  even  thus  he  forgot  not  his  duty,  for  at 
the  approach  of  death,  as  it  were  by  his  last  testament,  he 
bore  witness  to  the  force  which  had  been  used  towards  him, 
and  anathematized  the  Arian  heresy,  and  gave  strict  charge 
that  no  one  should  receive  it. 
§.  46.    8.  Who  that  witnessed  these  things,  or  that  has  merely 
heard  of  them,  will  not  be  greatly  amazed,  and  cry  aloud  unto 
Ez.  11,  the  Lord,  saying,  Wilt  Thou  make  a  full  end  of  the  remnant 
13.      oj  j^aei  v   Who  that  is  acquainted  with  these  proceed- 
Jer.  6,  ings,  will  not  with  good  reason  cry  out  and  say,  A  wonderful 
30>2>l2'and  horrible  thing  is  committed  in  the  land;  and,  The 
heavens  are  astonished  at  this,  and  the  earth  is  even  more 
horribly  afraid.    The  fathers  of  the  people  and  the  teachers 
of  the  faith  are  taken  away,  and  the  impious  are  brought  into 

Warmer  rhf  hmJieit  xfiirhtf  i  avirttf.  •Sri 

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Constantius  forerunner  of  Antichrist.  261 

the  Churches?   Who  that  saw  when  Liberius  Bishop  ofTR.viu. 
Rome  was  banished,  and  when  the  great  Hosius  the  father^ — ^j- 
of  the  Bishops  suffered  these  things,  or  who  that  saw  sor.  5.  * 
many  Bishops  banished  out  of  Spain  and  the  other  parts, 
could  fail  to  perceive,  however  little  sense  he  might  possess, 
that  the  charges2  against  Athanasius  also  and  the  rest  were 8  rid.  in 
false,  and  altogether  mere  calumny  ?   For  this  reason  those  ^JJjJf 
others  also  endured  all  suffering,  because  they  saw  plainly  that  A*-  and 
the  conspiracies  laid  against  these  were  founded  in  falsehood.  Const. 
For  what  charge  was  there  against  Liberius  ?  or  what  accusa- 
tion against  the  aged  Hosius  ?  who  bore  even  a  false  witness 
against  Paulinus,  and  Lucifer,  and  Dionysius,  and  Eusebius? 
or  what  sin  could  be  laid  to  the  account  of  the  rest  of  the 
banished  Bishops,  and  Presbyters,  and  Deacons?  None 
whatever;   God  forbid.    There  were  no  charges  against 
them  on  which  a  plot  for  their  ruin  might  be  formed  ;  nor 
was  it  on  the  ground  of  any  accusation  that  they  were 
severally  banished.     It  was  a  breaking  out  of  impiety 
against  godliness3;  it  was  zeal  for  the  Arian  heresy,  and  a3*«- 
prelude  to  the  coming  of  Antichrist,  for  whom  Constantius  *JjJ2jJ*" 

is  thus  preparing  the  way.  vol.  8.  p. 

1,  note  a. 

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§.  47.  1.  After  he  had  accomplished  all  that  he  desired  against 
the  Churches  in  Italy,  and  the  other  parts ;  after  he  had 
banished  some,  and  violently  oppressed  others,  and  filled 
every  place  with  fear,  he  at  last  turned  his  fury,  as  it  had 
been  some  pestilential  disorder,  against  Alexandria.  This 
was  artfully  contrived  by  the  enemies  of  Christ ;  for  in  order 
that  they  might  have  a  show  of  the  signatures  of  many 
Bishops,  and  that  Athanasius  might  not  have  a  single  Bishop 
in  his  persecution  to  whom  he  could  even  complain,  they 
therefore  anticipated  his  proceedings,  and  filled  every  place 
!tyi*{#»with  terror,  which  they  kept  up  to  second1  them  in  the 
prosecution  of  their  designs.  But  herein  they  perceived  not 
through  their  folly  that  they  were  not  exhibiting  the  free 
2  p.  Hi,  sentiments2  of  the  Bishops,  but  rather  the  violence  which 
p°257,'  themselves  had  employed ;  and  that,  although  his  brethren 
r-6-  should  desert  him,  and  his  friends  and  acquaintance  stand 
afar  off,  and  no  one  be  found  to  sympathise  with  him  and 
console  him,  yet  far  above  all  these,  a  refuge  with  his  God 
was  sufficient  for  him.  For  Elias  also  was  alone  in  his 
persecution,  and  God  was  all  in  all  to  the  holy  man.  And 
our  Saviour  has  given  us  an  example  herein,  who  also  was 
left  alone,  and  exposed  to  the  designs  of  His  enemies,  to 
teach  us,  that  when  we  are  persecuted  and  deserted  by  men, 
we  must  not  faint,  but  place  our  hope  in  Him,  and  not 
betray  the  Truth.  For  although  at  first  it  may  seem  to  be 
afflicted,  yet  even  they  who  persecute  shall  afterwards  ac- 
knowledge it. 

48.     2.  Accordingly  they  urge  on  the  Emperor,  who  first  writes 
a  menacing  letter,  which  he  sends  to  the  Duke  and  the 

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Constantius  says  he  favoured  Athan.for  Constans*  sake.  263 

soldiers.     The  Notaries   Diogenius1  and   Hilarius1,  andTR.vm. 
certain  Palatines  with  them  were  the  bearers  of  it;  upon!-^ — - 
whose  arrival  those  terrible  and  cruel  outrages  were  com-pp  173, 
mitted  against  the  Church,  which  I  have  briefly  related  a^'^* 
little  above*,  and  which  are  known  to  all  men  from  the  pro-&c- 
tests  put  forth  by  the  people,  which  are  inserted  at  the  end 
of  this  history3,  so  that  any  one  may  read  them.    Then  after 3 
these  proceedings  on  the  part  of  Syrianus,  after  these  note  a! 
enormities  had  been  perpetrated,  and  violence  offered  to  the 
Virgins,  as  approving  of  such  conduct  and  the  infliction  of 
these  evils  upon  us,  he  writes  again  to  the  senate  and 
people  of  Alexandria,  instigating  the  younger  men,  and 
requiring  them  to  assemble  together,  and  either  to  persecute 
Athanasius,  or  consider  themselves  as  his  enemies.  He 
however  had  withdrawn  before  these  instructions  reached 
them,  and  from  the  time  when  Syrianus  broke  into  the 
Church ;  for  he  remembered  that  which  is  written,  Hide  *J  26> 
thyself  as  it  were  for  a  little  moment,  until  the  indignation 
he  overpast*.  gPP-186' 
3.  One  Heraclius,  by  rank  a  Count,  was  the  bearer  ofsxttTm. 
this  letter,  and  the  precursor  of  a  certain  George  that  wasr?^"; 
dispatched  by  the  Emperor  as  a  spy,  for  one  that  was  sent  rjM<r##, 
from  him  cannot  be  a  Bishop5;  God  forbid.    And  so  indeed  vid^5g 
his  conduct  and  the   circumstances  which  preceded  his  note  c.' 
entrance  sufficiently  prove.    Heraclius  then  published  the  §•  «>0. 
letter,  which  reflected  great  disgrace  upon  the  writer.  no^Sin 
For  whereas,  when  the  great  Hosius  wrote  to  Constantius,  Montf*l 
he  had  been  unable  to  make  out  any  plausible  pretext  for 
his  change  of  conduct,  he  now  invented  an  excuse  much 
more  discreditable  to  himself  and  to  his  advisers.    He  said, 
"  From  regard  to  the  affection  I  entertained  towards  my 
brother  of  divine  and  pious  memory,  I  endured  for  a  time 
the  coming  of  Athanasius  among  you."    This  proves  that  he 
has  both  broken  his  promise,  and  behaved  ungratefully  to 
his  brother  after  his  death.    He  then  declares  him  to  be,  as 
indeed  he  is,  "  deserving  of  sacred  and  pious  remembrance;" 
yet  as  regards  a  command  of  his,  or  to  use  his  own  language, 
the  "  affection"  he  bore  him,  even  though  he  complied 
merely  "  for  the  sake"  of  the  blessed  Constans,  he  ought  to 
deal  fairly  by  his  brother,  and  make  himself  heir  to  his 

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264 Hefollows  up  his fa  therms  wish  es  so  far  as  su  bservesA rianism . 

Arian  sentiments  as  well  as  to  the  Empire.  But,  although,  when 
seeking  to  obtain  his  just  rights,  he  deposed  Vetranio,  with 
the  question,  "  To  whom  does  the  inheritance  belong  after 
a  brother's  death*?"  yet  for  the  sake  of  the  accursed  heresy 
of  the  enemies  of  Christ,  be  disregards  the  claims  of  justice, 
and  behaves  undutifully  towards  his  brethren. 

4.  Nay,  for  the  sake  of  this  heresy,  he  would  not  consent 
to  observe  his  father's  wishes  without  infringement;  but,  in  what 
he  may  gratify  those  impious  men,  he  pretends  to  adopt  his 
intention,  while  in  order  to  distress  the  others,  he  cares  not 
to  shew  the  reverence  which  is  due  unto  a  father.  For  in 
consequence  of  the  calumnies  of  the  Eusebians,  his  father 
sent  the  Bishop  for  a  time  into  Gaul  to  avoid  the  cruelty  of 
his  persecutors,  (this  was  shewn  by  the  blessed  Constantine, 
the  brother  of  the  former,  after  their  father's  death,  as 

» p.  121.  appears  by  his  letters1,)  but  he  would  not  be  persuaded  by 
the  Eusebians  to  send  the  person  whom  they  desired  for  a 
Bishop,  but  prevented  the  accomplishment  of  their  wishes, 
and  put  a  stop  to  their  attempts  with  severe  threats. 

§,51.  5.  If  therefore,  as  he  declares  in  his  letters,  he  desired  to 
observe  his  father's  practice,  why  did  he  first  send  out 
Gregory,  and  now  this  George,  who  eats  his  own  stores6? 
Why  does  he  endeavour  so  earnestly  to  introduce  into  the 
Church  these  Arians,  whom  his  father  named  Porphyrians0, 
and  banish  others  while  he  patronises  them  ?  Although  his 

*  "  It  was  an  easy  task  to  deceive 
tbe  frankness  and  simplicity  of  Vetra- 
nio, who,  fluctuating  some  time  between 
the  opposite  views  of  power  and  interest, 
displayed  to  the  world  the  insincerity  of 
his  temper,  and  was  insensibly  engaged 
in  the  snares  of  an  artful  negociation. 
Constantius  acknowledged  him  as  a  le- 
gitimate and  equal  colleague  in  the 
Empire,  on  condition  that  he  would 
renounce  his  disgraceful  alliance  with 
Magnentius,  and  appoint  a  place  of 
interview  on  the  frontiers  of  their  re- 
spective provinces. ..  .The  united  ar- 
mies were  commanded  to  assemble  in  a 
large  plain  near  the  city  [Sardica].  In 
the  centre,  according  to  the  rules  of 
ancient  discipline,  a  military  tribunal, 
or  rather  scaffold,  was  erected,  from 
whence  the  Emperors  were  accustomed, 
on  solemn  and  important  occasions,  to 
harangue  the  troops. . .  .The  first  part 

of  his  [C.'s]  Oration  seemed  to  be 
pointed  only  against  the  tyrant  of  Gaul 
[Magnentius],  but  while  he  tragically 
lamented  the  cruel  murder  of  Constans, 
he  insinuated,  that  none,  except  a  bro- 
ther, could  claim  a  right  to  the  succession 
of  his  brother.  He  displayed,  with  some 
complacency,  the  glories  of  his  Imperial 

race,  &c  The  eontagion  of  loyalty 

and  repentance  was  communicated  from 
rank  to  rank ;  till  the  plain  of  Sardica 
resounded  with  the  universal  acclama- 
tion of 1  Away  with  these  upstart  usurp- 
ers !' "  &c.  Gibbon,  Hist.  ch.  xviii. 

b  George  had  been  pork-contractor 
to  the  army,  and  had  been  detected  in 
peculation,  vid.  vol.  8.  p.  89,  r.  1. 
p.  134,  note  f.  and  infr.  p.  286. 

c  Constantine  called  tbe  A  rians  by  this 
title  after  the  philosopher  Porphyry,  the 
great  enemy  of  Christianity.  Socrates 
has  preserved  the  Edict.  Hist.  i.  9. 

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After  Constant death  he  hot hfavoured and  persecuted  Ath.  265 

father  admitted  Arius  to  his  presence,  yet  when  Arius  per-Tn.vm. 
jured  himself  and  burst  asunder1,  he  lost  the  compassion  of,  '  ' 
hisiather;  who,  on  learning  the  truth,  condemned  him  as  a  212.  ' 

6.  Why  moreover,  while  pretending  to  respect  the  Canons 
of  the  Church,  has  he  ordered  the  whole  course  of  his 
conduct  in  opposition  to  them  ?  For  where  is  there  a  Canon 

that  a  Bishop  should  be  appointed  from  Court?   Where  is^249> 
there  a  Canon2  that  permits  soldiers  to  invade  Churches  ?  p.  268, 
What  tradition3  is  there  allowing  counts  and  ignorant 4 ^'249 
eunuchs  to  exercise  authority  in  Ecclesiastical  matters,  and*-  7. 
to  make  known  by  their  edicts  the  decisions  of  those  who^^"" 
bear  the  name  of  Bishops  ?   He  is  guilty  of  all  manner  of™1*  ™i- 
falsehood  for  the  sake  of  this  unholy  heresy.    At  a  former  note  e! 
time  he  sent  out  Philagrius  as  Prefect  a  second  time5,  in  op- 5 p^- 224, 
position  to  the  opinion  of  his  father,  and  we  see  what  has 
taken  place  now. 

7.  Nor  "  for  his  brother's  sake"  does  he  speak  the  truth. 
For  after  his  death  he  wrote  as  often  as  three  times  to  the 
Bishop,  and  repeatedly  promised  him  that  he  would  not 
change  his  behaviour  towards  him,  but  exhorted  him  to  be 
of  good  courage,  and  not  suffer  any  one  to  alarm  him,  but  to 
continue  to  abide  in  his  Church  in  perfect  security6.  Heepp.^ 
also  sent  his  commands  by  Count  Asterius,  and  Palladius238, 
the  Notary,  to  Felicissimus  who  was  then  Duke,  and  to  the 
Prefect  Nestorius,  that  if  either  Philip  the  Prefect,  or  any 
other  should  venture  to  form  any  plot  against  Athanasius, 

they  should  prevent  it.    Wherefore  when  Diogenes  came,§.  52. 
and  Syrianus  laid  in  wait  for  us,  both  he7  and  we  and  the7 p.  219. 
people  demanded  to  see  the  Emperor's  letters,  supposing 
that,  as  it  is  written,  Let  not  a  falsehood  be  spoken  before  the 
king8;  so  when  a  king  has  made  a  promise,  he  will  not  lie,8vid. 
nor  change.    If  then  "  for  his  brother's  sake  he  complied,"  J^f5' 
why  did  he  also  write  those  letters  upon  his  death  ?  And  if  he 
wrote  them  for  "  his  memory's  sake,"  why  did  he  afterwards 
behave  so  very  unkindly  towards  him,  and  persecute  the 
man,  and  write  what  he  did,  alleging  a  judgment  of  Bishops, 
while  in  truth  he  acted  only  to  please  himself9?  9 p. 267, 

8.  Nevertheless  his  craft  has  not  escaped  detection,  butr' 4' 
we  have  the  proof  of  it  ready  at  hand.    For  if  a  judgment 

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266    Kings  have  no  concern  in  Ecclesiastical  judgments. 

Arian  had  been  passed  by  Bishops,  what  concern  had  the  Emperor 

 -with  it?   Or  if  it  was  only  a  threat  of  the  Emperor,  what 

need  in  that  case  was  there  of  the  so-named  Bishops? 
When  was  such  a  thing  heard  of  before  from  the  beginning 
of  the  world  ?   When  did  a  judgment  of  the  Church  receive 
>ri»^its  validity1  from  the  Emperor?  or  rather  when  was  his 
decree  ever  recognised  by  the  Church?   There  have  been 
many  Councils  held  heretofore;  and  many  judgments  passed 
by  the  Church ;  but  the  Fathers  never  sought  the  consent  of 
the  Emperor  thereto,  nor  did  the  Emperor  busy  himself  with 
the  affairs  of  the  Church.    The  Apostle  Paul  had  friends 
among  them  of  Caesar's  household,  and  in  his  Epistle  to  the 
Philippians  he  sent  salutations  from  them;  but  he  never 
*>  249,  t00t  them  as  his  associates  in  Ecclesiastical  judgments9. 
Now  however  we  have  witnessed  a  novel  sight,  which  is  a 
discovery  of  the  Arian  heresy.    Heretics  have  assembled 
together  with  the  Emperor  Constantius,  in  order  that  he, 
alleging  the  authority  of  the  Bishops,  may  exercise  his 
power  against  whomsoever  he  pleases,  and  while  he  per- 
3 p. 279,  secutes  may  avoid  the  name  of  persecutor3;  and  that  they, 
note  c.  SUpp0rted  by  the  Emperor's  government,  may  conspire  the 
ruin  of  whomsoever  they  will d ;  and  these  are  all  such  as  are 
not  as  impious  as  themselves.    One  might  look  upon  their 
r#P6.  '  proceedings  as  a  comedy  which  they  are  performing  on  the 
5|wtf*  stage,  in  which  the  pretended  Bishops  are  actors4,  and  Con- 
rk$  i*-  stantius  the  performer  of  their  behests,  who  makes  promises 
li**vid.t0  tnem>  as  Herod  did  to  the  daughter  of  Herodias,  and  they 
Herod,  dancing  before  him,  accomplish,  through  false  accusations6, 
I29fin!  tne  banishment  and  death  of  the  true  believers  in  the  Lord. 
§.  53.     9.  Who  indeed  has  not  been  injured  by  their  calumnies  ? 
Whom  have  not  these  enemies  of  Christ  conspired  to  de- 

d  e7s  **  and  just  before     at  77  D.  Ep.  JEg.  §§.  5  B.  19  A.  22  B. 

UiXu.  [And  more  strikingly  just  below,  Ap.  ad  Const,  f .  1  C.  de  Fug.  §§.  3  C. 

§.  53  fin.  oL  iix*vfft  r^mrru,  Iti)  xa)  m.h<rb%  7  E.  ad  Serap.  fin.  And  so  in  this  His- 

£rt(  jflsXiv  #*»0*s  <r«g'  aurSv.]    This  is  tory,  besides  the  above  passage,  the 

a  very  familiar  phrase  with  A  than.  i.  e.  phrase  is  found  in  §§.  2  D.  3  fin.  7  C. 

it  WtXnrtt,         Wfatim,  tra*  6%\»*n,  ib.  D  twice.  47  C.  54  init.  59  A.  60  fin. 

•Is  WiXtieaw,  &c.  &c.    Some  instances  In  like  manner,  «/WA.«rr*,«/Wx*»roM, 

have  been  given  supr.  p.  15,  note  e.  &c.  Ep.  Encycl.  §.  7  D.  Apol.  contr. 

and  vol.  8.  p.  92,  note  r.    Among  the  Arian.  §§.  36  D.  73  A.  74  A.  77  B. 

many  passages  that  might  be  noticed,  twice,  ibid.  D.  82  init.  83  F.  ibid.  B. 

are  the  following,  de  Deer.  §.  3  A.  de  Ep.  JEg.  §.  6  B.  C.  Apol.  ad  Const. 

Syn.  §.  13  A.  Apol.  contr.  Arian.  §§.  §.  32  D.  de  Fug.  §.  1  fin.    And  so  in 

2  C.  14  D.  35  D.  36  D.  73  A.  B.  74  F.  this  History,  §§.  2  D.  16  D.  18  C. 

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Con stan tius  gives  up  Alex.  Churches  to  heretics.  267 

stroy  ?  Whom  has  Constantius  failed  to  banish  upon  charges  tr.  vm. 
which  they  have  brought  against  them  ?  When  did  he  refuse  63y  54* 
to  hear  them  willingly  ?  And  what  is  most  strange  *,  when  did 1  p.  221, 
he  permit  any  one  to  speak  against  them,  and  did  not  more  p^r? e 
readily  receive  their  testimony,  of  whatever  kind  it  might  §•  3.  F. 
be?    Where  is  there  a  Church  which  now  enjoys  the 
privilege  of  worshipping  Christ  freely2?  If  a  Church  be  a 8 p. 262, 
maintainer  of  true  piety,  it  is  in  danger ;  if  it  dissemble,  it r* 2* 
abides  in  fear.    Every  place  is  full  of  hypocrisy  and  impiety, 
so  far  as  he  is  concerned ;  and  wherever  there  is  a  pious 
person  and  a  lover  of  Christ,  (and  there  are  many  such  every 
where,  as  were  the  prophets  and  the  great  Elias,)  they  hide 
themselves,  if  so  be  that  they  can  find  a  faithful  friend  like 
Abdias,  and  either  they  withdraw  into  caves  and  dens  of  the 
earth,  or  pass  their  lives  in  wandering  about  in  the  deserts. 
These  men  in  their  madness  prefer  such  calumnies  against 
them,  as  Jezebel  invented  against  Naboth,  and  the  Jews 
against  our  Saviour;  while  the  Emperor,  who  is  the  patron 3  3  p- 260, 
of  the  heresy,  and  wishes  to  pervert  the  truth,  as  Ahab r* 
wished  to  change  the  vineyard  into  a  garden  of  herbs,  does 
whatever  they  desire  him  to  do,  for  the  suggestions  he 
receives  from  them  are  agreeable  to  his  own  wishes 4.  r.P9.266' 
JO.  Accordingly  he  banished,  as  I  said  before,  the  genuine  §.  54. 
Bishops,  because  they  would  not  profess  impious  doctrines, 
to  suit  his  own  pleasure;   and  now  he  has  sent  Count 
Heraclius  to  proceed  against  Athanasius,  who  has  publicly 
made  known  his  decrees,  and  announced  the  commands  of 
the  Emperor  to  be,  that  unless  they  complied  with  the 
instructions  contained  in  his  letters,  their  bread5  should  be'Pj^43* 
taken  away,  their  idols  overthrown,  and  the  persons  of  many  p.  276, 
of  the  city-magistrates  and  people  delivered  over  to  certain note  a' 
slavery.    After  threatening  them  in  this  manner,  he  was  not 
ashamed  to  declare  publicly  with  a  loud  voice,  "  The 
Emperor  disclaims  Athanasius,  and  has  commanded  that 
the  Churches  be  given  up  to  the  Arians."    And  when  all 
wondered  to  hear  this,  and  made  signs  to  one  another, 
exclaiming,  "  What !  has  Constantius  become  a  heretic  ?" 
instead  of  blushing  as  he  ought,  this  man  the  more  strictly 
obliged  the  senators  and  heathen  magistrates  and  wardens 
of  the  idol  temples  to  subscribe  to  these  conditions,  and  to 

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268  Irrttption  into  the  great  Church. 

Abian  agree  to  receive  as  their  Bishop  whomsoever  the  Emperor 
— should  send  them.     Of  course  Constantius  was  strictly 
»p.  249,  upholding  the  Canons1  of  the  Church,  when  he  caused  this 
*  p.  231,  to  be  done ;  when,  instead  of  requiring  letters8  from  the 
Mnfr     Church,  he  demanded  them  of  the  market-place3,  and  in- 
notef.   stead  of  the  people  he  asked  them  of  the  wardens  of  the 
temples.    He  was  conscious  that  he  was  not  sending  a 
Bishop  to  preside  over  Christians,  but  a  certain  pragmatical 
person  for  those  who  subscribed  to  his  terms. 
§.55.     11.  The  Gentiles  accordingly,  as  purchasing  by  their 
compliance  the  safety  of  their  idols,  and  certain  of  the 
trades',  subscribed,  though  unwillingly,  from  fear  of  the 
threats  which  he  had  held  out  to  them ;  just  as  if  the  matter 
had  been  the  appointment  of  a  general,  or  other  magistrate. 
Indeed  what,  as  heathen,  were  they  likely  to  do,  except 
whatever  was  pleasing  to  the  Emperor?   But  the  people 
4         having  assembled  in  the  great  Church4,  (for  it  was  the  fourth 
nofefp!  day  of  the  week,)  Count  Heraclius  on  the  following  day 
« Catto-  takes  with  him  Cataphronius  the  Prefect  of  Egypt,  and 
p.  163,  Faustinus  the  Receiver-General6,  and  Bithynus  a  heretic; 
note  m*  and  together  they  stir  up  the  younger  men  of  the  common 
multitude' who  worshipped  idols,  to  attack  the  Church,  and 
stone  the  people,  saying  that  such  was  the  Emperor's  com- 
6i!r#xif-  mand.    As  the  time  of  separation6  however  had  arrived,  the 
Suicerf  greater  part  had  already  left  the  Church,  but  there  being  a 
invoc.  few  women  still  remaining,  they  did  as  these  men  had 
charged  them,  whereupon  a  piteous  spectacle  ensued.  The 
few  women  had  just  risen  from  prayer  and  had  sat  down, 
when  the  youths  having  stripped  themselves  suddenly  came 
upon  them  with  stones  and  clubs.    Some  of  them  the  god- 
7 «; Mm, less7  wretches  stoned  to  death;  they  lacerated  with  stripes 
voL8.p.tne         Persons  of  the  Virgins,  tore  off  their  veils8  and 
3,  note  f.  exposed  their  heads,  and  when  they  resisted  the  insult,  the 
P"  ,r   cowards  kicked  them  with  their  feet.    This  was  dreadful, 
exceedingly  dreadful;  but  what  ensued  was  worse,  and 

e  rSf  l^yawiw, —trades,  or  workmen,  mug, hie  l^ym^ims  oj/icinarum  operas  com- 

vid.  8upr.  p.  33,  r.  2.  Montfaucon  has  a  modius  exprimere."  And  be  quotes  an 

note  upon  the  word  in  the  Collect.  Nov.  inscription  discovered  by  Spon,  rwr§  ri 

t.  2.  p.  xxvi.  where  he  corrects  his  Latin  4g*wv  tuQatu  h  X^ywlm,  r£h  fiafi**. 

in  loc.  of  the  former  passage  very  nearly  f  rah  ky§t*mv,  vid.  Acts  xvii.  5. 

in  conformity  to  the  rendering  given  of  has  been  used  just  above,  vid.  Suicer. 

it  above,  p.  33.  "  In  Onomastico  monui-  Thesaur.  in  voe. 

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'lite  great  Church  pillaged. 


more  intolerable   than  any  outrage.     Knowing  the  holyTR.vui. 
character  of  the  virgins,  and  that  their  ears  were  unac-  — 1 — - 
customed  to  pollution,  and  that  they  were  better  able  to 
bear  stones  and  swords  than  expressions  of  obscenity,  they 
assailed  them  with  such  language.   This  the  Arians  suggested 
to  the  young  men,  and  laughed  at  all  they  said  and  did ; 
while  the  holy  Virgins  and  other  godly  women  fled  from 
such  words  as  they  would  from  the  bite  of  asps,  but  the 
enemies 1  of  Christ  assisted  them  in  the  work,  nay  even,  it 1  p.  270, 
may  be,  gave  utterance  to  the  same;  for  they  were  well-note1, 
pleased  with  the  obscenities  which  the  youths  vented  upon 

12.  After  this,  that  they  might  fully  execute  the  orders  §.  56. 
they  had  received,  (for  this  was  what  they  earnestly  desired, 
and  what  the  Count  and  the  Receiver-General  instructed 
them  to  do,)  they  seized  upon  the  seats,  the  throne,  and  the 
table  which  was  of  woodg,  and  the  curtainsh  of  the  Church, 
and  whatever  else  they  were  able,  and  carrying  them  out 
burnt  them  before  the  doors  in  the  great  street,  and  cast 
frankincense  upon  the  flame.    Alas  !  who  will  not  weep  to 
hear  of  these  things,  and,  it  may  be,  close  his  ears3,  that  heap.  140 
may  not  have  to  endure  the  recital,  esteeming  it  hurtful  j^gg*8, 
merely  to  listen  to  the  accounts  of  such  enormities  ?   More-  init. 
over  they  sang  the  praises  of  their  idols,  and  said,  "  Con- 
stantius  hath  become  a  heathen,  and  the  Arians  have 
acknowledged  our  customs;"  for  indeed  they  scruple  not 
even  to  pretend  heathenism,  if  only  their  heresy  may  be 
established.    They  even  were  ready  to.  sacrifice  a  heifer 
which  drew  the  water  for  the  gardens  at  the  Caesareum1; 
and  would  have  sacrificed  it,  had  it  not  been  a  female k;  for 
they  said  that  it  was  unlawful  for  such  to  be  offered  among 

8  vid.Flenry's  Church  History,  xxii.  e.g.  vid.  Cod.  Theod.  xv.  2.  even  at 
7.  p.  129,  note  k.  [Oxf.  tr.  1843.]  By  Daphne,  though  it  abounded  in  springs, 
specifying  the  material,  Athan.  implies   ibid.  1.  2. 

that  altars  were  sometimes  not  of  wood.  k  vid.  Herodot.  ii.  41.  who  says  that 
h  Curtains  were  at  the  entrance,  and   cows  and  heifers  were  sacred  to  Isis. 

before  the  chancel,  vid.  Bingh.  Antiqu.   vid.  Jablonski  Pantheon  JEg.  i.  1.  §.  15. 

viii.  6.  §.  8.  Hofman.  Lex.  in  voc.  velum,   who  says  that  Isis  was  worshipped  in 

also  Chrysost.  Horn.  Hi.  in  Eph.  [tr.  p.   the  shape  of  a  cow,  and  therefore  the 

133,  note  o.]  cows  received  divine  honours.  Yet  bulls 

1  The  royal  quarter  in  Alexandria,    were  sacrificed  to  Apis,  ibid.  iv.  2.  §.  9. 

vid.  supr.  p.  167,  note  p.    In  other    vid.  also  Schweighseuser  in  loc.  He- 

Palatia  an  aqueduct  was  nectssary,  rod. 

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270  Miraculous  judgments  on  the /pillagers. 

Arian     13.  Thus  acted  the  impious1  Arians  in  conjunction  with 
^Hl~-the  heathens,  thinking  that  these  things  tended  to  our  dis- 
'  i«rn-  h°n°ur.    But  Divine  justice  reproved  their  iniquity,  and 
0i7f,mis- wrought  a  great  and  remarkable  miracle*,  thereby  plainly 
ing,eaa  shewing  to  all  men,  that  as  in  their  acts  of  impiety1  they  had 
passim,  dared  to  attack  none  other  but  the  Lord,  so  in  these  pro- 
V?2\7*'  ceedings  also,  they  were  again  attempting  to  do  dishonour 
r* 6*     unto  Him.    This  was  more  manifestly  proved  by  the  marvel- 
3  '«4*«-lous9  event  which  now  came  to  pass.    One  of  these  licentious 
p^sm,  youths  ran  into  the  Church,  and  ventured  to  sit  down  upon 
n  l*     the  throne  ;  and  as  he  sat  there  the  wretched  man  uttered 
with  a  nasal  sound  some  lascivious  song.    Then  rising  up 
he  attempted  to  pull  away  the  throne,  and  to  drag  it  towards 
him;  he  knew  not  that  he  was  drawing  down  vengeance 
upon  himself.    For  as  of  old  the  inhabitants  of  Azotus, 
when  they  ventured  to  touch  the  Ark,  which  it  was  not 
lawful  for  them  even  to  look  upon,  were  immediately  de- 
stroyed by  it,  being  first  grievously  tormented  by  emerods ; 
so  this  unhappy  person  who  presumed  to  drag  the  throne, 
drew  it  upon  himself,  and,  as  if  Divine  justice  had  sent  the 
wood  to  punish  him,  he  struck  it  into  his  own  bowels;  and 
instead  of  carrying  out  the  throne,  he  brought  out  by  the 
blow  his  own  entrails,  so  that  the  throne  took  away  his  life, 
instead  of  his  taking  it  away.  For,  as  it  is  written  of  Judas,  his 
bowels  gushed  out,  and  he  fell  down  and  was  carried  away, 
and  the  day  after  died.    Another  also  entered  the  Church 
with  boughs  of  trees,  and,  as  in  the  Gentile  manner  he  waved 
them  in  his  hands  and  mocked,  he  was  immediately  struck 
with  blindness,  so  as  straightway  to  lose  his  sight,  and  to 
know  no  longer  where  he  was ;  but  as  he  was  about  to  fall, 
he  was  taken  by  the  hand  and  supported  by  his  companions 
out  of  the  place,  and  when  on  the  following  day  he  was  with 
difficulty  brought  to  his  senses,  he  knew  not  either  what  he 
had  done  or  suffered  in  consequence  of  his  audacity. 
§.  58.     14.  The  Gentiles,  when  they  beheld  these  things,  were 
seized  with  fear,  and  ventured  on  no  further  outrage;  but 
the  Arians  were  not  yet  touched  with  shame,  but,  like  the 

1  vid.  vol.  8.  p.  1,  note  1.  This  is  a  *ft&$u>rts,  8cc.  being  here  contrasted 
remarkable  instance  of  the  special  and  with  pagan  blasphemy,  &c.  vid.  also 
technical  sense  of  the  words,  w't&u*,   p.  269,  r.  1. 

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General  persecution  at  Alexandria.  271 

Jews  when  they  saw  the  miracles,  were  faithless  and  would  tr.  vm. 
not  believe,  nay,  like  Pharaoh,  they  were  hardened ;  they  67~59' 
too  having  placed  their  hopes  below,  on  the  Emperor  and 
his  eunuchs.    They  permitted  the  Gentiles,  or  rather  the 
more  abandoned  of  the  Gentiles,  to  act  in  the  manner  before 
described ;  for  they  found  that  Faustinus,  who  is  the  Re- 
ceiver-General by  style,  but  is  a  vulgar1  person  in  habits,1 
and  profligate  in  heart,  was  ready  to  play  his  part  with  them  p^es, 
in  these  proceedings,  and  to  stir  up  the  heathen.    Nay,  they  note  f* 
undertook  to  do  the  like  themselves,  that  as  they  had  struck 
off  their  heresy  from  all  other  heresies  together2,  so  they 2  p.  244, 
might  divide  their  wickedness  with  the  more  depraved  partr*  lm 
of  mankind.  What  they  did  through  the  instrumentality  of 
others  I  have  described  above;  the  enormities  they  com- 
mitted themselves,  surpass  the  bounds  of  all  wickedness; 
and  they  exceed  the  vileness  of  any  hangman3.    Where  is 3 
there  a  house  which  they  did  not  ravage?  where  is  there r. 3.  ' 
a  family  they  did  not  plunder  on  pretence  of  searching 
for  their  opponents?   where  is  there  a  garden  they  did 
not  trample  under  foot?  what  tomb4  they  did  not  open,4vid. 
pretending  they  were  seeking  for  Athanasius,  though  their  Hist!  iv. 
sole  object  was  to  plunder  and  spoil  all  that  came  in  their13- 
way  ?  How  many  men's  houses  were  sealed  up  !  From  how 
many  did  they  accept  hospitality  to  give  it  to  the  soldiers 
who  assisted  them !    Who  had  not  experience  of  their 
wickedness  ?  Who  that  met  them  in  the  market-place  but 
was  obliged  to  hide  himself?  Did  not  many  an  one  leave  his 
house  from  fear  of  them,  and  pass  the  night  in  the  desert  ? 
Did  not  many  an  one,  while  anxious  to  preserve  his  property 
from  them,  lose  the  greater  part  of  it  ?   And  who,  however 
inexperienced,  did  not  choose  rather  to  commit  himself  to 
the  sea,  and  to  risk  all  its  dangers,  than  to  witness  their 
threatenings  ?    Many  also  changed  their  residences,  and 
removed  from  street  to  street,  and  from  the  city  to  the 
suburbs.    And  many  submitted  to  severe  fines,  and  when 
they  were  unable  to  pay,  borrowed  of  others,  merely  that 
they  might  escape  their  machinations. 

15.  For  they  made  themselves  formidable  to  all  men,  and  §.  59. 
treated  all  with  great  arrogance,  using  the  name  of  the  Emperor, 
and  threatening  them  with  his  displeasure.    They  had  to 

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Martyrdom  of  Eutychius. 

Am  an  assist  them  in  their  wickedness  the  Duke  Sebastianup,  a 

 -  Manichee,  and  a  profligate  young  man ;   the  Prefect,  the 

Count,  and  the  Receiver-General  to  play  his  part.  Many 
Virgins  who  condemned  their  impiety,  and  professed  the 
truth,  they  threw  down  from  the  houses;  others  they  insulted 
as  they  walked  along  the  streets,  and  caused  their  heads  to 
»p.  968,  be  uncovered1  by  their  young  men.  They  also  gave  per- 
r"  "  mission  to  the  females  of  their  party  to  insult  whom  they 
chose ;  and  although  the  holy  and  faithful  women  withdrew 
on  one  side,  and  gave  them  the  way,  yet  they  gathered 
round  them  like  Bacchanals  and  Furies m,  and  esteemed  it  a 
misfortune  if  they  found  no  means  to  injure  them,  and  spent 
that  day  sorrowfully  on  which  they  were  unable  to  do  them 
some  mischief.    In  a  word,  so  cruel  and  bitter  were  they 

*  p.  271,  against  all,  that  all  men  called  them  hangmen2,  murderers, 
"  *     lawless,  intruders,  evil-doers,  and  by  any  other  name  rather 

note  b. '  tnan  that  of  Christians 3. 

§.  60.     16.  Moreover,  imitating  the  savage  practices  of  Scythians4, 

*  p1*  2^  they  seized  upon  Eutychius  the  Sub-deacon,  a  man  who  had 
Hof-  served  the  Church  honourably,  and  causing  him  to  be 
voo  fin.  scourged  on  the  back  with  a  heathen  whip,  till  he  was  at  the 

point  of  death,  they  demanded  that  he  should  be  sent  away 
to  the  mines ;  and  not  simply  to  any  mine,  but  to  that  of 
Phaeno n,  where  even  a  condemned  murderer  is  hardly  able 
to  live  a  few  days.  And  what  was  most  unreasonable  in 
their  conduct,  they  would  not  permit  him  even  a  few  hours 
to  have  his  wounds*  dressed,  but  caused  him  to  be  sent  off 
immediately,  saying,  "  If  this  is  done,  all  men  will  be  afraid, 
and  henceforward  will  be  on  our  side."  After  a  short 
interval  however,  being  unable  to  accomplish  his  journey  to 
the  mine  on  account  of  the  pain  of  his  wounds,  he  died  on 
the  way.  He  perished  rejoicing,  having  obtained  the  glory 
of  martyrdom. 

m  vid.  vol.  8.  p.  91,  note  q.  also  Greg. 
Naz.  Orat.  35.  3.  Epiph.  Hair.  69.  3. 
Theod.  Hist  i.  3.  (p.  730.  ed.  Schulze.) 

n  The  mines  of  Phspno  lie  almost  in 
a  direct  line  between  Petrse  and  Zoar, 
which  is  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the 
Dead  Sea.  They  formed  the  place  of  pu- 
nishment of  Confessors  in  the  Maximi- 
nian  Persecution,  Euseb.  de  Mart.Pal.7. 

and  in  the  Arian  Persecution  at  Alex- 
andria after  Athan.  Theod.  Hist,  i v.  19. 
p.  996.  Phsenon  was  once  the  seat  of  a 
Bishopric,  which  sent  a  Bishop  to  the 
Councils  at  Ephesus,  the  Ecumenical, 
tine,  pp.  951,  952.  Montfaucon  tin  loc. 
Athan.  Le  Quien.  Or.  Christ,  t.  3. 
p.  745. 

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Scourging  of  Hermias  and  three  others,  273 

17.  But  the  miscreants1  were  not  even  yet  ashamed,  but  in  ^  vjii. 

the  words  of  Scripture,  having  bowels  without  mercy,  they  x  ^t^f 

acted  accordingly,  and  now  again  perpetrated  a  devilish9  prov. 

deed.    When  the  people  prayed  them  to  spare  Eutychius  12- 

and  besought  them  for  him,  they  caused  four  honourable  mi9)  vo). 

and  free  citizens  to  be  seized,  one  of  whom  was  Hermias 8>  P*  9» 

'  note  s. 

who  washed  the  beggars'  feet°;  and  after  scourging  them 
very  severely,  the  Duke  cast  them  into  the  prison.    But  the 
Arians,  who  are  more  cruel  even  than  Scythians3,  when  they3pp-272, 
saw  that  they  did  not  die  from  the  stripes  they  had  received,  275,  r.4. 
complained  of  the  Duke  and  threatened,  saying,  "  We  will 
write  and  tell  the  eunuchs,  that  he  does  not  flog  as  we 
wish."    Hearing  this  he  was  afraid,  and  was  obliged  to  beat 
the  men  a  second  time ;  and  they  being  beaten,  and  knowing 
for  what  cause  they  suffered  and  by  whom  they  had  been 
accused,  said  only,  "  We  are  beaten  for  the  sake  of  the 
Truth,  but  we  will  not  hold  communion  with  the  heretics ; 
beat  us  now  as  thou  wilt ;   God  will  judge  thee  for  this." 
The  impious  heretics4  wished  to  expose  them  to  danger  in4mis- 
the  prison,  that  they  might  die  there ;  but  the  people  of creant8, 
God  observing  their  time,  besought  him  for  them,  and  after 
seven  days  or  more  they  were  set  at  liberty. 

18.  But  the  Arians,  as  being  grieved  at  this,  again  devised  §.61. 
another  yet  more  cruel  and  unholy  deed ;  cruel  in  the  eyes 

of  all  men,  but  well  suited  to  their  antichristiau  heresy. 
Our  Lord  commanded  that  we  should  remember  the  poor ; 
He  said,  Sell  that  ye  have,  and  give  alms ;  and  again,  /  was  Lukei2, 
a  hungred,  and  ye  gave  Me  meat;  I  was  thirsty,  and  Ve^&t25 
gave  Me  drink ;  for  inasmuch  as  ye  have  done  it  unto  one  of  35. 40. ' 
these  little  ones,  ye  have  done  it  unto  Me.    But  these  men, 
as  being  in  truth  opposed  to  Christ,  have  presumed  to  act 
contrary  to  His  will  in  this  respect  also.    For  when  the 
Duke  gave  up  the  Churches  to  the  Arians,  and  the  destitute 
persons  and  widows  were  unable  to  continue  any  longer  in 

0  *Efi«s/«>,  rout  kw&ivt, 

"  Inauspicato  verterat  Hermantius,  qui 
angiportos  non  pervios  lavabat."  Mont- 
fancon,  Coll.  Nov.  t.  2.  p.  xliii.  who 
translates  as  above,  yet  not  satisfactorily, 
especially  as  there  is  no  article  before 
X»»§rrM  Tillemont  says,  "  qui  avait 
quelle  charge  dans  la  police  de  la  ville," 

understanding  by  dp't£$$«,  "  inclusi  sive 
incarcerati  homines;"  whereas  they 
are  "  ii  qui  *m  rag  i%fi*vt  in  exitibus 
viarum,  stipem  cogunt."  Montf.  ibid. 
For  the  custom  of  washing  the  feet,  vid. 
Bingh.  Antiqu.  xii.  4.  §.  10.  Justinian 
in  1  Ep.  ad  Trin.  v.  10. 

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llltreatment  of  the  poor 

a Ri an  them,  the  widows  sat  down  in  places  which  the  Clergy 

  entrusted  with  the  care  of  them  appointed.    And  when  the 

A  nans  saw  that  the  brethren  readily  ministered  unto  them 
and  supported  them,  they  persecuted  them  also,  beating 

1  p.  284,  them  on  the  feet1,  and  accused  those  who  gave  to  them 
r* 10"    before  the  Duke.    This  was  done  by  means  of  a  certain 

soldier  named  Dynamius.  And  it  was  well-pleasing  to 
Sebastian,  for  there  is  no  mercy  in  the  Manichaeans ;  nay,  it 
is  considered  a  hateful  thing  among  them  to  shew  mercy  to 
a  poor  man.  Here  then  was  a  novel  subject  of  complaint ; 
and  a  new  kind  of  court  now  first  invented  by  the  Arians. 
Persons  were  brought  to  trial  for  acts  of  kindness  which  they 
had  performed  ;  he  who  shewed  mercy  was  accused,  and  he 
who  had  received  a  benefit  was  beaten;  and  they  wished 
rather  that  a  poor  man  should  suffer  hunger,  than  that  he 
who  was  willing  to  shew  mercy  should  give  to  him.  Such 
sentiments  these  modern  Jews,  for  such  they  are,  have 
learned  from  the  Jews  of  old,  who  when  they  saw  him  who 
had  been  blind  from  his  birth  recover  his  sight,  and  him 
who  had  been  a  long  time  sick  of  the  palsy  made  whole, 

2  vid  de  accused  our  Lord  who  had  bestowed  these  benefits  upon 
Deer,  them,  and  judged  them  to  be  transgressors  who  had  ex- 
p.  3. tF  perienced  His  goodness2. 

§.  62.     19.  Who  was  not  struck  with  astonishment  at  these  pro- 
ceedings?  Who  did  not  execrate  both  the  heresy,  and  its 
defenders?  Who  failed  to  perceive  that  the  Arians  are  indeed 
more  cruel  than  wild  beasts  ?   For  they  had  no  prospect  of 
3vid.vol.gains  from  their  iniquity,  for  the  sake  of  which  they  might 
note1c.1,^iave  acte(i  lu  tn^s  manner;  but  they  rather  increased  the 
*  p.  248,  hatred4  of  all  men  against  themselves.    They  thought  by 
r*3,     treachery  and  terror  to  force  certain  persons  into  their 
heresy,  so  that  they  might  be  brought  to  communicate  with 
them;  but  the  event  turned  out  quite  the  contrary.  The 
sufferers  endured  as  martyrdom  whatever  they  inflicted  upon 
them,  and  neither  betrayed  nor  denied  the  true  faith  in 
Christ.    And  those  that  were  without  and  witnessed  their 
conduct,  and  at  last  even  the  heathen  when  they  saw  these 
5  «»«  -  things,  execrated  them  as  antichristian6,  as  cruel  executioners  6 ; 
f°r  numan  nature  is  prone  to  pity  and  sympathise  with  the 

p.  247,  poor.  But  these  men  have  lost  even  the  common  senti- 

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and  of  the  Presbyters  and  Deacons. 


merits  of  humanity ;  and  that  kindness  which  they  would  tr.  vm. 

have  desired  to  meet  with  at  the  hands  of  others,  had  them  - — - 

selves  been  sufferers,  they  would  not  permit  others  to  receive, 
but  employed  against  them  the  severity  and  authority  of  the 
magistrates,  and  especially  of  the  Duke. 

20.  What  they  did  to  the  Presbyters  and  Deacons;  how  they  63. 
drove  them  into  banishment  under  sentence  passed  upon 
them  by  the  Duke  and  the  Magistrates,  causing  the  soldiers 
to  throw  down  their  kinsfolk  from  the  houses1,  and  Gorgonius 1  p.  272 
the  commander  of  the  police2  to  beat  them  with  stripes ;  9^mtn. 
and  how  (most  cruel  act  of  all)  with  much  insolence  they  7«»>infr- 

p.  295, 

plundered  the  bread*  of  these  and  of  those  who  were  now  note  b. 
dead ;  these  things  it  is  impossible  for  words  to  describe,  for 
their  cruelty  surpasses  all  the  powers  of  language.  What 
terms  could  one  employ  which  might  seem  equal  to  the 
subject?  What  circumstances  could  one  mention  first,  so 
that  those  next  recorded  would  not  be  found  more  dreadful, 
and  the  next  more  dreadful  still?  All  their  attempts  and 
iniquities3  were  full  of  murder  and  impiety;  and  so  un- 3 
scrupulous  and  artful  are  they,  that  they  endeavour  tofum 
deceive  by  promises  of  protection,  and  by  bribing  with 
money4,  that  so,  since  they  cannot  recommend  themselves  by4pp.i36, 
fair  means,  they  may  thereby- appear  to  the  simple  to  make^.286' 
some  show. 

*  «-#&f  ^nm,  the  word  occurs  above,  "  most  cruel  of  all,  with  much  insolence 
pp.  7,  192,  267.  in  this  sense  ;  but  they  tore  the  limbs  of  the  dead,"  alleg- 
N  annius,  Hermant,  and  Tillemont,with  ing  that  merely  to  take  away  loaves  was 
some  plausibility  understand  it  as  a  not  so  "  cruel"  as  to  take  away  lives, 
Latin  term  naturalized,  and  translate   which  the  Arians  had  done. 

T  2 

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^.64.      1.  Who  would  call  them  even  by  the  name  of  Gentiles ; 

1  p.  208,  much  less  by  that  of  Christians1  ?  Would  any  one  regard  their 
note  b.  jjgjjjk  an(j  feelings  as  human,  and  not  rather  those  of  wild 

beasts,  seeing  their  cruel  and  savage  conduct  ?   They  are 

2  p.  274,  more  malignant  than  public  hangmen2;  more  audacious  than 
r* 6*  all  other  heretics.  To  the  Gentiles  they  are  much  inferior, 
3 pp.235, and  stand  far  apart  and  separate  from  them3.  I  have  heard 
253  r  l  from  our  fathers,  and  I  believe  their  report  to  be  a  faithful 

one,  that  long  ago,  when  a  persecution  arose  in  the  time  of 
Maximian,  the  grandfather  of  Constantius,  the  Gentiles 
concealed  our  brethren  the  Christians,  who  were  sought 
after,  and  frequently  suffered  the  loss  of  their  own  sub- 
stance, and  had  trial  of  imprisonment,  solely  that  they 
might  not  betray  the  fugitives.  They  protected  those  who 
fled  to  them  for  refuge,  as  they  would  have  done  their  own 
persons,  and  were  determined  to  run  all  risks  on  their 
behalf.  But  now  these  admirable  persons,  the  inventors  of 
*  p.  275  a  new  heresy,  act  altogether  the  contrary  part4,  and  are  dis- 
lnlt*  tinguished  for  nothing,  but  their  treachery.  They  have 
appointed  themselves  as  executioners2,  and  seek  to  betray 
all  alike,  and  make  those  who  conceal  others  the  objects  of 
their  plots,  esteeming  equally  as  their  enemy  both  him  that 
conceals  and  him  that  is  concealed.    So  murderous  are 


Martyrdom  of  Secundus  of  Barea.  277 
they  ;  so  emulous  in  their  evil-doings  of  the  wickedness  ofTR.viti. 

t  j  64 — 66. 


2.  The  crimes  these  men  have  committed  cannot  worthily  §.  65. 
be  described.    I  would  only  say,  that  as  I  write  and  wish  to 
enumerate  all  their  deeds  of  iniquity,  the  thought  enters  my 
mind,  whether  this  heresy  be  not  the  fourth  daughter  of  the  Prov. 
horse-leach1  in  the  Proverbs,  since  after  so  many  acts  off^.Jgi 
injustice,  so  many  murders ;  it  hath  not  yet  said,  'It  isr«2- 
enough.'     No;    it  still  rages,  and  goes  about2  seeking2*^- 
after  those  whom  it  has  not  yet  discovered,  while  those  * ^S, 
whom  it  has  already  injured,  it  is  eager  to  injure  anew-^e'|^ 
After  the  midnight  attack,  after  the  evils  committed  in§.  2efin. 
consequence  of  it,  after  the  persecution  brought  about  by 
Heraclius,  they  cease  not  yet  to  accuse  us  falsely  before 

the  Emperor,  (and  they  are  confident  that  as  impious 
persons  they  will  obtain  a  hearing,)  desiring  that  something 
more  than  banishment  may  be  inflicted  upon  us,  and  that 
hereafter  those  who  do  not  consent  to  their  impieties  may 
be  destroyed.  Accordingly,  being  now  emboldened  in  an 
extreme  degree,  that  most  abandoned  Secundus3  of  Penta- 3  p.  133, 
polis,  and  Stephanus4  his  accomplice,  conscious  that  theirl#p%36^ 
heresy  was  a  defence  of  any  injustice  they  might  commit,  on 
discovering  a  Presbyter  at  Barea  who  would  not  comply 
with  their  desires,  (he  was  called  Secundus,  being  of  the 
same  name,  but  not  of  the  same  faith  with  the  heretic,)  they 
kicked  till  he  diedb.  While  he  was  thus  suffering  he 
imitated  the  Saint  and  said,  "  Let  no  one  avenge  my  cause 
before  human  judges ;  I  have  the  Lord  for  my  avenger,  for 
whose  sake  I  suffer  these  things  at  their  hands."  They  how- 
ever were  not  moved  with  pity  at  these  words,  nor  did  they 
feel  any  awe  of  the  sacred  season  ;  for  it  was  during  the 
time  of  Lent5  that  they  thus  kicked  the  man  to  death.  noi/& 

3.  O  new  heresy,  that  hast  put  on  the  whole  devil  in§.  66. 
impiety  and  wicked  deeds !   For  in  truth  it  is  but  a  lately 
invented  evil;  and  although  certain  heretofore  appear  to 
have  adopted  its  doctrines,  yet  they  concealed  them  and 
were  not  known  to  hold  them.    But  Eusebius  and  Arius, 

b  In  like  manner  the  party  of  Dio-    to  death  Flavian,  Patriarch  of  Con- 
scorus  at  the  Latrocinium,  or  Eutychian  stantinople. 
Council  of  Ephe8us,  A.D.  449.  kicked 

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278  Avians  worse  than  other  heretics 

Arian  like  serpents  coming  out  of  their  holes,  have  vomited1  forth 
Hist.  ^e  p0ison»  Gf  this  impiety ;  Arius  daring  to  blaspheme 

tr.p.!S.0Penly,  and  Eusebius  defending  his  blasphemy.  He  was 
tJra$ia2  not  however  able  to  support  the  heresy,  until,  as  I  said 
•Orati!  before,  he  found  a  patron3  for  it  in  the  Emperor.  Our 
i?YPi89  fathers  called  an  Ecumenical  Council,  when  three  hundred 
218.  of  them,  more  or  less,  met  together  and  condemned  the 
r.p<i.  '  Arian  heresy,  and  all  declared  that  it  was  alien  and  strange 
<u»x*-to  the  faith  of  the  Church4.  Upon  this  its  supporters, 
•S^*1  perceiving  that  they  were  dishonoured  and  had  now  no 
tr^aia  80°d  fiF01111**  °f  argument  to  insist  upon,  devised  a  different 
r.  4*.    1  method,  and  attempted  to  vindicate  it  by  means  of  external 

Vales.      4.  And  herein  one  may  especially  admire  the  novelty  as 
HiS1  ii. we^  as  wickedness  of  their  device,  and  how  they  go  beyond 
2S-      all  other  heresies.    For  these  support  their  fond6  inventions 
r.Pi .    '  by  persuasive  arguments  calculated  to  deceive  the  simple  ; 
V^'pa-the  Greeks,  as  the  Apostle  has  said,  make  their  attack  with 
sublime  and  enticing  words,  and  with  plausible  fallacies; 
the  Jews,  leaving  the  divine  Scriptures,  now,  as  the  Apostle 
iTim.i,  again  has  said,  contend  about  fables  and  endless  genealogies; 
and  the  Manichees  and  Valentinians  with  them,  and  others, 
corrupting  the  divine  Scriptures,  put  forth  fables  in  terms  of 
their  own  invention.    But  the  Arians  are  bolder  than  them 
all,  and  have  shewn  that  the  other  heresies  are  but  their 
7  p.  244.  younger  sisters7,  whom,  as  1  have  said,  they  surpass  in 
impiety,  emulating  them  all,  and  especially  the  Jews,  in 
their  iniquity.    For  as  the  Jews,  when  they  were  unable  to 
prove  the  charges  which  they  pretended  to  allege  against 
Paul,  straightway  led  him  to  the  chief  captain  and  the 
governor ;  so  likewise  these  men,  who  surpass  the  Jews  in 
their  devices,  make  use  only  of  the  power  of  the  judges;  and 
if  any  one  so  much  as  speaks  against  them,  he  is  dragged 
§.  67.  before  the  Governor  or  the  General.    The  other  heresies 
also,  when  the.  very  Truth  has  refuted  them  on  the  clearest 
evidence,  are  wont  to  be  silent,  being  simply  confounded  by 
their  conviction.    But  this  modern  and  accursed  heresy, 
when  it  is  overthrown  by  argument,  when  it  is  cast  down 
and  covered  with  shame  by  the  very  Truth,  forthwith  en- 
deavours to  reduce  by  violence  and  stripes  and  imprison- 

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as  propagating  their  doctrines  by  force.  279 
ment  those  whom  it  has  been  unable  to  persuade  by  tr.  viii. 

66  67 

argument,  thereby  acknowledging  itself  to  be  any  thing — - — - 
rather  than  godly.    For  it  is  the  part  of  true  godliness  not  to 
compel0,  but  to  persuade,  as  I  said  before1.    Thus  our  Lord1  p.  257, 
Himself,  not  as  employing  force,  but  as  offering  to  their r'5, 
free  choice,  has  said  to  all,  If  any  man  will  follow  after  Mat.i6, 
Me ;  and  to  His  disciples,  Will  ye  also  go  away  ?  j40"hn  6> 

5.  This  heresy  however  is  altogether  alien  from  godliness ; 
and  therefore  how  otherwise  should  it  act,  than  contrary  to 
our  Saviour,  seeing  also  that  it  has  enlisted  that  enemy  of 
Christ  Constantius,  as  it  were  Antichrist  himself2,  to  be  its2vid.voi. 
leader  in  impiety?  He  for  its  sake  has  earnestly  endeavoured *'Jfe  ™' 
to  emulate  Saul  in  savage  cruelty.    For  when  the  priests 
gave  victuals  to  David,  Saul  commanded,  and  they  were  all 
destroyed,  in  number  three  hundred  and  five3;  and  this  man, 3  85 
now  that  all  avoid  the  heresy,  and  confess  a  sound  faith  in  Jec!text. 
the  Lord,  overthrows  a  Council  of  full  three  hundred  Bishops, 
banishes  the  Bishops  themselves,  and  hinders  the  people  from 
the  practice  of  piety,  and  from  their  prayers  to  God,  pre- 
venting their  public  assemblies.    And  as  Saul  overthrew 
Nob,  the  city  of  the  priests,  so  this  man,  advancing  even 
further  in  wickedness,  has  given  up  the  Churches  to  the 
impious.    And  as  he  honoured  Doeg  the  accuser  before 

c  The  eariy  theory  ahout  persecution  and  rational  grounds  in  the  cause  so 
seems  to  have  been  this, — that  that  was  maintained.  Again,  there  was  an  evi- 
a  bad  cause  which  depended  upon  it,  dent  impropriety  in  ecclesiastical  func- 
but  that,  when  a  came  was  good,  there  tionaries  using  secular  weapons,  as 
was  nothing  wrong  in  using  force  in  due  there  would  be  in  their  engaging  in  a 
subordination  to  argument ;  that  there  secular  pursuit,  or  forming  secular  con- 
was  as  little  impropriety  in  the  civil  nections ;  whereas  the  soldier  might  as 
magistrate's  inducing  individuals  by  suitably,  and  should  as  dutifully,  defend 
force,  when  they  were  incapable  of  religion  with  the  sword,  as  the  scholar 
higher  motives,  as  by  those  secular  with  his  pen.  And  further  there  was  an 
blessings  which  follow  on  Christianity,  abhorrence  of  cruelty  natural  to  us. 
Our  Lord's  kingdom  was  not  of  this  which  it  was  a  duty  to  cherish  and 
world,  that  is,  it  did  not  depend  on  this  maintain.  All  this  being  considered, 
world;  but,  as  subduing,  engrossing,  there  is  no  inconsistency  in  St.  Atha- 
and  swaying  this  world,  it  at  times  con-  nasius  denouncing  persecution,  and  in 
descended  to  make  use  of  this  world's  Theodosius  decreeing  that  "  the  hure- 
weapons  against  itself.  The  simple  tical  teachers,  who  usurped  the  sacred 
question  was  whether  a  cause  depended  titles  of  Bishops  or  Presbyters,"  should 
enforce  for  Us  existence.  St.  Athana-  be  "  exposed  to  the  heavy  penalties  of 
sius  declared,  and  the  event  proved,  exile  and  confiscation."  Gibbon,  Hist, 
that  Arianism  was  so  dependent.  When  ch.  27.  For  a  list  of  passages  from  the 
Emperors  ceased  to  persecute,  Arianism  Fathers  on  the  subject,  vid.  Limborch 
ceased  to  be;  it  had  no  life  in  itself,  on  the  Inquisition,  vol.  1. 
Again,  all  cruel  persecution,  or  long  Laicis,  c.  21.  22.  and  of  authors  in 
continued,  or  on  a  large  scale,  was  favour  of  persecution,  vid.  Gerhard  de 
wrong,  as  arguing  an  absence  of  moral  Magistr.  Polit.  p.  741,  &c. 


280    Constantius  worse  than  Saul,  Ahab,  and  Pilate. 

Am  an  the  true  priests,  and  persecuted  David,  giving  ear  to  the 

 -Ziphites;  so  this  man  prefers  heretics  to  the  godly,  and 

even  persecutes  them  that  flee  from  him,  giving  ear  to  his 
own  eunuchs,  who  falsely  accuse  the  orthodox.  He  does 
not  perceive  that  whatever  he  does  or  writes  in  behalf  of  the 
heresy  of  the  Arians,  amounts  to  an  attack  upon  his  Saviour. 
68.  6.  Ahab  himself  did  not  act  so  cruelly  towards  the  priests 
of  God,  as  this  man  has  acted  towards  the  Bishops.  For  he 
was  at  least  pricked  in  his  conscience  when  Naboth  had 
been  murdered,  and  was  afraid  at  the  sight  of  Elias ;  but 
this  man  neither  reverenced  the  great  Hosius,  nor  was 
wearied  or  pricked  in  conscience,  after  banishing  so  many 
Bishops ;  but  like  another  Pharaoh,  the  more  he  is  afflicted, 
the  more  he  is  hardened,  and  imagines  greater  wickedness 
day  by  day.  And  the  most  extraordinary  instance  of  his 
iniquity  was  the  following.  It  happened  that  when  the 
Bishops  were  condemned  to  banishment,  certain  other 
persons  also  received  their  sentence  on  charges  of  murder 
or  sedition  or  theft,  each  according  to  the  quality  of  his 
offence.  These  men  after  a  few  months  he  released,  on 
being  requested  to  do  so,  as  Pilate  did  Barabbas ;  but  the 
servants  of  Christ  he  not  only  refused  to  set  at  liberty,  but 
even  sentenced  them  to  more  unmerciful  punishment  in  the 
place  of  their  exile,  proving  himself  a  perpetual  torment  to  them. 
To  the  others  through  congeniality  of  disposition  he  became 
a  friend ;  but  to  the  orthodox  he  was  an  enemy  on  account 
of  their  true  faith  in  Christ.  Is  it  not  clear  to  all  men  from 
hence,  that  the  Jews  of  old  when  they  demanded  Barabbas, 
and  crucified  the  Lord,  acted  but  the  part  which  these 
present  enemies  of  Christ  are  acting  together  with  Con- 
l  .nfr  stantius  ?  nay,  that  he  is  even  more  bitter  than  Pilate.  For 
p.!284,  Pilate  when  he  perceived  the  injustice  of  the  deed,  washed 
r'  207  ^S  kan<*s'  but  this  man,  while  he  banishes  the  saints, 
f.  i.  '  gnashes1  his  teeth  against  them  more  and  more. 
§.  69.  7.  But  what  wonder  is  it  if,  after  he  has  been  led  into 
impious  errors,  he  is  so  cruel  towards  the  Bishops,  since  the 
common  feelings  of  humanity  could  not  induce  him  to  spare 
even  his  own  kindred?   His  uncles d  he  slew;  his  cousins 

d  The  brothers  of  Constantine  were    these  Julius  Constantius  was  father  of 
Julius  Constantius,  and  Dalmatius ;  of   GaJlus  and  Julian,  and  Dalmatius  of 

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His  past  conduct  to  his  own  relations. 


he  put  out  of  the  way ;  he  commiserated  not  the  sufferings 
of  his  father-in-law,  though  he  had  married  his  daughter,  or 
of  his  kinsmen ;  but  he  has  ever  been  a  transgressor  of  his 
oath  towards  all.  So  likewise  he  treated  his  brother  in  an 
unholy  manner;  and  now  he  pretends  to  build  his  sepulchre, 
although  he  delivered  up  to  the  barbarians  his  betrothed 
wife  Olympias,  whom  he  had  protected  till  his  death,  and 
had  brought  up  as  his  intended  consort.  Moreover  he 
attempted  to  set  aside  his  wishes,  although  he  boasts  to  be 
his  heir1 ;  for  so  he  writes,  in  terms  which  any  one  possessed 
but  of  a  small  measure  of  sense  would  be  ashamed  of.  But 
when  I  compare  his  letters,  1  find  that  he  does  not  possess 
common  understanding,  but  that  his  mind  is  solely  regulated 
by  the  suggestions  of  others,  and  is  by  no  means  in  his 
own  power.  Now  Solomon  says,  If  a  ruler  hearken  to 
lies,  all  his  servants  are  wicked.  This  man  proves  by  his 
actions  that  he  is  such  an  unjust  one,  and  that  those  about 
him  are  wicked. 

8.  How  then,  being  such  an  one,  and  taking  pleasure  in 
such  associates,  can  he  ever  design  any  thing  just  or 
reasonable,  entangled  as  he  is  in  the  iniquity  of  his  fol- 
lowers, men  given  to  sorcery,  who  have  trampled  his  brains 


1  p.  264, 
note  a. 

29,  12. 

§.  70. 

p.  94,  note  s.  p.  108,  note  c.)  Constantine 
had  put  his  two  last-mentioned  nephews 
almoston  an  equality  with  his  three  sons; 
Dalmatius  being  a  Caesar,  and  Hanni- 
balianus  "  King,"  the  only  prince  with 
that  title  in  any  age  of  the  Empire. 
On  the  Emperor's  death  some  of  his 
great  officers  as  well  as  the  soldiers  and 
people  came  to  a  resolution  that  none 
but  his  sons  should  be  their  masters. 
Constantius  promised  his  kinsmen  his 
protection  under  an  oath;  but  Euse- 
bius  of  Nicomedia  produced  a  last  will 
of  Constantine's,  in  which  he  declared 
his  suspicions  that  he  had  been  poi- 
soned by  his  brothers,  and  called  on  his 
sons  to  avenge  him.  Vid.  Gibbon,  ch.  18. 
who  continues,  "  The  spirit,  and  even 
the  forms  of  legal  proceedings  were  re- 
peatedly violated  in  a  promiscuous  mas- 
sacre; which  involved  the  two  uncles 
of  Constantius,  seven  of  his  cousins,  of 
whom  Dalmatius  and  Hannibalianus 
were  the  most  illustrious,  the  Patrician 
Optatus,  who  had  married  a  sister  of 
the  late  Emperor,  and  the  Prefect  Ab- 

lavius,  whose  power  and  riches  had  in- 
spired him  with  some  hope  of  obtaining 
the  purple."  p.  132.  Constantius  had 
married  the  daughter  of  his  uncle  Julius 
Constantius,  and  had  given  his  sister 
in  marriage  to  his  cousin  Hannibalia- 
nus. "  Of  so  numerous  a  family,"  con- 
tinues Gibbon,  "  Gallus  and  Julian 
alone,  the  two  youngest  children  of 
Constantius,  were  saved  from  the  hands 
of  the  assassins."  Constantius  married 
Gallus  to  his  sister,  and  made  him 
Caesar.  Gallus  abused  his  power,  was 
recalled  from  the  seat  of  his  govern- 
ment, and  beheaded  in  prison.  Olym- 
pias was  the  daughter  of  Ablavius, 
who  was  betrothed  to  the  Emperor 
Constans;  about  the  time  of  Ath.'s 
writing,  Constantius  married  her  to 
Arsaces,  king  of  Armenia.  Amm. 
Marcell.  xx.  11  init.  We  may  sup- 
pose A  than,  in  the  text  expresses  the 
feeling  of  the  day  at  this  alliance,  or 
of  Constantius's  enemies.  Arsaces  was 
a  Christian.  St.  Olympias  was  niece 
to  this  Olympias.  Tillem.  Empereurs, 
t.  4.  p.  219. 

Digitized  by 



Inconstancy  of  Comtantius. 

AaiAN  under  the  soles  of  their  feet  ?   Wherefore  he  now  writes 

■Hl8T*  letters,  and  then  repents  that  he  has  written  them,  and  after 
repenting  is  again  stirred  up  to  anger,  and  then  again 
laments  his  fate,  and  being  undetermined  what  to  do,  he 
shews  a  soul  destitute  of  understanding.  Being  then  of 
such  a  character,  one  would  rather  pity  him,  because  that 
under  the  semblance  and  name  of  freedom  he  is  the  slave  of 
those  who  drag  him  on  to  gratify  their  own  impious  pleasure. 
In  a  word,  while  through  his  folly  and  inconstancy,  as  the 
Scripture  saith,  he  is  willing  to  comply  with  the  desires  of 
others,  he  has  given  himself  up  to  condemnation,  to  be 
consumed  by  fire  in  the  future  judgment;  at  once  con- 
senting to  do  whatever  they  wish,  and  gratifying  them  in 
their  designs  against  the  Bishops,  and  in  their  exertion  of 
authority  over  the  Churches. 

9.  For  behold,  he  has  now  again  thrown  into  disorder  all 
the  Churches  of  Alexandria  and  of  Egypt  and  Libya,  and 
has  publicly  given  orders,  that  the  Bishops  of  the  Catholic 
Church  and  faith  be  cast  out  of  them,  and  that  they  be  given 
up  to  the  professors  of  the  Arian  doctrines.  The  General 
began  to  carry  this  order  into  execution ;  and  straightway 
Bishops  were  sent  off  in  chains,  and  Presbyters  and  Monks 
bound  with  iron,  after  being  almost  beaten  to  death  with 
stripes.  Disorder  prevails  in  every  place;  all  Egypt  and 
Libya  are  in  danger,  the  people  being  indignant  at  this 
unjust  command,  and  seeing  in  it  the  preparation  for  the 
coming  of  Antichrist,  and  beholding  their  property  plundered 
by  others,  and  given  up  into  the  hands  of  the  heretics. 

§.  71.  10.  When  was  ever  such  iniquity  heard  of?  when  was 
such  an  evil  deed  ever  perpetrated,  even  in  times  of  per- 
secution? They  were  heathens  who  persecuted  formerly; 
but  they  did  not  bring  their  idols  into  the  Churches. 
Zenobia  was  a  Jewess,  and  a  supporter  of  Paul  of  Samosata ; 
but  she  did  not  give  up  the  Churches  to  the  Jews  for 

lt&n  Synagogues.  This  is  a  new  piece  of  iniquity1.  It  is  not 
simply  persecution,  but  more  than  persecution,  it  is  a  prelude 

2  vol.  8.  and  preparation2  for  the  coming  of  Antichrist.  Even  if  it  be 
Sote  q.  admitted3  that  they  invented  false  charges  against  Athanasius 

3  *22i  ^e  rest  °^  ^e  bishops  whom  they  banished,  yet  what  is 
f.  5.  '  this  to  their  later  practices  ?  What  charges  have  they  to  allege 

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Banishment  of  Egyptian  Bishops.  288 

against  the  whole  of  Egypt  and  Libya  and  Pentapolis1  F  ForT«uvm. 
they  have  begun  no  longer  to  lay  their  plots  against  in- 1  -  ^ 
dividuals,  in  which  case  they  might  be  able  to  frame  a  lie  $.  3.  7 
against  them ;  but  they  have  set  upon  all  in  a  body,  so  that, 
however  they  may  wish  to  invent  accusations  against  them, 
they  must  be  condemned.     Thus  their  wickedness  has 
blinded  their  understanding;  and  they  have  required,  without 
any  reason  assigned,  that  the  whole  body  of  the  Bishops 
shall  be  expelled,  and  thereby  they  shew  that  the  charges 
they  framed  against  Athanasius  and  the  rest  of  the  Bishops 
whom  they  banished  were  false,  and  invented  for  no  other 
purpose  than  to  support  the  accursed  heresy  of  the  Arian 
enemies  of  Christ. 

11.  This  is  now  no  longer  concealed,  but  has  become 
most  manifest  to  all  men.  He  commanded  Athanasius  to 
be  expelled  out  of  the  city,  and  gave  up  the  Churches  to 
them.  And  the  Presbyters  and  Deacons  that  were  with 
him,  who  had  been  appointed  by  Peter  and  Alexander,  were 
also  expelled  and  driven  into  banishment;  and  the  real 
Arians,  who  not  through  any  suspicions  arising  from  circum- 
stances3, but  on  account  of  the  heresy  had  been  expelled  at*Zg»fo 
first  together  with  Arius  himself  by  the  Bishop  Alexander, 
Secundus  in  Libya,  in  Alexandria  Euzoius3  the  Chananean, 3  infr. 
Julius,  Ammon,  Marcus,  Irenaeus,  Zozimus,  and  Serapion 
surnamed  Pelycon,  and  in  Libya  Sisinnius,  and  the  younger 
men  with  him,  associates  in  his  impiety;  these  obtained 
possession  of  the  Churches.  And  the  General  Sebastian  §.  72. 
wrote  to  the  governors  and  military  authorities  in  every 
place;  and  the  true  Bishops  were  persecuted,  and  those 
who  professed  impious  doctrines  were  brought  in  in  their 
stead.  They  banished  Bishops  who  had  grown  old  in 
orders4,  and  had  been  many  years  in  the  Episcopate,  having 4  xx^f 
been  ordained  by  the  Bishop  Alexander;  Ammonius^,5p.  193. 
Hermes,  Anagamphus,  and  Marcus,  they  sent  to  the  Upper 
Oasis;  Muis,  Psenosiris,  Nilammon,  Plenes,  Marcus,  and 
Athenodorus  to  Ammoniaca,  with  no  other  intention  than 
that  they  should  perish  in  their  passage  through  the  deserts. 
They  had  no  pity  on  them  though  they  were  suffering  from 
disease,  and  indeed  proceeded  on  their  journey  with  so 
much  difficulty  on  account  of  their  weakness,  that  they  were 

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284  Nuns  and  forty  laymen  scourged,  murdered,  or  banished. 

Arian  obliged  to  be  carried  in  litters,  and  their  sickness  was  so 
HlST-  dangerous  that  the  materials  for  their  burial  accompanied 
them.    One  of  them  indeed  died,  but  they  would  not  even 
i pp.228,  permit  the  body  to  be  given  up  to  his  friends  for  interment1. 
193,r'2,  With  the  same  purpose  they  banished  also  the  Bishop 
a  p.  193.  Dracontius2  to  the  desert  places  about  Clysma,  Philo  to 
Babylon,  Adelphius  to  Psinabla  in  the  Thebais,  and  the 
Presbyters  Hierax  and  Dioscorus  to  Syene.    They  likewise 
drove  into  exile  Ammonius,  Agathus,  Agathodaemon,  Apol- 
lonius,  Eulogius,  Apollo,  Paphnutius,  Gaius,  and  Flavius, 
:l         ancient3  Bishops,  as  also  the  Bishops  Dioscorus,  Ammonius, 
266^.5.  Heraclides,  and  Psais  ;  some  of  whom  they  gave  up  to  work 
in  the  stone-quarries,  others  they  persecuted  with  an  in- 
tention to  destroy,  and  many  others  they  plundered. 

12.  They  banished  also  forty  of  the  laity,  with  certain 

4  p.  192.  virgins  whom  they  had  before  exposed  to  the  fire4;  beating 

them  so  severely  with  rods  taken  from  the  palm-tree,  that 
after  lingering  five  days  some  of  them  died,  and  others  had 
recourse  to  medical  treatment  on  account  of  the  thorns  left 
in  their  limbs,  from  which  they  suffered  torments  worse  than 

5  p.  193.  death5.  But  what  is  most  dreadful  to  the  mind  of  any  man 
40 ^en.  °f  souri(l  understanding,  though   characteristic   of  these 

6  misbe- miscreants6,  is  this:  When  the  Virgins  during  the  scourging 
hevers.  ca\\Gfi  Up0n  the  Name  of  Christ,  they  gnashed  their  teeth 
7 p. 280, against  them  with  increased  fury7.  Nay  more,  they  would 
r* 1#     not  give  up  the  bodies  of  the  dead  to  their  friends  for  burial, 

but  concealed  them  that  they  might  appear  to  be  ignorant  of 
the  murder.    They  did  not  however  escape  detection ;  the 
whole  city  perceived  it,  and  all  men  withdrew  from  them  as 
8  p. 275, executioners8,  as  malefactors  and  robbers.    Moreover  they 
V#t«-  overthrew  monasteries9,  and  endeavoured  to  cast  the  Monks 
rT^#*   into  the  fire ;  they  plundered  houses,  and  breaking  into  the 
house  of  certain  free  citizens  where  the  Bishop  had  de- 
posited a  treasure,  they  plundered  and  took  it  away.  They 
io  p.  274,  scourged  the  widows  on  the  soles  of  their  feet10,  and  hindered 
r*  L     them  from  receiving  their  alms. 

§.73.  13.  Such  were  the  iniquities  practised  by  the  Arians; 
and  as  to  their  further  deeds  of  impiety,  who  could  hear  the 
account  of  them  without  shuddering?  They  had  caused 
these  venerable  old  men  and  aged  Bishops  to  be  sent  into 

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Heathens  advanced  to  the  sees  for  money  payments.  285 

banishment ;  they  now  appointed  in  their  stead  profligate  tr.  vm. 
heathen  youths,  whom  they  thought  to  raise  at  once  to  the 
highest  dignity,  though  they  were  not  even  Catechumens1. 1  vid. 
And  others  who  were  accused  of  bigamy  %  and  even  of  worse 
crimes,  they  nominated  Bishops  on  account  of  the  wealth  part 2.  i, 
and  civil  power  which  they  possessed,  and  sent  them  out  as  l  art'2, 
it  were  from  a  market,  upon  their  giving  them  gold2.  And2P-5»r-1- 
now  more  dreadful  calamities  befel  the  people.    For  when?.'i,  ' 
they  rejected  these  mercenary  dependents  of  the  Arians,  so 
alien  from  themselves,  they  were  scourged,  they  were  pro- 
scribed, they  were  shut  up  in  prison  by  the  General,  (who 
did  all  this  readily,  being  a  Manichee,)  in  order  that  they 
might  no  longer  seek  after  their  own  Bishops,  but  be  forced 
to  accept  those  whom  they  abominated,  men  who  were  now 
guilty  of  the  same  mockeries  as  they  had  before  practised 
among  their  idols. 

14.  Will  not  every  just  person  break  forth  into  lamenta-§.  74. 
tions  at  the  sight  or  hearing  of  these  things,  at  perceiving 
the  arrogance  and  extreme  injustice  of  these  impious  men  f 
The  righteous  lament  in  the  place  of  the  impious.  After  allProv. 
these  things,  and  now  that  the  impiety  has  reached  such  a|g^8" 
pitch  of  audacity,  who  will  any  longer  venture  to  call  this 
Costylliusf  a  Christian,  and  not  rather  the  image  of  Anti- 
christ ?  For  what  mark  of  Antichrist  is  yet  wanting  to  him  ? 
How  can  he  in  any  way  fail  to  be  regarded  as  he  ?  or  how 
can  the  latter  fail  to  be  supposed  such  a  one  as  he  is  ?  Did 
not  the  Arians  and  the  Gentiles  offer  those  sacrifices  in  the 
great  Church  in  the  Caesareum3,  and  utter  their  blasphemies 3  p-  269, 
against  Christ  as  by  His  command  ?  And  does  not  the 
vision  of  Daniel  thus  describe  Antichrist;  that  he  shall 
make  war  with  the  saints,  and  prevail  against  them,  and 
exceed  all  that  have  been  before  him  in  evil  deeds,  and  shall 
humble  three  kings,  and  speak  words  against  the  Most  High, 
and  shall  think  to  change  times  and  laws  ?  Now  what  other 
person  besides  Constantius  has  ever  attempted  to  do  these 
things  ?  He  is  surely  such  a  one  as  Antichrist  would  be. 
He  speaks  words  against  the  Most  High  by  supporting  this 

e  hytnmsit,  not  Ityufxoif.  on  the  latter,  or  a  quasi  diminutive  from  Constantius, 

vid.  Suicer,  Thes.  in  voc.  hym/ita.  Ter-  as  Agathyllus  from  Agathocles,  Heryl- 

tull.  Works,  tr.  vol.  i.  p.  419,  note  N.  lus  from  Heracles,  &c.  vid.  Matth.  Gr. 

f  An  irregularly  formed  diminutive,  Gramm.  §.  102.  ed.  1820. 

Digitized  by  Google 

286  Conslantius  a  figure  of  Antichrist. 

A  man  impious  heresy :  he  makes  war  against  the  saints  by  banishing 
Hl9T'  the  Bishops ;  although  indeed  he  exercises  this  power  but 
for  a  little  while*  to  his  own  destruction.    Moreover  he  has 
surpassed  those  before  him  in  wickedness,  having  devised  a 
new  mode  of  persecution;  and  after  he  had  overthrown  three 
kings,  namely  Vetranio,  Magnentius,  and  Gallus,  he  straight- 
1  p.  278,  way  undertook  the  patronage 1  of  impiety ;  and  like  a  giant h 
r' 3'     he  has  dared  in  his  pride  to  set  himself  up  against  the  Most 

15.  He  has  thought  to  change  laws,  by  transgressing  the 
ordinance  of  the  Lord  given  us  through  His  Apostles,  by 
altering  the  customs  of  the  Church,  and  inventing  a  new 
kind  of  ordinations.  For  he  sends  from  strange  places  distant 

*  p.  133,  a  fifty  days'  journey2,  Bishops  attended  by  soldiers  to  people 
r' 10'    unwilling  to  receive  them ;  and  instead  of  an  introduction  to 

the  acquaintance  of  their  people,  they  bring  with  them 
threatening  messages,  and  letters  to  the  magistrates.  Thus 
3  vol.  8.  he  has  sent  Gregory  from  Cappadocia  to  Alexandria ;  he  has 
notcfe.  transferred  Germinius3  from  Cyzicus  to  Sirmium;  he  has 
§.  75.  removed  Cecropius4  from  Laodicea  to  Nicomedia.  Again  he 
« p.  133,  transferred  from  Cappadocia  to  Milan  one  Auxentius5,  a  man 

*  vol  8  pragmatic^  rather  than  Christian,  whom  he  commanded  to 
p.  82,  stay  there  after  he  had  banished  for  his  piety  towards  Christ, 
note  x.  £>i0I1ySnis       Bishop  of  the  place,  a  godly  man.    But  this 

person  was  as  yet  even  ignorant  of  the  Latin  language,  and 
unskilful  in  every  thing  except  impiety.  And  now  one  George 
«dc#K«-a  Cappadocian,  who  was  contractor  of  stores6  at  Constanti- 
J3T'192^nople,  having  embezzled  all  monies  that  he  received, 
264,  was  obliged  to  fly,  he  commanded  to  enter  Alexandria  with 
note  b.  miliary  pomp,  and  supported  by  the  authority  of  the  General. 
And  he,  finding  there  one  Epictetus*  a  novice,  a  bold  young 

8  Short  lives  are  generally  consi-  h  Deer.  §.  32.  tr.  p.  58,  note 
dered  the  destiny  of  the  Church's  perse-  m.  Orat.  ii.  §.  32.  Naz.  Orat.  43,  26. 
cutors,  and  length  of  days  the  token  of  Socr.  Hist.  v.  10.  p.  268. 
her  protectors.  What  of  old  was  said  i  Epictetus  is  mentioned  above,  p. 
of  pain,  applies  to  persecution — si  gra-  133,  where  he  is  called  &r#»{/m#,  which 
vis,  brevis ;  Antichrist's  oppression  seems  after  Montfaucon  was  translated  *  'stage- 
to  be  marked  out  as  three  years  and  a  player."  It  is  a  question,  however,  espe- 
half.  Constantius  died  at  45,  having  cially  considering  the  correspondence 
openly  apostatized  for  about  six  years,  between  that  passage  and  the  present, 
Julian  died  at  32,  after  a  reign  of  a  whether  more  than  'actor'  is  meant  by 
year  and  a  half.  vid.  supr.  p.  245,  r.  4.  it,  alluding  to  the  mockery  of  an  ordi- 
vid.  also  Bellarmin.  de  Notis  Eccl.  17.  nation  in  which  he  seems  to  have  taken 
and  18.  part.    Though  an  Asiatic  apparently 

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Substitution  of  Felix  at  Rome  for  Liberius.  287 

man,  made  him  bis  friend k,  perceiving  that  he  was  ready  forTn.vni. 
any  wickedness ;  and  by  bis  means  he  carries  on  his  designs  y4~~y6' 
against  those  of  the  Bishops  whom  he  desires  to  ruin.  For 
he  is  prepared  to  do  every  thing  that  the  Emperor  wishes ; 
who  accordingly  availing  himself  of  his  assistance,  has  com- 
mitted at  Rome  a  strange  act,  but  one  truly  resembling  the 
malice  of  Antichrist.    Having  made  preparations  in  the 
Palace  instead  of  the  Church,  and  caused  some  three  of  his 
own  eunuchs  to  attend  instead  of  the  people,  he  then 
compelled  three1  ill-conditioned  spies1,  (for  one  cannot  call*pp.22i, 
them  Bishops,)  to  ordain  forsooth  as  Bishop  one  Felix m,  a^263' 
man  worthy  of  them,  then  in  the  Palace.    For  the  people 
perceiving  the  iniquitous  proceedings  of  the  heretics  would 
not  allow  them  to  enter  the  Churches,  and  withdrew  them- 
selves entirely  from  them. 

16.  Now  what  is  yet  wanting  to  make  him  Antichrist?  or§.  76. 
what  more  could  Antichrist  do  at  his  coming  than  this  man 
has  done  ?  Will  he  not  find  when  he  comes  that  the  way 
has  been  already  prepared  for  him  by  this  man  easily  to 
deceive  the  people  ?  Again,  he  claims  to  himself  the  right  of 
deciding  causes,  which  he  refers  to  the  Court  instead  of  the 
Church,  and  presides  at  them  in  person.  And  strange  it  is 
to  say,  when  he  perceives  the  accusers  at  a  loss,  he  takes  up 
the  accusation  himself,  so  that  the  injured  party  may  no 
longer  be  able  to  defend  himself  on  account  of  the  violence 
which  he  displays.  This  he  did  in  the  proceedings  against 
Athanasius.  For  when  he  saw  the  boldness  of  the  Bishops 
Paulinus,  Lucifer,  Eusebius,  and  Dionysius,  and  how  out  of 

by  birth,  he  was  made  Bishop  of  Civita 
V ecchia.  We  hear  of  him  at  the  con- 
ference between  Constantius  and  Libe- 
rius. Theod.  Hist.  ii.  13.  Then  he 
assists  in  the  ordination  of  Felix.  After- 
wards he  made  a  martyr  of  S.  Ruffinian 
by  making  him  run  before  his  carriage; 
and  he  ends  his  historical  career  by 
taking  a  chief  part  among  the  Arians  at 
Ariminum,  vid.  Tillem.  t.  6.  p.  380,  &c. 
Ughell.  Ital.  1. 10.  p.  56. 

*  The  Greek  is  9E«t»mrU  nta... 
yfwrig#9. . .  flyaflmrf »,  ».  r.  X.  So  in 
the  account  of  the  ti**Ux»t-,  *0  &  *I»r#t* 
ifi&xtyag  *br$t  ny&xntvt  «Jrw.  Mark 
x.  21. 

1  i.  e.  to  keep  up  the  form  of  the 

canonical  number;  and  so  a  century 
earlier,  in  the  case  of  Novatian,  in  the 
same  see,  while  the  capital  was  still 
heathen,  we  read  in  Eusebius  that  he 
brought  from  some  obscure  part  of  Italy 
"  threeBishops,"  "  rustic  and  ignorant," 
who  after  a  full  meal,  when  they  were 
not  themselves,  consecrated  him.  Hist, 
vi.  43.  On  the  custom  itself,  vid.  Bingh. 
Antiqu.  ii.  11.  §.  4. 

m  This  Felix  has  been  in  after  times 
accounted  a  true  Pope  and  Martyr, 
and  has  been  supposed  to  have  con- 
demned Constantius.  The  circum- 
stances will  be  found  in  Tillemont, 
Mem.  t.  6.  p.  778.  Bolland.  Catal. 
Pontif.  Gibbon,  ch.  21.  p.  390. 

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Banishment  of  the  Italian  Bishops. 

A  ri an  the  recantation  of  Ursacius  and  Valens  they  confuted  those 
HlST*  who  spoke  against  the  Bishop,  and  advised  that  Valens  and 
his  associate  should  no  longer  be  believed  since  they  had 
already  retracted  what  they  now  asserted,  he  immediately 
stood  up  and  said,  "  I  am  now  the  accuser  of  Athanasius ; 
on  my  account  you  must  believe  what  these  assert."  And 
then,  when  they  said, — "  But  how  can  you  be  an  accuser, 
when  the  accused  person  is  not  present  ?  and  if  you  are  his 
accuser,  yet  he  is  not  present,  and  therefore  cannot  be  tried. 
And  the  cause  is  not  one  that  concerns  Rome,  so  that  you 
should  be  believed  as  being  the  Emperor  ;  but  it  is  a  matter 
that  concerns  a  Bishop;  and  the  trial  ought  to  be  conducted 
on  equal  terms  both  to  the  accuser  and  the  accused.  And 
besides,  how  can  you  accuse  him?  for  you  could  not  be 
present  to  witness  the  conduct  of  one  who  lived  at  so  great 
a  distance  from  you ;  and  if  you  speak  but  what  you  have 
heard  from  these,  you  ought  also  to  give  credit  to  what  he 
says ;  but  if  you  will  not  believe  him,  while  you  do  believe 
them,  it  is  plain  that  they  assert  these  things  for  your  sake, 
1  p.  267,  and  accuse  Athanasius  only  to  gratify  you 1  ?" — when  he 
r* 4'     heard  this,  thinking  that  what  they  had  so  truly  spoken  was 
an  insult  to  himself,  he  sent  them  into  banishment;  and 
being  exasperated  against  Athanasius,  he  wrote  in  a  more 
savage  strain,  requiring  that  he  should  suffer  what  has  now 
befallen  him,  and  that  the  Churches  should  be  given  up  to 
the  Arians,  and  that  they  should  be  allowed  to  do  whatever 
they  pleased. 

§.  77.  17.  Terrible  indeed,  and  worse  than  terrible  are  such 
proceedings;  and  yet  is  this  conduct  suitable  to  him  who 
represents  the  character  of  Antichrist.  Who  that  beheld 
him  bearing  sway  over  his  pretended  Bishops,  and  presiding 
in  Ecclesiastical  causes,  would  not  justly  exclaim  that  this 

Dan.  9,  was  the  abomination  of  desolation  spoken  of  by  Daniel  ? 
For  having  put  on  the  profession  of  Christianity,  and 
entering  into  the  holy  places,  and  standing  therein,  he  lays 
waste  the  Churches,  transgressing  their  Canons,  and  en- 
forcing the  observance  of  his  own  decrees.  Will  any  one 
now  venture  to  say  that  this  is  a  peaceful  time  with 
Christians,  and  not  a  time  of  persecution?  A  persecution 
indeed,  such  as  never  arose  before,  and  such  as  no  one 

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Easy  for  the  Meletians  to  coalesce  with  the  Arians.  289 

perhaps  will  again  stir  up,  except  the  son  of  lawlessness,  doTR.vm. 
these  enemies  of  Christ  exhibit,  who  already  present  a^ThesJ 
picture  of  him  in  their  own  persons.    Wherefore  it  especially  2, 8. 
behoves  us  to  be  sober,  lest  this  heresy  which  has  reached 
such  a  height  of  impudence,  and  has  diffused  itself  abroad  like 
the  poison  of  an  adder,  as  it  is  written  in  the  Proverbs,  andPs«68> 
which  teaches  doctrines  contrary  to  the  Saviour ;  lest,  I  say, 
this  be  that  falling  away,  after  which  He  shall  be  revealed,  j*  Thess. 
of  whom  Constantius  is  surely  the  forerunner1.    Else  where- 1 V^*- 
fore  is  he  so  mad  against  the  godly?   wherefore  does  he£*>™d# 
contend  for  it  as  his  own  heresy,  and  call  every  one  his  p.  79, 
enemy  who  will  not  comply  with  the  madness  of  Arius,  andnoteq* 
admit  gladly  the  allegations  of  the  enemies  of  Christ,  and 
dishonour  so  many  venerable  Councils?  why  did  he  com- 
mand that  the  Churches  should  be  given  up  to  the  Arians  ? 
was  it  not  that,  when  that  other  comes,  he  may  thus  find 
a  way  to  enter  into  them,  and  may  take  to  himself  him  who 
has  prepared  those  places  for  him  ? 

18.  For  the  ancient  Bishops  who  were  ordained  by 
Alexander,  and  by  his  predecessor  Achilles,  and  by  Peter 
before  him,  have  been  cast  out ;  and  those  introduced  whom 
the  companions  of  soldiers  nominated ;  and  they  nominated 
only  such  as  promised  to  adopt  their  doctrines.    This  was§.  78. 
an  easy  proposition  for  the  Meletians  to  comply  with ;  for 
the  greater  part,  or  rather  the  whole  of  them,  have  never  had 
a  religious  education,  nor  are  they  acquainted  with  the 
sound  faith*  in  Christ,  nor  do  they  know  at  all  what2  p.  149, 
Christianity  is,  or  what  writings  we  Christians  possess.    For r" 3" 
having  come  out,  some  of  them  from  the  worship  of  idols, 
and  others  from  the  senate,  or  from  the  first  civil  offices,  for 
the  sake  of  the  miserable  exemption3  from  duty  and  for  the 3  pp.  84, 
patronage  they  gained,  and  having  bribed4  the  Meletians  who!  p'p.  89, 
preceded  them,  they  have  been  advanced  to  this  dignity 161  >291- 
even  before  they  were  Catechumens.    And  even  if  they 
pretended  to  have  been  such,  yet  what  kind  of  instruction5  is4cate- 
to  be  obtained  among  the  Meletians?   But  indeed  without chlslng* 
even  pretending  to  have  been  instructed,  they  came  at  once, 
and  immediately  were  called  Bishops,  just  as  children  re- 
ceive a  name.    Being  then  persons  of  this  description,  they 
thought  the  thing  of  no  great  consequence,  nor  even  sup- 

290       Meletians  introduced  Arianism  into  Egypt, 

Am  an  posed  that  piety1  was  different  from  impiety.  Accordingly 
Hist.  ^om  kejng  Meletians  they  readily  and  speedily  became 

"""^Arians;  and  if  the  Emperor  should  command  them  to  adopt 
any  other  profession,  they  are  ready  to  change  again  to  that 
also.  Their  ignorance  of  true  godliness1  quickly  brings  them 
to  submit  to  the  prevailing  folly,  and  that  which  happens  to  be 
first  taught  them.  For  it  is  nothing  to  them  to  be  carried  about 
by  every  wind  and  tempest,  so  long  as  they  are  only  exempt 
from  duty,  and  obtain  the  patronage  of  men ;  nor  would 

2  pp.  88,  they  care  probably  to  change  again2  to  what  they  were 
32       before,  even  to  become  such  as  they  were  when  they  were 


19.  Any  how,  being  men  of  such  an  easy  temper,  and 

3  <r#xj-  considering  the  Church  as  a  civil  senate3,  and  like  heathen, 
T£*itni   being  infected  with  the  worship  of  idols,  they  have  put  on 

the  honourable  name  of  our  Saviour,  under  which  they  have 
polluted  the  whole  of  Egypt,  were  it  only  that  they  have 
caused  the  name  of  the  Arian  heresy  to  be  known  therein. 
For  Egypt  has  heretofore  been  the  only  country,  throughout 
which  the  profession  of  the  orthodox  faith  was  boldly 

4  p.  81.  maintained4;  and  therefore  these  misbelievers  have  striven 

to  introduce  jealousy  there  also,  or  rather  not  they,  but 
the  Devil  who  has  stirred  them  up,  in  order  that  when 
his  herald  Antichrist  shall  come,  he  may  find  that  the 
Churches  in  Egypt  also  are    his  own,  and  that  the 

5  Meletians  have  already  been  instructed  in  his  principles, 
^f*"  and  may  recognise  himself  as  already  formed5  in  them. 

§.79. Such  is  the  effect  of  that  iniquitous*  order  which  was 
issued  by  Constantius.  On  the  part  of  the  people  there  was 
displayed  a  ready  alacrity  to  submit  to  martyrdom,  and  an 
increased  hatred  of  this  most  impious  heresy ;  and  yet 
lamentations  for  their  Churches,  and  groans  burst  from  all, 

Joel  2,  while  they  cried  unto  the  Lord,  "  Spare  Thy  people,  O  Lord, 

l7'      and  give  not  Tfdne  heritage  unto  Thine  enemies  to  reproach; 

i  £»4«»»,but  make  haste  to  deliver  us  out  of  the  hand  of  the  lawless7. 

2Thess.-por  ^hol^  they  have  not  spared  Thy  servants,  but  are 
preparing  the  way  for  Antichrist." 

20.  For  the  Meletians  will  never  resist  him,  nor  will  they 
care  for  the  truth,  nor  will  they  esteem  it  an  evil  thing  to 
deny  Christ.    They  are  men  who  have  not  approached  the 

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when  the  Catholics  chose  rather  to  be  banished.  291 

Lord  with  sincerity  ;  like  the  chameleon 1  they  assume  every  tr.  viii. 
various  appearance;  they  are  hirelings2  of  any  who  will  make  80" 

use  of  them.    They  make  not  the  truth  their  aim,  but  prefer  P.V2. 
before  it  their  present  pleasures;  they  say  only,  Let  us  eat*°^<£%9 
and  drink,  for  to-morrow  we  die.    Such  a  profession  andr.  4. 
faithless  temper  is  more  worthy  of  the  Epicritian3  players  jg0^ 
than  of  the  Meletians.    But  the  faithful  servants  of  our3h»strio- 
Saviour,  and  the  true  Bishops  who  believe  with  sincerity,  8C~ 
and  live  not  for  themselves,  but  for  the  Lord ;  they  faithfully  Montf« 
believing  in  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  knowing,  as  I  said 
before,  that  the  charges  which  were  alleged  against  the  truth 
were  false,  and  plainly  fabricated  for  the  sake  of  the  Arian 
heresy,  (for  by  the  recantation4  of  Ursacius  and  Valens  they4  p.  86, 
detected  the  calumnies  which  were  devised  against  Athana- 
sius,  for  the  purpose  of  removing  him  out  of  the  way,  and  of 
introducing  into  the  Churches  the  impieties  of  the  enemies 
of  Christ ;)  they,  I  say,  perceiving  all  this,  as  defenders  and 
preachers  of  the  truth,  chose  rather,  and  endured  to  be 
insulted  and  driven  into  banishment,  than  to  subscribe 
against  him,  aud  to  hold  communion  with  the  Arian  fanatics. 
They  forgot  not  the  lessons  they  had  taught  to  others ;  yea, 
they  know  well  that  great  dishonour  remains  for  the  traitors, 
but  for  them  which  confess   the  truth,  the  kingdom  of 
heaven5;  and  that  to  the  careless  and  such  as  fear  Con-5supr. 
stantius  will  happen  no  good  thing;  but  for  them  that  endure^'  i.  ' 
tribulations  here,  as  sailors  reach  a  quiet  haven  after  a  storm, 
as  wrestlers  receive  a  crown  after  the  combat,  so  these  shall 
obtain  great  and  eternal  joy  and  delight  in  heaven ; — such  as 
Joseph  obtained  after  his  tribulations ;  such  as  the  great 
Daniel  had  after  his  temptations  and  the  manifold  con- 
spiracies of  the  courtiers  against  him ;  such  as  Paul  now 
enjoys  having  received  a.  crown  from  his  Saviour;  such  as 
the  people  of  God  every  where  expect.    They,  seeing  these 
things,  were  not  intinn  of  purpose,  but  strong  in  faith,  and 
increased  in  their  zeal  more  and  more.    Being  fully  per- 
suaded of  the  calumnies  and  impieties  of  the  heretics,  they 
condemn  the  persecutor,  and  in  heart  and  mind  run  together 
the  same  course  with  them  that  are  persecuted,  that  they 
also  may  obtain  the  crown  of  Confession. 

21.  One  might  say  much  more  against  this  accursed  and  §.  80. 

u  2 

'292  Duty  of  separating  from  the  heretics. 

Arian  anticbristian  heresy,  and  might  demonstrate  by  many  argu- 
Hl8T*  ments  that  the  practices  of  Constantius  are  a  prelude  to  the 
coming  of  Antichrist.    But  seeing  that,  as  the  Prophet  has 
said,  from  the  feet  even  to  the  head  there  is  no  soundness  in 
it,  but  it  is  full  of  all  filthiness  and  all  impiety,  so  that  the 
1  p.  138.  very  name1  of  it  ought  to  be  avoided  as  a  dog's  vomit  or 
the  poison  of  serpents ;  and  seeing  that  Costyllius  openly 
2«V#-   exhibits  the  image  of  the  adversary2;  in  order  that  our 
2*xhegg.  worQ4s  may  not  be  too  many,  it  will  be  well  to  content0  our- 
2>  4*     selves  with  the  divine  Scripture,  and  that  we  all  obey  the 
3supr.  precept3  which  it  has  given  us  both  in  regard  to  other 
p" 148'  heresies,  and  especially  respecting  this.    That  precept  is  as 
Is.  52,  follows ;  Depart  ye,  depart  ye,  go  ye  out  from  thence,  touch 
11#      no  unclean  thing ;  go  ye  out  of  the  midst  of  them,  and 
be  ye  clean,  that  bear  the  vessels  of  the  Lord.    This  may 
suffice"  to  instruct  us  all,  so  that  if  any  one  has  been  deceived 
by  them,  he  may  go  out  from  them,  as  out  of  Sodom,  and 
not  return  again  unto  them,  lest  he  suffer  the  fate  of  Lot's 
wife ;  and  if  any  one  has  continued  from  the  beginning  pure 
from  this  impious  heresy,  he  may  glory  in  Christ  and  say, 
Ps.  44,  "  We  have  not  stretched  out  our  hands  to  a  strange  god ; 
20*      neither  have  we  worshipped  the  works  of  our  own  hands,  nor 
*supr.  served  the  creature4  more  than  Thee,  the  God  that  hast 
r'l.41'  created  all  things  through  Thy  Word,  the  Only-begotten 
Son  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  through  whom  to  Thee  the 
Father  together  with  the  same  Word  in  the  Holy  Spirit  be 
glory  and  power  for  ever  and  ever.  Amen." 

n  *akbv  kt*ie$n*K$,  rwro  tL^xiii   and  5  init.  fro  pit  §Z*  retire  j*«m»,  Orat.  i. 

so  $extt  ph  yk^y  Apol.contr.  Ar.  2  init.  17.  /*«»«  fih        Ep.  ad  Serap.  iii.  2 

(a\*  «v9  recura.  de  Deer.  15  init.  init.  «£«iT  rttvrai  ad  Serap.  iv.  7  init. 

**}  #l«tf  (in  reiura,  de  Sent.  D.  4  init.  &exttort}  ad  Epict.  Vid.  also  Orat.  i.  7. 

d^*%7  ya,£  ubrns,  Apol.  de  Fug.  1  fin.  B.  Orat.  ii  init.  Orat.  iii.  47.  Ep.  iEg. 

txavet  fih  eZv  ruura,  ibid.  24  init.  lx.oi*bt  9  init.  ad  Serap.  iv.  1  init  ad  Max.  5_ 

ph  ov9  xeu  rwro,  ad  Serap.  de  M.  A.  &c. 


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The  Second  Protest*. 

1.  The  people  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Alexandria,  which  §.  81. 
is  under  the  government  of  the  most  Reverend  Bishop  Atha- 
nasius,  make  this  public  protest  by  those  whose  names  are 

We  have  already  protested  against  the  nocturnal  assault 
which  was  committed  upon  ourselves  and  the  Lord's  house 1 ;  Ui^**** 
although  in  truth  there  needed  no  protest  in  respect  to  pro- 
ceedings with  which  the  whole  city  has  been  already  made 
acquainted.  For  the  bodies  of  the  slain  which  were  disco- 
vered were  exposed  in  public,  and  the  bows  and  arrows  and 
other  arms  found  in  the  Lord's  house  loudly  proclaim  the 

2.  But  whereas  after  our  Protest  already  made,  the  most 
illustrious  Duke  Syrianus  endeavours  to  force  all  men  to 
agree  with  him,  as  though  no  tumult  had  been  made,  nor 
any  had  perished,  (wherein  is  no  small  proof  that  these  things 
were  not  done  according  to  the  wishes  of  the  most  gracious 
Emperor  Augustus  Constantius ;  for  he  would  not  have  been 
so  much  afraid  of  the  consequences  of  this  transaction,  had 
he  acted  therein  by  command ;)  and  whereas  also,  when  we 
wTent  to  him,  and  requested  him  not  to  do  violence  to  any, 
nor  to  deny  what  had  taken  place,  he  ordered  us,  being 
Christians,  to  be  beaten  with  clubs;  thereby  again  giving 
proof  of  the  nocturnal  assault  which  has  been  directed 
against  the  Church : — 

We  therefore  make  also  this  present  Protest,  certain  of  us 
being  now  about  to  travel  to  the  most  religious  Emperor 

*  Of  the  two  Protests  referred  to  ning  of  the  Protest  which  follows,  it  in  not 

supr.  p.  263,  the  first  was  omitted  by  the  found  there,  nor  does  it  appear  what 

copyists,  as  being  already  contained,  as  document  of  A.D.  356.  could  properly 

Montfaucon  seems  to  say,  in  the  Apology  have  a  place  in  a  set  of  papers  which 

against  the  Arians  ;  yet  if  it  be  the  one  end  with  A.D.  350. 
to  which  allusion  is  made  in  the  begin- 

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Protest  of  the  Alexandrians. 

Arian  Augustus:  and  we  adjure  Maximus  the  Prefect  of  Egypt, 
1    T*  -  and  the  Controllers1,  in  the  name  of  Almighty  God,  and  for 

osi,Un   the  sake  of  the  salvation  of  the  most  religious  Augustus 
note0^  Constantius,  to  relate  all  these   things  to  the   piety  of 
Augustus,  and  to  the  authority  of  the  most  illustrious  Pre- 
y-e^thefects2.    We  adjure  also  all  the  masters  of  vessels,  to  publish 
TiaD.     these  things  every  where,  and  to  carry  them  to  the  ears  of 
the  most  religious  Augustus,  and  to  the  Prefects  and  the 
Magistrates  in  every  place,  in  order  that  it  may  be  known 
that  a  war  has  been  waged  against  the  Church,  and  that,  in 
3 the  times3  of  Augustus  Constantius,  Syrianus  has  caused 
179^2.  Virgins  and  many  others  to  become  martyrs. 

3.  As  it  dawned  upon  the  fifth  before  the  Ides  of 
4Febr.9.  February4,  that  is  to  say,  the  fourteenth  of  the  month  Mechir, 
5  supr.  while  we  were  keeping  vigil5  in  the  Lord's  house,  and  engaged 
init.206.*n  our  Prayers  (f°r  there  was  to  be  a  communion  on  the  Pre- 
6Friday,  paration6) ;  suddenly  about  midnight,  the  most  illustrious  Duke 
notei 7  9  Syrianus  attacked  us  and  the  Church  with  many  legions  of 
7  i.  e.  soldiers7  armed  with  naked  swords  and  javelins  and  other 
than*    warlike  instruments,  and  wearing  helmets  on  their  heads ; 

6°206  an^  even  w^e  we  were  Pray*n&>  an^  wntie  the  lessons  were 
P"  being  read,  they  broke  down  the  doors.  And  when  the  doors 
were  burst  open  by  the  violence  of  the  multitude,  he  gave 
command,  and  some  of  them  shot  their  arrows;  others 
shouted ;  their  arms  rattled,  and  their  swords  flashed  in  the 
light  of  the  lamps;  and  forthwith  the  Virgins  were  slain, 
many  men  were  trampled  down,  and  fell  over  one  another  as 
the  soldiers  came  upon  them,  and  several  were  pierced  with 
arrows  and  perished.  Some  of  the  soldiers  also  betook  them- 
selves to  plundering,  and  stripped  the  Virgins  naked,  who  were 
more  afraid  of  being  even  touched  by  them  than  they  were  of 

4.  The  Bishop  continued  sitting  upon  his  throne,  and 
exhorted  all  to  pray.  The  Duke  led  on  the  attack,  having 
with  him  Hilarius  the  notary,  whose  part  in  the  proceedings 
was  shewn  in  the  sequel.  The  Bishop  was  seized,  and  hardly 
escaped  being  torn  to  pieces ;  and  having  fallen  into  a  state 
of  insensibility,  and  appearing  as  one  dead,  he  disappeared 
from  among  them,  and  has  gone  we  know  not  whither.  They 
were  eager  to  kill  him.    And  when  they  saw  that  many  had 


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Protest  of  the  Alexandrians. 


perished,  they  gave  orders  to  the  soldiers  to  remove  out  of 
sight  the  bodies  of  the  dead.    But  the  most  holy  Virgins  who 
were  left  there  were  buried  in  the  tombs,  having  attained  the 
glory  of  martyrdom  in  the  times1  of  the  most  religious  Con- 1  p.  294, 
stantius.    Deacons  also  were  beaten  with  stripes  even  in  the  r' 
Lord's  house,  and  were  shut  up  there. 

5.  Nor  did  matters  stop  even  here :  for  after  all  this  had 
happened,  whosoever  pleased  broke  open  any  door  that  he 
could,  and  searched,  and  plundered  what  was  within.  They 
entered  even  into  those  places,  which  not  even  all  Christians 
are  allowed  to  enter.  Gorgonius  the  commander  of  the 
city  force b  knows  this,  for  he  was  present.  And  no  unim- 
portant evidence  of  the  nature  of  this  hostile  assault  is  afforded 
by  the  circumstance,  that  the  armour  and  javelins  and  swords 
borne  by  those  who  entered  were  left  in  the  Lord's  house. 
They  have  been  hung  up  in  the  Church  until  this  time,  that 
they  might  not  be  able  to  deny  it :  and  although  they  sent 
several  times  Dynamius  the  soldier8,  as  well  as  the  Com- 2  **>  «■« 
mander  of  the  city  police,  desiring  to  take  them  away,  wej^lnpr. 
would  not  allow  it,  until  the  circumstance  was  known  to  all.  P* 274-, 

6.  Now  if  an  order  has  been  given  that  we  should  be 
persecuted,  we  are  all  ready  to  suffer  martyrdom.  But  if  it 
be  not  by  order  of  Augustus,  we  desire  Maximus  the  Prefect 
of  Egypt  and  all  the  city  magistrates  to  request  of  him  that 
they  may  not  again  be  suffered  thus  to  assail  us.  And  we 
desire  also  that  this  our  petition  may  be  presented  to  him, 
that  they  may  not  attempt  to  bring  in  hither  any  other 
Bishop :  for  we  have  resisted  unto  death s,  desiring  to  have 3  pp.  63, 
the  most  Reverend  Athanasius,  whom  God  gave  us  at  the81, 
beginning,  according  to  the  succession  of  our  fathers ;  whom 

also  the  most  religious  Augustus  Constantius  himself  sent  to 
us  with  letters  and  oaths.  And  we  believe  that  when  his 
Piety  is  informed  of  what  has  taken  place,  he  will  be  greatly 
displeased,  and  will  do  nothing  contrary  to  his  oath,  but  will 

b  rrg *rnyw.  There  were  two  tr^mm- 
y§)  or  duumvirs  at  the  head  of  the 
police  force  at  Alexandria;  they  are 
mentioned  in  the  plural  in  Euseb.  vii.  11. 
where  S.  Dionysius  speaks  of  their 
seizing  him.    We  read  of  them  at  Phi- 

lippi  in  Luke  16,  35.  vid.  Vales,  in  foe. 
Euseb.  et  in  Amm.  Marc.  xxxi.  6. 
The  word  is  translated  in  the  Justinian 
Code,  Prater,  vid.  Du  Cange,  Gloss. 
Gr«c.  in  voc. 


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296  Protest  of  the  Alexandrians. 

again  give  orders  that  our  Bishop  Athanasius  shall  remain 
with  us. 

To  the  Consuls  to  be  elected0  after  the  Consulship  of  the 

1 L0111*  most  illustrious  Arbaethion  and  Collianus1 ;  on  the  seventeenth 

8  Febr.  Mechir,  which  is  the  day  before  the  Ides  of  February2. 


e  Since  the  Consuls  came  into  office  striatum  Arbitionis  et  Loliani."  And 

on  the  first  of  January,  and  were  pro-  in  Socr.  Hist.  ii.  29.  in  the  instance  of 

claimed  in  each  city,  vid.  p.  153,  note  the  year  361,  when  there  were  no 

m,  it  is  strange  that  the  Alexandrians  Consuls,  and  in  346,  when  there  was 

here  speak  in  February  as  if  ignorant  a  difference  on  the  subject  between  the 

of  their  names.    The  phrase,  however,  Emperors  who  were  eventually  them- 

is  found  elsewhere.    Thus  in  this  very  selves  Consuls,  the  first  months  are 

year  the  Anonymus  Maffeianus,  (who  dated  in  like  manner  from  the  Consuls 

is  spoken  of  in  the  Preface  of  this  of  the  foregoing  year. 
Volume,)  dates  Jan.  5.  as  "  post  Con- 

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S.  Alexander's  Deposition  of  Arius  and  his  companions, 
and  Encyclical  Letter  on  the  subject. 

[As  Montfaucon  has  introduced  the  two  documents  which  follow  into  his 
Edition,  it  has  been  thought  that,  though  not  Athanasius's,  they  might 
occupy  a  place  in  a  volume,  like  the  present,  which  already  contains  so 
large  a  collection  of  the  ecclesiastical  tracts  and  papers  of  the  day  to  which 
it  belongs.  Should  the  internal  character  of  the  Encyclical  Letter  lead  to 
the  suspicion  that  it  is  probably  Athan.'s  own  composition,  in  his  situation 
of  Deacon  to  St.  Alexander,  or  at  least  as  being  in  nis  intimate  confidence, 
there  will  be  a  further  reason  for  introducing  it  here.  The  grounds  of  this 
conjecture  are  such  as  the  following.  1 .  It  is  written  in  a  style  altogether 
unlike  S.  Alexander's,  which,  (as  we  see  in  his  Epistle  to  S.  Alexander 
of  Constantinople  contained  in  Theod.  Hist.  i.  3.)  is  elaborate  and  in- 
volved and  abounding  in  compound  words,  with  nothing  of  the  simplicity 
and  vigor  of  St.  Athan. 's;  with  which,  2.  the  style  of  this  document  is 
identical,  using  the  very  same  words  and  terms  of  expression  for  which 
Athan.  is  so  remarkable.  3.  The  theological  terms,  nay  the  theological 
view,  of  St.  Alex.,  is  proper  to  himself,  and  could  not  suitably  be  ascribed 
to  S.  Athan.,  who,  to  say  no  more,  has  far  fewer  technical  phrases  than 
his  predecessor;  and  here  the  Encyclical  Epistle  answers  to  S.  Athan.'s 
writings,  not  to  St.  Alex.'s.  4.  Certain  texts  quoted  in  the  course  of  it, 
are  used  as  Athan.  quotes  and  uses  them  in  his  acknowledged  works. 
Some  of  these  points  of  resemblance  and  dissimilarity  shall  be  mentioned 
in  the  notes.    The  date  of  St.  Alexander's  document  is  321.] 

Alexander,  being  assembled*  with  his  beloved  brethren,  the  Presbyters 1 
and  Deacons  of  Alexandria,  and  the  Mareotis,  greets  them  in  the  **ttvn9 

Although  you  have  already  subscribed  to  the  letter  I  addressed  to 
the  followers  of  Arius,  exhorting  them  to  renounce  his  impiety,  and 
to  submit  themselves  to  the  sound  Catholic  Faith,  and  have  shewn 
your  right-mindedness8  and  agreement  in  the  doctrines  of  the  Catholic 2 
Church  ;  yet  forasmuch  as  I  have  written  also  to  our  fellow-ministers 
in  every  place  concerning  the  Arians,  and  especially  since  some  of 
you,  as  the  Presbyters  Chares  and  Pistus»,  and  the  Deacons  Serapion, 3  pp.  37, 




Parammon,  Zozimus,  and  Irenceus,  have  joined  the  Arian  party,  and 
been  content  to  suffer  deposition  with  them,  I  thought  it  needful  to 
assemble  together  you,  the  Clergy  of  the  city,  and  to  send  for  you 
the  Clergy  of  the  Mareotis,  in  order  that  you  may  understand  what  I 
have  now  written,  and  may  testify  your  agreement  thereto,  and  give 
your  concurrence  in  the  deposition  of  the  followers  of  Arius  and 
Pistus.  For  it  is  desirable  that  you  should  be  made  acquainted  with 
the  sentiments  I  have  expressed,  and  that  each  of  you  should  heartily 
embrace  them,  as  though  he  had  written  them  himself. 



A  Copy. 

To  bis  dearly  beloved  and  most  honoured  fellow-ministers1  of  the1  evxxu. 

Catholic  Church  in  every  place,  Alexander  sends  health  in  the^y#"' 

Lord.  leagues. 

1.  As  there  is  one  body'  of  the  Catholic  Church,  and  a  command  is  §.  1. 
given  us  in  the  sacred  Scriptures  to  preserve  the  bond  of  unity  and  Eph.  4, 
peace,  it  is  agreeable  thereto,  that  we  should  write  and  signify  to  one  3> 
another  whatever  is  done  by  each  of  us  individually ;  so  that  whether 
one  member  suffer  or  rejoice,  we  may  either  suffer  or  rejoice  with  one 
another.  Now  there  are  gone  forth  in  this  diocese,  at  this  time, 
certain  lawless1*  men,  enemies  of  Christ,  teaching  an  apostasy,  which 
one  may  justly  suspect  and  designate  as  the  forerunner0  of  Antichrist. 
I  was  desirous d  to  pass  such  a  matter  by  without  notice,  in  the  hope 
that  perhaps  the  evil  would  spend  itself  among  its  supporters,  and  not 
extend  to  other  places  to  defile6  the  earsf  of  the  simple*.  But  seeing 
that  Eusebius  now  of  Nicomedia,  who  thinks  that  the  government  of 
the  Church  rests  with  him,  because  retribution  has  not  come  upon 
him  for  his  desertion  of  Berytus,  when  he  had  cast  an  eyeh  of  desire 
on  the  Church  of  the  Nicomediaus,  begins  to  support  these  apostates, 
and  has  taken  upon  him  to  write  letters  every  where  in  their  behalf, 
if  by  any  means  he  may  draw  in  certain  ignorant  persons  to  this  most 
base  and  antichristian  heresy ;  I  am  therefore  constrained,  knowing 
what  is  written  in  the  law,  no  longer  to  hold  my  peace,  but  to  make 
it  known  to  you  all;  that  you  may  understand  who  the  apostates  are, 
and  the  unhappy  terms1  which  their  heresy  has  adopted,  and  that, 
should  Eusebius  write  to  you,  you  may  pay  no  attention  to  him,  for 
he  now  desires  by  means  of  these  men  to  exhibit  anew  his  old 

*  St.  Alexander  in  Theod.  begins  his  3  fin.  ad  Max.  §.  1.  contr.  Apollin.  i.  1 

Epistle  to  his  namesake  of  Constants  init 

nople  with  some  moral  reflections,  con-      •  }»*»ffy  and  infr.  ft***,  vid.  Hist, 

cerning  ambition  and  avarice.  Athan.  Ar.  §.  3.  C.  §.  80.  B.  de  Deer.  $.  2.  C. 

indeed  uses  a  similar  introduction  to  his  Ep.  JEg.  11  fin.  Orat.  i.  10.  C. 
Ep.  Mg.  but  it  is  not  addressed  to  an      f  axtat,  and  infr.         fivu.  vid.  Ep. 

individual.  ;Eg.  §.  13.  A.  Orat.  i.  §.  7.  A.  Hist. 

»>  *a{*nfi$t.  vid.  Hist  Ar.  §.  71  init.  Ar.  §.  56.  B. 
§.  75  fin.  79.  A.  8  dxt^t.  Apol.  contr.  Ar.  §.  1.  A. 

c  *e&pfju*  *A*rixtfrr«u.  vid.  Orat.  i.  Ep.  Mg.  §.  18.  E.  ad  Epict  §.  1.  fin. 

7.  B.  Vit.  Ant.  6y.  A.  vol.  8.  p.  79,  ad  Adelph.  §.  2.  fin.  Orat.  i.  8.  E. 
note  q.  h  l*$Qfa\ftlf*s  also  used  of  Eusebius. 

<*  xa)  \p>ouXip*f  ft\t  *tot*n  Wutii  Apol.  contr.  Ar.§.6.  D.  Hist.  Ar.  §.  7. 

II. . .  ,&*£yzti*  vid.  Apol.  contr.  A. 

Ar.  §.  1  init.  de  Deer.  §.  2.  F.  Orat.  i.       i  fnpfa*.  vid.  de  Deer.  §.  8.  A.  18. 

23  init  Orat  ii  init  Orat  iii.  1.  A.  ad  E.  Orat.  i.  10.  D.  de  Sent  D.  §.  23. 

Serap.  i.  1.  C.  16.  C.  ii.  1  init  iii  init  init.  S.  Dionysius  also  uses  it  ibid, 

iv.  8  init.  Ep.  ad  Mon.  §.  2.  E.  ad  Epict.  §.  18.  A. 


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malevolence k,  which  has  so  long  been  concealed,  pretending  to  write 
in  their  favour,  while  in  truth  it  clearly  appears,  that  he  does  it  to 
forward  his  own  interests. 

2.  2.  Now  the  apostates  are  these,  Arius,  Achilles,  Anthales,  Carpones, 
another  Arius, and  Sarmates,  sometime  Presbyters;  Euzoius,  Lucius, 
Julius,  Menas,  Helladius,  and  Gaius,  sometime  Deacons;  and  with 
them  Secundus  and  Theonas,  sometime  called  Bishops.  And  the 
novelties  they  have  invented  and  put  forth  contrary  to  the  Scriptures 
are  these  following : — God  was  uot  always  a  Father1,  but  there  was  a 
time  when  God  was  not  a  Father.  The  Word  of  God  was  not  always, 
but  was  made  of  things  that  were  not :  for  God  that  is,  made  Him 
that  was  not,  of  things  that  were  not ;  wherefore  there  was  a  time 
when  He  was  not ;  for  the  Son  is  a  creature  and  a  work.  Neither  is 
He  like  in  substance  to  the  Father ;  neither  is  He  the  true  and  natural 

-  Word  of  the  Father;  neither  is  He  His  true  Wisdom  ;  but  He  is 
one  of  the  things  made  and  created,  and  is  called  the  Word  and 
Wisdom  by  an  abuse  of  terms,  since  He  Himself  was  made  by  the 
proper  Word  of  God,  and  by  the  Wisdom  that  is  in  God,  by  which 
God  made  not  only  all  other  things  but  Him  also.  Wherefore  He 
is  by  nature  subject  to  change  and  variation,  as  are  all  rational 
creatures.  And  the  Word  is  foreign  from  the  substance  m  of  the  Father, 
and  is  alien  and  separate  therefrom.  And  the  Father  cannot  be  de- 
scribed by  the  Son,  for  the  Word  does  not  know  the  Father  perfectly 
and  accurately,  neither  can  He  see  Him  perfectly.  Moreover,  the 
Son  knows  not  His  own  substance  as  it  really  is ;  for  He  was  created 
for  us,  that  God  might  create  us  by  Him,  as  by  an  instrument ;  and 
He  would  not  have  existed,  had  not  God  wished  to  create  us.  Ac- 
cordingly, when  some  one  asked  them,  whether  the  Word  of  God 
can  possibly  change  as  the  devil  changed,  they  were  not  afraid  to  say 
that  He  can ;  for  being  something  made  and  created,  His  nature  is 
subject  to  change. 

3.  3.  Now  when  the  Arians  made  these  assertions,  and  shamelessly 
avowed  them,  we  being  assembled  with  the  Bishops  of  Egypt  and 
Libya,  nearly  a  hundred  in  number,  anathematized  both  them  and 

k  s«x«»m«».  vid.  Hist  Ar.  $.  75.  £. 
de  Deer.  §.  1.  D.  et  al. 

1  $vk  at)  *arȣ.  This  enumeration 
of  Arius's  tenets,  and  particularly  the 
mention  of  the  first,  corresponds  to  de 
Deer.  $.  6.  Ep.  Mg.  §.  12.  as  being 
taken  from  the  Thalia.  Orat.  i.  §.  5. 
and  far  less  with  Alex.  ap.  Theod.  p. 
731,  2.  vid.  also  Sent.  D.  §.  16.  »««-«- 
XtnfTixZt ,  which  is  found  here,  occurs 
de  Deer.  §.  6.  B. 

m  $urUv  oval*  r*u  Xoyou  or  r$u  ulcv  is 
a  familiar  expression  with  Athan.  e.  g. 
Orat.  i.  45.  ii.  7.  B.  9.  B.  11  .B.  1 2.  A .  13. 
B.  C.  18  init.  22.  E.  47  init.  56  init.  &c. 
for  which  Alex,  in  Theod.  uses  the 
word  Ivceractt .  e.  g.  rsr»  iMvpieov  avvtv 
v*iwretctr  rn%  v<*trra.r\uf  avvou  a 
yavrou'  hmti^ocv  rns  vvorrizftvt  yinvtr 
h  r§u  ftottytfoug  an»2tnynr§s  uTorrarir 

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Appendix.  301 

their  followers.    But  the  Eusebians  admitted  them  to  communion, 
bejng  desirous  to  mingle  falsehood  with  the  truth,  and  impiety  with 
piety.   But  they  will  not  be  able  to  do  so,  for  the  truth  must  prevail ; 
neither  is  there  any  communion  of  light  with  darkness,  nor  any  2  Cor. 
concord  of  Christ  with  Belial11.   For  who  ever  heard  such  assertious6' l4, 
before  °  ?  or  who  that  hears  them  now  is  not  astonished  and  does  not 
stop  his  ears  lest  their  filthy  language  should  touch  them  ?  Who  that 
has  heard  the  words  of  John,  In  the  beginning  was  the  Word,  will  J°nn  1> 
not  denounce  the  saying  of  these  men,  that  "  there  was  a  time  when 
He  was  not  ?"  Or  who  that  has  heard  in  the  Gospel,  the  Only-begotten  lb.  14. 
Son,  and  by  Him  were  all  things  made,  will  not  detest  their  declara-  l8, 
tion  that  He  is  "  one  of  the  things  that  were  made."    For  how  can 
He  be  one  of  those  things  which  were  made  by  Himself?  or  how  can 
He  be  the  Only-begotten,  when,  according  to  them,  He  is  counted  as 
one  among  the  rest,  since  He  is  Himself  a  creature  and  a  work  ? 
And  how  can  He  be  "  made  of  things  that  were  not,"  when  the  Father 
saith,  My  heart  hath  brought  forth  a  good  Word,  and,  Out  of  the  Ps.  45, 
womb  I  have  begotten  Thee  before  the  morning  star  ?  Or  again,  how  110 
is  He  "  unlike  in  substance  to  the  Father,"  seeing  He  is  the  perfect  3. 
image  and  brightness  of  the  Father,  and  that  He  saith,  He  that  hath  "Hub.  1, 
seen  Me  hath  seen  the  Father*?   And  if  the  Son  is  the  Word  and  johnl4 
Wisdom  of  God,  how  was  there  u  a  time  when  He  was  not  ?"  It  is  the  9. 
same  as  if  they  should  say  that  God  was  once  without  Word  and 
without  Wisdom     And  how  is  He  "  subject  to  change  and  variation," 
who  says,  by  Himself,  J  am  in  the  Father,  and  the  Father  in  Mev,v.  10, 
and,  I  and  the  Father  are  one*;  and  by  the  Prophet,  Behold  Me",  for  *Jj'  10> 
J  am,  and  I  change  not*?  For  although  one  may  refer  this  expression  Mai.  3, 
to  the  Father,  yet  it  may  now  be  more  aptly  spoken  of  the  Word, 6# 
viz.  that  though  He  has  been  made  man,  He  has  not  changed ;  but 
as  the  Apostle  has  said,  Jesus  Christ  is  the  same  yesterday,  to-day,  Heb.13, 
and  for  ever.    And  who  can  have  persuaded  them  to  say,  that  He8, 
was  made  for  us,  whereas  Paul  writes,  for  whom  are  all  things,  andlD'2»l°- 
by  whom  are  all  things?  As  to  their  blasphemous  position  that  "the  §•  4. 

n  xnoni*  $*ri.  This  is  quoted  Alex, 
ap.  Theod.  Hist  i.  3.  p.  738 ;  by  S. 
Athan.  in  the  Letter  published  by  Maf- 
fei,  ed.  Patav.  t.  3.  p.  87.  It  seems  to 
have  been  a  received  text  in  the  contro- 
versy, as  the  Sardican  Council  uses  it 
supr.  p.  76.  and  S.  A  than,  seems  to  put 
it  into  the  mouth  of  St.  Anthony,  Yit. 
Ant.  69.  A . 

°  vis  y*i  Ep.  i£g*  §•  7  init. 

ad  Epict.  §.  2  init.  Orat.  i.  8.  B.  C. 
Apol.  contr.  Ar.  85  init.  Hist.  Ar.  §.  46 
init.  §.  73  init.  §.  74  init.  ad  Scrap,  iv. 

2  init. 

P  On  the  concurrence  of  these  three 
texts  in  Athan.  (though  other  writers 
use  them  too,  and  Alex.  ap.  Theod.  has 
two  of  them,)  vid.  vol.  8.  p.  229,  note  g. 

4  iX$y»9  Mm)  afQo*  riv  ttof.  de  Deer. 
$.  15.  Orat.  i.  $.  19.  vid.  vol.  8.  p.  25, 
note  c.  p.  208,  note  b. 

r  This  text  is  thus  applied  by  Athan. 
Orat.  i.  36.  D.  ii.  10.  A.  In  the  tirst  of 
these  passages  he  uses  the  same  apo- 
logy, nearly  in  the  same  words,  which 
is  contained  in  the  text. 

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302  Appendix. 

Son  knows  not  the  Father  perfectly,"  we  ought  not  to  wonder  at  it ; 
for  having  once  set  themselves  to  fight  against  Christ,  they  contradict 

JohnlO,  even  His  express  words,  since  He  says,  As  the  Father  knoweth  Me, 
even  so  know  I  the  Father.  Now  if  the  Father  knows  the  Son  hut  in 
part,  then  it  is  evident  that  the  Son  does  not  know  the  Father  perfectly ; 
hut  if  it  is  not  lawful  to  say  this,  hut  the  Father  does  know  the  Son 
perfectly,  then  it  is  evident  that  as  the  Father  knows  His  own  Word, 
so  also  the  Word  knows  His  own  Father  whose  Word  He  is. 
§.5.  4.  By  these  arguments  and  appeals  to  the  sacred  Scriptures  we 
frequently  overthrew  them ;  hut  they  changed  like  chameleons1,  and 
again  shifted  their  ground,  striving  to  bring  upon  themselves  lhat 

18 °3  sentence,  when  the  impious  falleth  into  the  depth  of  evils,  he  is  filled 
with  contempt.  There  have  been  many  heresies  before  them,  which, 
venturing  further  than  they  ought,  have  fallen  into  folly;  but  these 
men  by  endeavouring  in  all  their  positions  to  overthrow  the  Divinity 
of  the  Word,  have  justified  the  other  in  comparison  of  themselves,  as 
approaching  nearer  to  Antichrist.  Wherefore  they  have  been  excom- 
municated and  anathematized  by  the  Church.  We  grieve  for  their 
destruction,  and  especially  because,  having  once  been  instructed  in  the 
doctrines  of  the  Church,  they  have  now  fallen  away.    Yet  we  are  not 

2  Tim.  greatly  surprised ;  for  Hymeneus  and  Philetus  did  the  same,  and 

2'  before  them  Judas,  who  followed  our  Saviour,  but  afterwards  became 
a  traitor  and  an  apostate.  And  concerning  these  same  persons,  we 
have  not  been  left  without  instruction ;  for  our  Lord  has  forewarned 

Luke    us;   Take  heed  lest  any  man  deceive  you:  for  many  shall  come  in 
9  '    My  name,  saying,  I  am  Christ,  and  the  time  draweth  near,  and 
they  shall  deceive  many;  go  ye  not  after  them.    And  Paul,  who  was 

1  Tim.  taught  these  things  by  our  Saviour,  wrote,  that  in  the  latter  times  some 
9  '     shall  depart  from  the  sound  faith,  giving  heed  to  seducing  spirits 
and  doctrines  of  devils,  which  reject  the  truth  *. 

§.6.  5.  Since  then  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ  hath  instructed 
us  by  His  own  mouth,  and  also  hath  signified  to  us  concerning  such 
men  by  the  Apostle,  we  accordingly  being  personal  witnesses  of  their 
impiety,  have  anathematized,  as  we  said,  all  such,  and  declared  them 
to  be  alien  fiom  the  Catholic  Faith  and  Church.  And  we  have  made 
this  known  to  your  piety,  dearly  beloved  and  most  honoured  fellow- 
ministers,  in  order  that  should  any  of  them  have  the  boldness11  to  come 

•  x«iMMXi0»rs;.  vid.  de  Deer.  §.  1.  D.  3.  E.  Hist.  Arian.  §.  78  init.  &c.  It  is 

Hist  Ar.  §.  79.  quoted  without  the  word  by  Origen 

1  Into  this  text  which  Athan.  also  contr.  Cels.  v.  64.  but  with  vyitvs  in 

applies  to  the  Arians,  (vid.  vol.  8.  p.  Matth.  t.  xiv.  16.  Epiphan.  has  vyimt- 

191,  note  e.)  Athan.  also  introduces,  like  vwnt  3/W*«X/a<,  Hser.  78.  2.  uytwt 

Alexander  here,  the  word  uyHunvrnsy  e.g.  Ztl.  ibid.  23.  p.  1065. 

Ep.  uEg.  §.  20.  Orat  i.  8  fin.  de  Deer.  «  *p«t<n»wttnr:  vid.  de  Deer.  §.  2.  B. 

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unto  you,  you  may  not  receive  them,  nor  comply  with  the  desires  of 
Eusebius,  or  any  other  person  writing  in  their  behalf.  For  it  becomes 
us  who  are  Christians  to  turn  away  from  all  who  speak  or  think  any 
thing  against  Christ,  as  being  enemies  of  God,  and  destroyers*  of 
souls ;  and  not  even  to  bid  such  God  speed,  lest  we  become  partakers  2  John 
of  their  sins,  as  the  blessed  John  hath  charged  us.  Salute  the10* 
brethren  that  are  with  you.   They  that  are  with  me  salute  you. 

Presbyters  of  Alexandria. 

6.  I,  Colluthus,  Presbyter,  agree  with